THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


ALFRED  L.  KROEBER 
COLLECTION 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY 

PUBLICATION  201 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SERIES  VOL.  XV,  No.  3 


SI  NO-IRAN  ICA 


Chinese* Contributions  to  the  History  of  Civilization 
in  Ancient  Iran 

With  Special  Reference  to  the  History  of 
Cultivated  Plants  and  Products 


BY 

BERTHOLD  |LAUFER 

Curator  of  Anthropology 


The  Blackstone  Expedition 


CHICAGO 
1919 


I  / 


FIELD  MUSEUM  OF  NATURAL  HISTORY 

PUBLICATION  201 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL  SERIES  VOL.  XV,  No.  3 


SINO-IRANICA 


Chinese  Contributions  to  the  History  of  Civilization 
in  Ancient  Iran 

With  Special  Reference  to  the  History  of 
Cultivated  Plants  and  Products 


BY 

BERTHOLD  LAUFER 

Curator  of  Anthropology 


The  Blackstone  Expedition 


CHICAGO 
1919 


ft 


CAK  I  n 

SCIENCES 
Add'1 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION      ...............  185 

SlNO-lRANICA  ................    208 

ALFALFA    .................  208 

THE  GRAPE-VINE      ..............  220 

THE  PISTACHIO    ...............  246 

THE  WALNUT       ...............  254 

THE  POMEGRANATE  ..............  276 

SESAME  AND  FLAX    ..............  288 

THE  CORIANDER  ...............  297 

THE  CUCUMBER  ...............  300 

CHIVE,  ONION,  AND  SHALLOT    ...........  302 

GARDEN  PEA  AND  BROAD  BEAN    ..........  305 

SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC     ............  309 

SAFFLOWER     ................  324 

JASMINE     .................  329 

HENNA       .................  334 

THE  BALSAM-POPLAR      .............  339 

MANNA      .......     ......     >  343 

ASAFOETIDA     ................  353 

GALBANUM      ................  363 

OAK-GALLS     ................  367 

INDIGO       .................  370 

RICE     ..................  372 

PEPPER      .................  374 

SUGAR  ................     .        376 

MYROBALAN    ...     .............  378 

THE  "GOLD  PEACH"      .............  379 

FU-TSE       .................  379 

BRASSICA   ......     .......     ;     .     .     .  380 

CUMMIN     .................  383 

THE  DATE-PALM       ..............  385 

THE  SPINACH       ...............  392 

SUGAR  BEET  AND  LETTUCE 


RICINUS     .............     ....  403 

THE  ALMOND  ................  405 

THE  FIG    ......     ...........  410 

THE  OLIVE     ......     ..........  415 


111 

V 


650 


iv  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CASSIA  PODS  AND  CAROB 420 

NARCISSUS 427 

THE  BALM  OF  GILEAD 429 

NOTE  ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  FU-LIN 435 

THE  WATER-MELON 438 

FENUGREEK 446 

NUX-VOMICA 448 

THE  CARROT 451 

AROMATICS 455 

Spikenard,  p.  455.— Storax,  p.  456.— Myrrh,  p.  460.— Putchuck,  p.  462.— Styrax 
benjoin,  p.  464. 

THE  MALAYAN  PO-SE  AND  ITS  PRODUCTS 468 

Alum,  p.  474. — Lac,  p.  475. — Camphor,  p.  478. — Aloes,  p.  480. — Amomum,  p.  481. — 
P,  o-lo-te,  p.  482. — Psoralea,  p.  483. — Ebony,  p.  485. 

PERSIAN  TEXTILES 488 

Brocades,  p.  488. — Rugs,  p.  492. — Yue  no,  p.  493. — Woolen  Stuffs,  p.  496. — Asbestos, 
p.  498. 

IRANIAN  MINERALS,  METALS,  AND  PRECIOUS  STONES       .      .      .   503 

Borax,  p.  503.— Sal  Ammoniac,  p.  503.— Litharge,  p.  508.— Gold,  p.  509.— Oxides 
of  Copper,  p.  510.— Colored  Salt,  p.  511.— Zinc,  p.  511.— Steel,  p.  515.— 
Se-se,  p.  516.— Emerald,  p.  518.— Turquois,  p.  519.— Lapis  Lazuli,  p.  520.— 
Diamond,  p.  521. — Amber,  p.  521. — Coral,  p.  523. — Bezoar,  p.  525. 

TITLES  OF  THE  SASANIAN  GOVERNMENT 529 

iRANO-SlNICA 535 

The  Square  Bamboo,  p.  535. — Silk,  p.  537. — Peach  and  Apricot,  p.  539. — Cinnamon, 
p.  541. — Zedoary,  p.  544. — Ginger,  p.  545. — Mamiran,  p.  546. — Rhubarb,  p.  547. — 
Salsola,  p.  551. — Emblic  Myrobalan,  p.  551. — Althaea,  p.  551. — Rose  of  China, 
p.  551. — Mango,  p.  552. — Sandal,  p.  552. — Birch,  p.  552. — Tea,  p.  553. — Onyx, 
p.  554. — Tootnague,  p.  555. — Saltpetre,  p.  555. — Kaolin,  p.  556.— Smilax  pseudo- 
china,  p.  556. — Rag-paper,  p.  557. — Paper  Money,  p.  559. — Chinese  Loan-Worda 
in  Persian,  p.  564. — The  Chinese  in  the  Alexander  Romance,  p.  570. 

APPENDIX      I    IRANIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  MONGOL 572 

APPENDIX     II    CHINESE  ELEMENTS  IN  TURKI 577 

APPENDIX  III     THE  INDIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  THE  PERSIAN  PHARMA- 
COLOGY OF  ABU  MANSUR  MUWAFFAQ  .     .     .   580 

APPENDIX  IV     THE  BASIL 586 

APPENDIX    V     ADDITIONAL  NOTES  ON  LOAN-WORDS  IN  TIBETAN  591 

GENERAL  INDEX 599 

BOTANICAL  INDEX 617 

INDEX  OF  WORDS  .     .     .621 


Sino-Iranica 

BY  BERTHOLD  LAUFER 

INTRODUCTION 

If  we  knew  as  much  about  the  culture  of  ancient  Iran  as  about 
ancient  Egypt  or  Babylonia,  or  even  as  much  as  about  India  or  China, 
our  notions  of  cultural  developments  in  Asia  would  probably  be  widely 
different  from  what  they  are  at  present.  The  few  literary  remains  left 
to  us  in  the  Old-Persian  inscriptions  and  in  the  Avesta  are  insufficient 
to  retrace  an  adequate  picture  of  Iranian  life  and  civilization;  and, 
although  the  records  of  the  classical  authors  add  a  few  touches  here 
and  there  to  this  fragment,  any  attempts  at  reconstruction,  even 
combined  with  these  sources,  will  remain  unsatisfactory.  During  the 
last  decade  or  so,  thanks  to  a  benign  dispensation  of  fate,  the  Iranian 
horizon  has  considerably  widened:  important  discoveries  made  in 
Chinese  Turkistan  have  revealed  an  abundant  literature  in  two  hitherto 
unknown  Iranian  languages, —  the  Sogdian  and  the  so-called  Eastern 
Iranian.1  We  now  know  that  Iranian  peoples  once  covered  an  immense 
territory,  extending  all  over  Chinese  Turkistan,  migrating  into  China, 
coming  in  contact  with  Chinese,  and  exerting  a  profound  influence  on 
nations  of  other  stock,  notably  Turks  and  Chinese.  The  Iranians  were 
the  great  mediators  between  the  West  and  the  East,  conveying  the 
heritage  of  Hellenistic  ideas  to  central  and  eastern  Asia  and  trans- 
mitting valuable  plants  and  goods  of  China  to  the  Mediterranean  area. 
Their  activity  is  of  world-historical  significance,  but  without  the 
records  of  the  Chinese  we  should  be  unable  to  grasp  the  situation 
thoroughly.  The  Chinese  were  positive  utilitarians  and  always  inter- 
ested in  matters  of  reality:  they  have  bequeathed  to  us  a  great  amount 
of  useful  information  on  Iranian  plants,  products,  animals,  minerals, 
customs,  and  institutions,  which  is  bound  to  be  of  great  service  to 
science. 

The  following  pages  represent  Chinese  contributions  to  the  history 
of  civilization  in  Iran,  which  aptly  fill  a  lacune  in  our  knowledge  of 
Iranian  tradition.  Chinese  records  dealing  with  the  history  of  Iranian 
peoples  also  contain  numerous  transcriptions  of  ancient  Iranian  words, 

1  Cf.,  for  instance,  P.  PELLIOT,  Influences  iraniennes  en  Asie  centrale  et  en 
Extreme-Orient  (Paris,  1911). 

185 


1 86  SlNO-lRANICA 

part  of  which  have  tested  the  ingenuity  of  several  sinologues  and 
historians;  but  few  of  these  Sino-Iranian  terms  have  been  dealt  with 
accurately  and  adequately.  While  a  system  for  the  study  of  Sino- 
Sanskrit  has  been  successfully  established,  Sino-Iranian  has  been 
woefully  neglected.  The  honor  of  having  been  the  first  to  apply  the 
laws  of  the  phonology  of  Old  Chinese  to  the  study  of  Sino-Iranica  is 
due  to  ROBERT  GAUTHIOT.1  It  is  to  the  memory  of  this  great  Iranian 
scholar  that  I  wish  to  dedicate  this  volume,  as  a  tribute  of  homage  not  only 
to  the  scholar,  but  no  less  to  the  man  and  hero  who  gave  his  life  for 
France.2  Gauthiot  was  a  superior  man,  a  kiiin-tse  %*  -J*  in  the  sense  of 
Confucius,  and  every  line  he  has  written  breathes  the  mind  of  a  thinker 
and  a  genius.  I  had  long  cherished  the  thought  and  the  hope  that  I 
might  have  the  privilege  of  discussing  with  him  the  problems  treated 
on  these  pages,  which  would  have  considerably  gained  from  his  sagacity 
and  wide  experience  —  ^^A^^Wlfnti®. 

f  Iranian  geographical  and  tribal  names  have  hitherto  been  identified 
on  historical  grounds,  some  correctly,  others  inexactly,  but  an  attempt 
to  restore  the  Chinese  transcriptions  to  their  correct  Iranian  prototypes 
has  hardly  been  made.  A  great  amount  of  hard  work  remains  to  be 
done  in  this  field.3  In  my  opinion,  it  must  be  our  foremost  object  first 
to  record  the  Chinese  transcriptions  as  exactly  as  possible  in  their 
ancient  phonetic  garb,  according  to  the  method  so  successfully  inaugu- 
rated and  applied  by  P.  Pelliot  and  H.  Maspero,  and  then  to  proceed 
from  this  secure  basis  to  the  reconstruction  of  the  Iranian  model. 
The  accurate  restoration  of  the  Chinese  form  in  accordance  with 


1  Cf.  his  Quelques  termes  techniques  bouddhiques  et  maniche'ens,  Journal 
asiatique,  1911,  II,  pp.  49-67  (particularly  pp.  59  et  seq.),  and  his  contributions  to 
Chavannes  and  Pelliot,  Traite"  maniche'en,  pp.  27,  42,  58,  132. 

1  Gauthiot  died  on  September  u,  1916,  at  the  age  of  forty,  from  the  effects  of  a 
wound  received  as  captain  of  infantry  while  gallantly  leading  his  company/ to  a 
grand  attack,  during  the  first  offensive  of  Artois  in  the  spring  of  1915.  Cf.  the 
obituary  notice  by  A.  MEILLET  in  Bull,  de  la  Sociitt  de  Linguistique,  No.  65, 
pp.  127-132. 

8  I  hope  to  take  up  this  subject  in  another  place,  and  so  give  only  a  few  examples 
here.  Ta-ho  §wi  31  -|fj  ^fC  is  the  Ta-ho  River  on  which  Su-li,  the  capital  of  Persia, 
was  situated  (Sui  Su,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b).  HIRTH  (China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  pp.  198, 
313;  also  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXIII,  1913,  p.  197),  by  means  of  a  Cantonese 
Tat-hot,  has  arrived  at  the  identification  with  the  Tigris,  adding  an  Armenian 
Deklath  and  Pliny's  Diglito.  Chinese  ta,  however,  corresponds  neither  to  ancient 
ti  nor  de,  but  only  to  *tat,  dat,  dad,  dar,  d'ar,  while  ho  -Ig  represents  *hat,  kat,  kad, 
kar,  kal.  We  accordingly  have  *Dar-kat,  or,  on  the  probable  assumption  that  a 
metathesis  has  taken  place,  *Dak-rat.  Hence,  as  to  the  identification  with  the  Tigris, 
the  vocalism  of  the  first  syllable  brings  difficulties:  it  is  *  both  in  Old  Persian  and  in 
Babylonian.  Old  Persian  Tigram  (with  an  alteration  due  to  popular  etymology,  cf. 
Avestan  tiyriS.  Persian  fir,  "arrow")  is  borrowed  from  Babylonian  Di-ik-lat  (that 


INTRODUCTION  187 

rigid  phonetic  principles  is  the  essential  point,  and  means  much  more 
than  any  haphazardly  made  guesses  at  identification.  Thus  Mu-lu 
/fCB£,  name  of  a  city  on  the  eastern  frontier  of  An-si  (Parthia),1  has 
been  identified  with  Mouru  (Muru,  Merw)  of  the  Avesta.2  Whether 
this  is  historically  correct,  I  do  not  wish  to  discuss  here;  from  an  his- 
torical viewpoint  the  identification  may  be  correct,  but  from  a  phonetic 
viewpoint  it  is  not  acceptable,  for  Mu-lu  corresponds  to  ancient  *Muk- 
luk,  Mug-ruk,  Bug-luk,  Bug-rug,  to  be  restored  perhaps  to  *Bux-rux.3 
The  scarcity  of  linguistic  material  on  the  Iranian  side  has  imposed 
certain  restrictions:  names  for  Iranian  plants,  one  of  the  chief  subjects 
of  this  study,  have  been  handed  down  to  us  to  a  very  moderate  extent, 
so  that  in  many  cases  no  identification  can  be  attempted.  I  hope, 
however,  that  Iranian  scholars  will  appreciate  the  philological  con- 
tributions of  the  Chinese  to  Iranian  and  particularly  Middle-Persian 
lexicography,  for  in  almost  every  instance  it  is  possible  to  restore  with 
a  very  high  degree  of  certainty  the  primeval  Iranian  forms  from  which 
the  Chinese  transcriptions  were  accurately  made.  The  Chinese  scholars 
had  developed  a  rational  method  and  a  fixed  system  in  reproducing 
words  of  foreign  languages,  in  the  study  of  which,  as  is  well  known, 
they  took  a  profound  interest;  and  from  day  to  day,  as  our  experience 
widens,  we  have  occasion  to  admire  the  soundness,  solidity,  and  con- 
sistency of  this  system.  The  same  laws  of  transcription  worked  out 
for  Sanskrit,  Malayan,  Turkish,  Mongol,  and  Tibetan,  hold  good  also 
for  Iranian.  I  have  only  to  ask  Iranian  scholars  to  have  confidence  in 
our  method,  which  has  successfully  stood  many  tests.  I  am  convinced 
that  this  plea  is  unnecessary  for  the  savants  of  France,  who  are  the 


is,  Dik-lat,  Dik-rat),  which  has  passed  into  Greek  Tiypijs  and  Ti-ypis  and  Elamite 
Ti-ig-ra  (A.  MEILLET,  Grammaire  du  vieux  perse,  p.  72).  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
the  Chinese  transcription  *  Dak-rat  corresponds  to  Babylonian  Dik-rat,  save  the 
vowel  of  the  first  element,  which  cannot  yet  be  explained,  but  which  will  surely  be 
traced  some  day  to  an  Iranian  dialect.  —  The  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yil  ki  (Ch.  185,  p.  19) 
gives  four  geographical  names  of  Persia,  which  have  not  yet  been  indicated.  The 
first  of  these  is  the  name  of  a  city  in  the  form  |§  §|  j§  Ho-p'o-kie,  *Hat(r,  1)- 
bwa-g'iat.  The  first  two  elements  *Har-bwa  correspond  to  Old  Persian  Haraiva 
(Babylonian  Hariva),  Avestan  Haraeva,  Pahlavi  *Harew,  Armenian  Hrew,  —  the 
modern  Herat.  The  third  element  appears  to  contain  a  word  with  the  meaning 
"city."  The  same  character  is  used  in  j§  fit  ^!]  Kie-li-pie,  *G'iat-li-b'iet,  name  of  a 
pass  in  the  north-eastern  part  of  Persia;  here  *g'iat,  *g'iar,  seems  to  represent 
Sogdian  yr,  *?ara  ("mountain").  Fan-tou  ^Hf  or  j£  5G  (Ts'ien  Han  $u,  Ch.  96  A), 
anciently  *Pan-tav,  *Par-tav,  corresponds  exactly  to  Old  Persian  Par0ava,  Middle 
Persian  Par0u. 

1  Hou  Han  $u,  Ch.  116,  p.  8  b. 

2  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  143. 

8  Cf.  also  the  observation  of  E.  H.  PARKER  (Imp.  and  As.  Quarterly  Review, 
1903,  p.  154),  who  noticed  the  phonetic  difficulty  in  the  proposed  identification. 

\ 


1 88  SlNO-lRANICA 

most  advanced  and  most  competent  representatives  of  the  sinological 
field  in  all  its  varied  and  extensive  branches,  as  well  as  in  other  domains 
of  Oriental  research.  It  would  have  been  very  tempting  to  summarize 
in  a  special  chapter  the  Chinese  method  of  transcribing  Iranian  and  to 
discuss  the  phonology  of  Iranian  in  the  light  of  Chinese  contributions. 
Such  an  effort,  however,  appears  to  me  premature  at  this  moment: 
our  knowledge  of  Sino-Iranian  is  in  its  infancy,  and  plenty  of  fresh 
evidence  will  come  forward  sooner  or  later  from  Turkistan  manuscripts. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  many  hundreds  of  new  Iranian  terms  of  various 
dialects  will  be  revived,  and  will  considerably  enrich  our  now  scanty 
knowledge  of  the  Iranian  onomasticon  and  phonology.  In  view  of  the 
character  of  this  publication,  it  was  necessary  to  resort  to  a  phonetic 
transcription  of  both  ancient  and  modern  Chinese  on  the  same  basis, 
as  is  now  customary  in  all  Oriental  languages.  The  backwardness  of 
Chinese  research  is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  we  slavishly  adhere  to 
a  clumsy  and  antiquated  system  of  romanization  in  which  two  and 
even  three  letters  are  wasted  for  the  expression  of  a  single  sound.  My 
system  of  transliteration  will  be  easily  grasped  from  the  following  com- 
parative table. 

OLD  STYLE  PHONETIC  STYLE 

ng  * 

ch  I 

ch*  & 

j  f  (while  j  serves  to  indicate  the  palatal 

sh  5  sonant,  written  also  d£). 

Other  slight  deviations  from  the  old  style,  for  instance,  in  the 
vowels,  are  self-explanatory.  For  the  sake  of  the  numerous  compara- 
tive series  including  a  large  number  of  diverse  Oriental  languages  it 
has  been  my  aim  to  standardize  the  transcription  as  far  as  possible, 
with  the  exception  of  Sanskrit,  for  which  the  commonly  adopted  method 
remains.  The  letter  x  in  Oriental  words  is  never  intended  for  the 
combination  ks,  but  for  the  spirant  surd,  sometimes  written  kh.  In 
proper  names  where  we  are  generally  accustomed  to  kh,  I  have  allowed 
the  latter  to  pass,  perhaps  also  in  other  cases.  I  do  not  believe  in  super- 
consistency  in  purely  technical  matters. 

The  linguistic  phenomena,  important  as  they  may  be,  form  merely 
a  side-issue  of  this  investigation.  My  main  task  is  to  trace  the  history 
of  all  objects  of  material  culture,  pre-eminently  cultivated  plants, 
drugs,  products,  minerals,  metals,  precious  stones,  and  textiles,  in  their 
migration  from  Persia  to  China  (Sino-Iranica),  and  others  transmitted 
from  China  to  Persia  (Irano-Sinica).  There  are  other  groups  of  Sino- 
Iranica  not  included  in  this  publication,  particularly  the  animal  world, 


INTRODUCTION  189 

games,  and  musical  instruments.1  The  manuscript  dealing  with  the 
fauna  of  Iran  is  ready,  but  will  appear  in  another  article  the  object  of 
which  is  to  treat  all  foreign  animals  known  to  the  Chinese  according 
to  geographical  areas  and  from  the  viewpoint  of  zoogeography  in 
ancient  and  modern  times.  My  notes  on  the  games  (particularly  polo) 
and  musical  instruments  of  Persia  adopted  by  the  Chinese,  as  well  as 
a  study  of  Sino-Iranian  geographical  and  tribal  names,  must  likewise 
be  reserved  for  another  occasion.  I  hope  that  the  chapter  on  the  titles 
of  the  Sasanian  government  will  be  welcome,  as  those  preserved  in  the 
Chinese  Annals  have  been  identified  here  for  the  first  time.  New 
results  are  also  offered  in  the  notice  of  Persian  textiles. 

As  to  Iranian  plants  of  which  the  Chinese  have  preserved  notices, 
we  must  distinguish  the  following  groups:  (i)  cultivated  plants  actually 
disseminated  from  Iranian  to  Chinese  soil,  (2)  cultivated  and  wild 
plants  of  Iran  merely  noticed  and  described  by  Chinese  authors,  (3)  drugs 
and  aromatics  of  vegetable  origin  imported  from  Iran  to  China.  The 
material,  as  far  as  possible,  is  arranged  from  this  point  of  view  and  in 
chronological  order.  The  single  items  are  numbered.  Apart  from  the 
five  appendices,  a  hundred  and  thirty-five  subjects  are  treated.  At 
the  outset  it  should  be  clearly  understood  that  it  is  by  no  means  the 
intention  of  these  studies  to  convey  the  impression  that  the  Chinese 
owe  a  portion  of  their  material  culture  to  Persia.  Stress  is  laid  on  the 
point  that  the  Chinese  furnish  us  with  immensely  useful  material  for 
elaborating  a  history  of  cultivated  plants.  The  foundation  of  Chinese 
civilization  with  its  immense  resources  is  no  more  affected  by  these 
introductions  than  that  of  Europe,  which  received  numerous  plants 
from  the  Orient  and  more  recently  from  America.  The  Chinese  merit 
our  admiration  for  their  far-sighted  economic  policy  in  making  so 
many  useful  foreign  plants  tributary  to  themselves  and  amalgamating 
them  with  their  sound  system  of  agriculture.  The  Chinese  were  think- 
ing, sensible,  and  broad-minded  people,  and  never  declined  to  accept 
gratefully  whatever  good  things  foreigners  had  to  offer.  In  plant- 
economy  they  are  the  foremost  masters  of  the  world,  and  China  presents 
a  unique  spectacle  in  that  all  useful  plants  of  the  universe  are  cultivated 
there.  Naturally,  these  cultivations  were  adopted  and  absorbed  by  a 
gradual  process :  it  took  the  Chinese  many  centuries  to  become  familiar 
with  the  flora  of  their  own  country,  and  the  long  series  of  their  herbals 
(Pen  ts'ao)  shows  us  well  how  their  knowledge  of  species  increased 
from  the  T'ang  to  the  present  time,  each  of  these  works  stating  the 

1  Iranian  influences  on  China  in  the  matter  of  warfare,  armor,  and  tactics  have 
been  discussed  in  Chinese  Clay  Figures,  Part  I. 


190 


SlNO-lRANICA 


number  of  additional  species  as  compared  with  its  predecessor.  The 
introduction  of  foreign  plants  begins  from  the  latter  part  of  the  second 
century  B.C.,  and  it  was  two  plants  of  Iranian  origin,  the  alfalfa  and 
the  grape-vine,  which  were  the  first  exotic  guests  in  the  land  of  Han. 
These  were  followed  by  a  long  line  of  other  Iranian  and  Central-Asiatic 
plants,  and  this  great  movement  continued  down  to  the  fourteenth 
century  in  the  Yuan  period.  The  introduction  of  American  species  in 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  denotes  the  last  phase  in 
this  economic  development,  which  I  hope  to  set  forth  in  a  special 
monograph.  Aside  from  Iran,  it  was  Indo-China,  the  Malayan  region, 
and  India  which  contributed  a  large  quota  to  Chinese  cultivations. 
It  is  essential  to  realize  that  the  great  Iranian  plant-movement  extends 
over  a  period  of  a  millennium  and  a  half;  for  a  learned  legend  has  been 
spread  broadcast  that  most  of  these  plants  were  acclimatized  during 
the  Han  period,  and  even  simultaneously  by  a  single  man,  the  well- 
known  general,  Can  K'ien.  It  is  one  of  my  objects  to  destroy  this 
myth.  Can  K'ien,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  brought  to  China  solely  two 
plants, — alfalfa  and  the  grape-vine.  No  other  plant  is  attributed  to  him 
in  the  contemporaneous  annals.  Only  late  and  untrustworthy  (chiefly 
Taoist)  authors  credit  him  also  with  the  introduction  of  other  Iranian 
plants.  As  time  advanced,  he  was  made  the  centre  of  legendary  fabrica- 
tion, and  almost  any  plant  hailing  from  Central  Asia  and  of  doubtful 
or  obscure  history  was  passed  off  under  his  name:  thus  he  was  ulti- 
mately canonized  as  the  great  plant-introducer.  Such  types  will 
spring  up  everywhere  under  similar  conditions.  A  detailed  discussion 
of  this  point  will  be  found  under  the  heading  of  each  plant  which  by 
dint  of  mere  fantasy  or  misunderstanding  has  been  connected  with 
Can  K'ien  by  Chinese  or  European  writers.  In  the  case  of  the  spinach 
I  have  furnished  proof  that  this  vegetable  cannot  have  been  culti- 
vated in  Persia  before  the  sixth  century  A.D.,  so  that  Can  K'ien  could 
not  have  had  any  knowledge  of  it.  All  the  alleged  Can-K'ien  plants 
were  introduced  into  China  from  the  third  or  fourth  century  A.D.  down 
to  the  T'ang  period  inclusively  (618-906).  The  erroneous  reconstruction 
alluded  to  above  was  chiefly  championed  by  Bretschneider  and  Hirth; 
and  A.  de  Candolle,  the  father  of  the  science  of  historical  botany,  who, 
as  far  as  China  is  concerned,  depended  exclusively  on  Bretschneider, 
fell  victim  to  the  same  error. 

F.  v.  RiCHTHOFEN,1  reproducing  the  long  list  of  Bretschneider's 
Can-K'ien  plants,  observes,  "It  cannot  be  assumed  that  Can  K'ien 
himself  brought  along  all  these  plants  and  seeds,  for  he  had  to  travel 


1  China,  Vol.  I,  p.  459. 


INTRODUCTION  191 

with  caution,  and  for  a  year  was  kept  prisoner  by  the  Hiuii-nu."  When 
he  adds,  however,  "but  the  relations  which  he  had  started  brought  the 
cultivated  plants  to  China  in  the  course  of  the  next  years/'  he  goes  on 
guessing  or  speculating. 

In  his  recent  study  of  Can  K'ien,  HiRTH1  admits  that  of  cultivated 
plants  only  the  vine  and  alfalfa  are  mentioned  in  the  Si  ki*  He  is 
unfortunate,  however,  in  the  attempt  to  safeguard  his  former  position 
on  this  question  when  he  continues  to  argue  that  "nevertheless,  the  one 
hero  who  must  be  looked  upon  as  the  pioneer  of  all  that  came  from 
the  West  was  Chang  K'ien."  This  is  at  best  a  personal  view,  but  an 
unhistorical  and  uncritical  attitude.  Nothing  allows  us  to  read  more 
from  our  sources  than  they  contain.  The  Ts'i  min  yao  $u,  to  which 
Hirth  takes  refuge,  can  prove  nothing  whatever  in  favor  of  his 
theory  that  the  pomegranate,  sesame,  garlic,3  and  coriander  were 
introduced  by  Can  K'ien.  The  work  in  question  was  written  at  least 
half  a  millennium  after  his  death,  most  probably  in  the  sixth  century 
A.D.,  and  does  not  fall  back  on  traditions  coeval  with  the  Han  and 
now  lost,  but  merely  resorts  to  popular  traditions  evolved  long  after 
the  Han  period.  In  no  authentic  document  of  the  Han  is  any  allusion 
made  to  any  of  these  plants.  Moreover,  there  is  no  dependence  on 
the  Ts*i  min  yao  $u  in  the  form  in  which  we  have  this  book  at  present. 
BRETSCHNEiDER4  said  wisely  and  advisedly,  "The  original  work  was  in 
ninety-two  sections.  A  part  of  it  was  lost  a  long  time  ago,  and  much 
additional  matter  by  later  authors  is  found  in  the  edition  now  cur- 
rent, which  is  in  ten  chapters.  .  .  .  According  to  an  author  of  the 
twelfth  century,  quoted  in  the  Wen  hien  fun  k*ao,  the  edition  then 
extant  was  already  provided  with  the  interpolated  notes;  and  accord- 
ing to  Li  Tao,  also  an  author  of  the  Sung,  these  notes  had  been  added 
by  Sun  Kun  of  the  Sung  dynasty."5  What  such  a  work  would  be 
able  to  teach  us  on  actual  conditions  of  the  Han  era,  I  for  my  part 
am  unable  to  see. 

1  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXVII,  1917,  p.  92.  The  new  translation  of  this 
chapter  of  the  Si  ki  denotes  a  great  advance,  and  is  an  admirable  piece  of  work.  It 
should  be  read  by  every  one  as  an  introduction  to  this  volume.  It  is  only  on  points 
of  interpretation  that  in  some  cases  I  am  compelled  to  dissent  from  Hirth 's  opinions. 

*  This  seems  to  be  the  direct  outcome  of  a  conversation  I  had  with  the  author 
during  the  Christmas  week  of  1916,  when  I  pointed  out  this  fact  to  him  and  remarked 
that  the  alleged  attributions  to  Can  K'ien  of  other  plants  are  merely  the  outcome  of 
later  traditions. 

3  This  is  a  double  error  (see  below,  p.  302). 
M3ot.  Sin.,  pt.  I,  p.  77. 

^  *  Cf.  also  PELLIOT  (Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$aise,  Vol.  IX,  p.  434),  who  remarks, 
"Ce  vieil  et  pre"cieux  ouvrage  nous  est  parvenu  en  assez  mauvais  6tat." 


192  SlNO-lRANICA 

It  has  been  my  endeavor  to  correlate  the  Chinese  data  first  of  all 
with  what  we  know  from  Iranian  sources,  and  further  with  classical, 
Semitic,  and  Indian  traditions.  Unfortunately  we  have  only  fragments 
of  Iranian  literature.  Chapter  xxvn  of  the  Bundahisn1  contains  a 
disquisition  on  plants,  which  is  characteristic  of  the  treatment  of  this 
subject  in  ancient  Persia.  As  it  is  not  only  interesting  from  this  point 
of  view,  but  also  contains  a  great  deal  of  material  to  which  reference 
will  be  made  in  the  investigations  to  follow,  an  extract  taken  from 
E.  W.  WEST'S  translation2  may  be  welcome. 

"These  are  as  many  genera  of  plants  as  exist:  trees  and  shrubs, 
fruit-trees,  corn,  flowers,  aromatic  herbs,  salads,  spices,  grass,  wild 
plants,  medicinal  plants,  gum  plants,  and  all  producing  oil,  dyes,  and 
clothing.  I  will  mention  them  also  a  second  time:  all  whose  fruit  is 
not  welcome  as  food  of  men,  and  are  perennial,  as  the  cypress,  the 
plane,  the  white  poplar,  the  box,  and  others  of  this  genus,  they  call 
trees  and  shrubs  (ddr  va  diraxt).  The  produce  of  everything  welcome 
as  food  of  men,  that  is  perennial,  as  the  date,  the  myrtle,  the  lote-plum 
(kundr,  a  thorny  tree,  allied  to  the  jujube,  which  bears  a  small  plum- 
like  fruit),  the  grape,  the  quince,  the  apple,  the  citron,  the  pomegranate, 
the  peach,  the  fig,  the  walnut,  the  almond,  and  others  in  this  genus, 
they  call  fruit  (mlvak).  Whatever  requires  labor  with  the  spade,  and 
is  perennial,  they  call  a  shrub  (diraxi).  Whatever  requires  that  they 
take  its  crop  through  labor,  and  its  root  withers  away,  such  as  wheat, 
barley,  grain,  various  kinds  of  pulse,  vetches,  and  others  of  this  genus, 
they  call  corn  (jurdak}.  Every  plant  with  fragrant  leaves,  which  is 
cultivated  by  the  hand-labor  of  men,  and  is  perennial,  they  call  an 
aromatic  herb  (siparam).  Whatever  sweet-scented  blossom  arises  at 
various  seasons  through  the  hand-labor  of  men,  or  has  a  perennial  root 
and  blossoms  in  its  season  with  new  shoots  and  sweet-scented  blossoms, 
as  the  rose,  the  narcissus,  the  jasmine,  the  dog-rose  (nestarun),  the 
tulip,  the  colocynth  (kavastlk) ,  the  pandanus  (kedi),  the  camba,  the 
ox-eye  (heri),  the  crocus,  the  swallow- wort  (zarda),  the  violet,  the 
kdrda,  and  others  of  this  genus,  they  call  a  flower  (gul).  Everything 
whose  sweet-scented  fruit,  or  sweet-scented  blossom,  arises  in  its  sea- 
son, without  the  hand-labor  of  men,  they  call  a  wild  plant  (vahdr  or 
nihdl).  Whatever  is  welcome  as  food  of  cattle  and  beasts  of  burden 
they  call  grass  (giyah).  Whatever  enters  into  cakes  (pes-pdrakihd) 
they  call  spices  (dvzdrihd).  Whatever  is  welcome  in  eating  of  bread, 
as  torn  shoots  of  the  coriander,  water-cress  (kakij),  the  leek,  and 

1  Cf.  E.  W.  WEST,  Pahlavi  Literature,  p.  98  (in  Grundriss  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  II). 

2  Pahlavi  Texts,  pt.  I,  p.  100  (Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  Vol  V). 


INTRODUCTION  193 

others  of  this  genus,  they  call  salad  (terak  or  tarak,  Persian  tarah). 
Whatever  is  like  spinning  cotton,  and  others  of  this  genus,  they  call 
clothing  plants  (jamah).  Whatever  lentil  (macag)  is  greasy,  as  sesame, 
duSdan,  hemp,  vandak  (perhaps  for  zeto,  'olive,'  as  Anquetil  supposes, 
and  Justi  assumes),  and  others  of  this  genus,  they  call  an  oil-seed 
(rokano) .  Whatever  one  can  dye  clothing  with,  as  saffron,  sapan-wood, 
zafava,  vaha,  and  others  of  this  genus,  they  call  a  dye-plant  (rag). 
Whatever  root,  or  gum  (tiif),  or  wood  is  scented,  as  frankincense 
(Pazand  kendri  for  Pahlavi  kundur),  vardst  (Persian  barghast),  kust, 
sandalwood,  cardamom  (Pazand  kdkura,  Persian  qaqulah,  '  cardamoms, 
or  kdkul,  kdkulj  'marjoram'),  camphor,  orange-scented  mint,  and 
others  of  this  genus,  they  call  a  scent  (bod).  Whatever  stickiness 
comes  out  from  plants  they  call  gummy  (vadak).  The  timber 
which  proceeds  from  the  trees,  when  it  is  either  dry  or  wet,  they 
call  wood  (cibd).  Every  one  of  all  these  plants  which  is  so,  they  call 
medicinal  (ddruk). 

"The  principal  fruits  are  of  thirty  kinds,  and  there  are  ten  species 
the  inside  and  outside  of  which  are  fit  to  eat,  as  the  fig,  the  apple,  the 
quince,  the  citron,  the  grape,  the  mulberry,  the  pear,  and  others  of  this 
kind.  There  are  ten  the  outside  of  which  is  fit  to  eat,  but  not  the 
inside,  as  the  date,  the  peach,  the  white  apricot,  and  others  of  this  kind; 
those  the  inside  of  which  is  fit  to  eat,  but  not  the  outside,  are  the  walnut, 
the  almond,  the  pomegranate,  the  coco-nut,1  the  filbert  (funduk),  the 
chestnut  (Sahbalut),  the  pistachio  nut,  the  vargdn,  and  whatever  else 
of  this  description  are  very  remarkable. 

"This,  too,  it  says,  that  every  single  flower  is  appropriate  to  an 
angel  (ameZospend),2  as  the  white  jasmine  (saman)  is  for  Vohuman,  the 
myrtle  and  jasmine  (yasmin)  are  Auharmazd's  own,  the  mouse-ear 
(or  sweet  marjoram)  is  ASavahist's  own,  the  basil-royal  is  Satvlro's 
own,  the  musk  flower  is  Spendarmad's,  the  lily  is  Horvadad's,  the 
camba  is  Amerodad's,  Dln-pavan-Ataro  has  the  orange-scented  mint 
(vddrang-bod),  Ataro  has  the  marigold  (ddargun),  the  water-lily  is 
A  van's,  the  white  marv  is  Xursed's,  the  ranges  (probably  rand,  'laurel') 
is  Mah's,  the  violet  is  Tir's,  the  meren  is  Gos's,  the  kdrda  is  Dln-pavan- 
Mitro's,  all  violets  are  Mitro's,  the  red  chrysanthemum  (xer)  is  Sros's, 
the  dog-rose  (nestran)  is  Rasnu's,  the  cockscomb  is  Fravardin's,  the 
sisebar  is  Vahram's,  the  yellow  chrysanthemum  is  Ram's,  the  orange- 

1  Pazand  andrsar  is  a  misreading  of  Pahlavi  andrgil  (Persian  nargU},  from 
Sanskrit  ndrikela. 

2  These  are  the  thirty  archangels  and  angels  whose  names  are  applied  to  the 
thirty  days  of  the  Parsi  month,  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  mentioned  here,  except 
that  Auharmazd  is  the  first  day,  and  Vohuman  is  the  second. 


IQ4  SlNO-lRANICA 

scented  mint  is  Vad's,  the  trigonella  is  Dln-pavan-Dln's,  the  hundred- 
petalled  rose  is  Din's,  all  kinds  of  wild  flowers  (vahdr)  are  Ard's,  Ac.tad 
has  all  the  white  Horn,  the  bread-baker's  basil  is  Asman's,  Zamyad  has 
the  crocus,  Maraspend  has  the  flower  of  ArdaSlr,  Aniran  has  this 
Horn  of  the  angel  Horn,  of  three  kinds." 

From  this  extract  it  becomes  evident  that  the  ancient  Persians  paid 
attention  to  their  flora,  and,  being  fond  of  systematizing,  possessed  a 
classification  of  their  plants;  but  any  of  their  botanical  literature,  if 
it  ever  existed,  is  lost. 

The  most  important  of  the  Persian  works  on  pharmacology  is  the 
Kitab-ulabniyat  Jan  haqd'iq-uladviyat  or  "Book  of  the  Foundations  of 
the  True  Properties  of  the  Remedies,"  written  about  A.D.  970  by  the 
physician  Aba  Mansur  Muvaffaq  bin  'All  alharavi,  who  during  one 
of  his  journeys  visited  also  India.  He  wrote  for  Mansar  Ibn  Nuh  II 
of  the  house  of  the  Samanides,  who  reigned  from  961  to  976  or  977. 
This  is  not  only  the  earliest  Persian  work  on  the  subject,  but  the 
oldest  extant  production  in  prose  of  New-Persian  literature.  The 
text  has  been  edited  by  R.  SELIGMANN  from  a  unique  manuscript 
of  Vienna  dated  A.D.  1055,  the  oldest  extant  Persian  manuscript.1 
There  is  a  translation  by  a  Persian  physician,  ABDUL-CHALIG 
ACHUNDOW  from  Baku.2  The  translation  in  general  seems  good,  and 
is  provided  with  an  elaborate  commentary,  but  in  view  of  the  im- 
portance of  the  work  a  new  critical  edition  would  be  desirable. 
The  sources  from  which  Aba  Mansar  derived  his  materials  should 
be  carefully  sifted:  we  should  like  to  know  in  detail  what  he 
owes  to  the  Arabs,  the  Syrians,  and  the  Indians,  and  what  is  due 
to  his  own  observations.  Altogether  Arabic  influence  is  pre-eminent. 
Cf.  Appendix  III. 

A  good  many  Chinese  plant-names  introduced  from  Iran  have  the 
word  Hu  S3  prefixed  to  them.  Hu  is  one  of  those  general  Chinese  desig- 
nations without  specific  ethnic  value  for  certain  groups  of  foreign 
tribes.  Under  the  Han  it  appears  mainly  to  refer  to  Turkish  tribes; 
thus  the  Hiun-nu  are  termed  Hu  in  the  Si  ki.  From  the  fourth  century 
onward  it  relates  to  Central  Asia  and  more  particularly  to  peoples  of 

1  Codex  Vindobonensis  sive  Medici  Abu  Mansur  Muwaffak  Bin  All  Heratensis 
liber  Fundamentorum  Pharamacologiae  Pars  I  Prolegomena  et  textura  continens 
(Vienna,  1859). 

1  Die  pharmakologischen  Grundsatze  des  A.  M.  Muwaffak,  in  R.  Robert's 

•      Historische  Studien  aus  dem  Pharmakologischen  Institute  der  Universitat  Dorpat, 

1873.    Quoted  as  "Achundow,  Abu  Mansur."    The  author's  name  is  properly 

•Abdu'l-Khaliq,  son  of  the  Akhund  or  schoolmaster.   Cf.  E.  G.  BROWNE,  Literary 

History  of  Persia,  pp.  nt  478. 


INTRODUCTION  195 

Iranian  extraction.1  BRETSCHNEiDER2  annotated,  "If  the  character 
hu  occurs  in  the  name  of  a  plant,  it  can  be  assumed  that  the  plant  is 
of  foreign  origin  and  especially  from  western  Asia,  for  by  Hu  Sen  the 
ancient  Chinese  denoted  the  peoples  of  western  Asia."  This  is  but 
partially  correct.  The  attribute  hu  is  by  no  means  a  safe  criterion  in 
stamping  a  plant  as  foreign,  neither  does  hu  in  the  names  of  plants 
which  really  are  of  foreign  origin  apply  to  West-Asiatic  or  Iranian 
plants  exclusively. 

1.  The  word  hu  appears  in  a  number  of  names  of  indigenous  and 
partially  wild  plants  without  any  apparent  connection  with  the  tribal 
designation  Hu  or  without  allusion  to  their  provenience  from  the  Hu. 
In  the  Li  Sao,  the  famous  elegies  by  K'u  Yuan  of  the  fourth  century 
B.C.,  a  plant  is  mentioned  under  the  name  hu  Sen  SB  Iffl,  said  to  be  a 
fragrant  grass  from  which  long  cords  were  made.    This  plant  is  not 
identified.3 

2.  The  acid  variety  of  yu  tt  (Citrus  grandis)  is  styled  hu  kan 
$J  ~H*,4  apparently  an  ironical  nickname,  which  may  mean  "sweet  like 
the  Hu."   The  tree  itself  is  a  native  of  China. 

3.  The  term  hu  hien  68  IE  occurs  only  in  the  T'u  kin  pen  ts*ao  of 
Su  Sun  of  the  eleventh  century  as  a  variety  of  hien  (Amarantus) ,  which 
is  indigenous  to  China.    It  is  not  stated  that  this  variety  came  from 
abroad,  nor  is  it  known  what  it  really  was. 

4.  Hu  mien  man  S5  M  I?  is  a  variety  of  Rehmannia?  a  native 
of  China  and  Japan.  The  name  possibly  means  "the  man  with  the  face 
of  a  Hu."6  C'en  Ts'aii-k'i  of  the  T'ang  says  in  regard  to  this  plant  that 
it  grows  in  Lin-nan  (Kwaii-tuii),  and  is  like  ti  hwan  Jft  jH  (Rehmannia 
glutinosa). 

5.  The  plant  known  as  ku-sui-pu  H*  ffi  H  (Poly podium  fortunei) 
is  indigenous  to  China,  and,  according  to  C*en  Ts'an-k'i,  was  called 

1  "Le  terme  est  bien  en  principe,  vers  Tan  800,  une  designation  des  Iraniens  et 
en  particulier  des  Sogdiens"  (CHAVANNES  and  PELLIOT,  Traits  maniche"en,  p.  231). 
This  in  general  is  certainly  true,  but  we  have  well  authenticated  instances,  traceable 
to  the  fourth  century  at  least,  of  specifically  Iranian  plants  the  names  of  which  are 
combined  with  the  element  Hu,  that  can  but  apply  to  Iranians. 

2  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  221. 

8  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  No.  420;  and  Li  sao  ts'ao  mu  su  (Ch.  2, 
p.  1 6  b,  ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  lai  ts*un  $u)  by  Wu  Zen-kie  ^  £  81  of  tne  Sung  period. 
See  also  T'ai  p'ift  yu  Ian,  Ch.  994,  p.  6  b. 

4  BRETSCHNEIDER,  op.  cit.,  No.  236;  W.  T.  SWINGLE  in  Plantas  Wilsonianae, 
Vol.  ii,  p.  130. 

*  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  372. 

*  Cf.  analogous  plant-names  like  our  Jews-mallow,  Jews-thorn,  Jews-ear,  Jews- 
apple. 


|g6  SlNO-lRANICA 

by  the  people  of  Kian-si  ffl  R  3  hu-sun-kiant  a  purely  local  name 
which  does  not  hint  at  any  relation  to  the  Hu. 

6.  Another  botanical  name  in  which  the  word  hu  appears  without 
reference  to  the  Hu  is  ?ui-hu-ken  SI  S8  t8,  unidentified,  a  wild  plant 
diffused  all  over  China,  and  first  mentioned  by  6'en  Ts'an-k'i  as  grow- 
ing in  the  river-valleys  of  Kian-nan.1 

7-8.  The  same  remark  holds  good  for  ts'e-hu  j!£  (Sc)  ffl*  (Bupleurum 
falcatum),  a  wild  plant  of  all  northern  provinces  and  already  described 
in  the  Pie  lu,  and  for  ts'ien-hu  IJiJ  fifl8  (Angelica  decursiva),  growing  in 
damp  soil  in  central  and  northern  China. 

9.  Su-hu-lan  lu  #J  ffli  is  an  unidentified  plant,  first  and  solely  men- 
tioned by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i,4  the  seeds  of  which,  resembling  those  of 
Pimpinella  anisum,  are  eatable  and  medicinally  employed.    It  grows 
in  Annam.    One  might  be  tempted  to  take  the  term  as  hu-lan  of  Su 
(Se-S'wan),  but  $u-hu-lan  may  be  the  transcription  of  a  foreign  word. 

10.  The  ma-k'in  £J  f£  or  niu  ^r  k'in  (Viola  pinnata),  a  wild  violet, 
is  termed  hu  k'in  48  ff  in  the  Tun  U  3  ]S  by  Ceh  Tsiao  SB  ti  (i  108-62) 
and  in  the  T'u  kin  pen  ts'ao  of  Su  Sun.1  No  explanation  as  to  the  mean- 
ing of  this  hu  is  on  record. 

11.  The  hu-man  (wan)  SB  S  is  a  poisonous  plant,  identified  with 
Gelsemium  elegans*  It  is  mentioned  in  the  Pei  hu  lu1  with  the  synonyme 
ye-ko  ?S  S,8  the  vegetable  yun  ^  (Ipomoea  aquatica)  being  regarded  as 
an  antidote  for  poisoning  by  hu-man.    C'en  Ts'an-k'i  is  cited  as  au- 
thority for  this  statement.   The  Lin  piao  lu  i9  writes  the  name  RP  S, 
and  defines  it  as  a  poisonous  grass;  hu-man  grass  is  the  common  col- 
loquial name.    The  same  work  further  says,  ''When  one  has  eaten  of 
this  plant  by  mistake,  one  should  use  a  broth  made  from  sheep's  blood 
which  will  neutralize  the  poison.   According  to  some,  this  plant  grows 
as  a  creeper.   Its  leaves  are  like  those  of  the  Ian  hian  88  §,  bright  and 
thick.  Its  poison  largely  penetrates  into  the  leaves,  and  is  not  employed 

1  Pen  ts'ao  Jkort  mu,  Ch.  16,  p.  7  b. 

•  Op.  cit.t  Ch.  13,  p.  6  b. 

•  Op.  cit.,  Ch.  13,  p.  7  b. 
4  Op.  cit.,  Ch.  26,  p.  22  b. 

1  Op.  cit.,  Ch.  26,  p.  21 ;  Ci  wu  mi*  ii  Cu  k'ao,  Ch.  14,  p.  76. 

•Cf.  C.  FORD,  China  Review,  Vol.  XV,  1887,  pp.  215-220.  STUART  (Chinese 
Materia  Medica,  p.  220)  says  that  the  plant  is  unidentified,  nevertheless  he  describes 
it  on  p.  185. 

1  Ch.  2,  p.  1 8  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-ytian). 

1  According  to  MATSUMURA  (Shokubutsu  mei-i,  No.  2689).  Rkus  toxitodtndron 
(Japanese  tsuta-uruSi). 

•  Ch.  B,  p.  a  (ed.  of  W*  yi*  *M»). 


INTRODUCTION  197 

as  a  drug.  Even  if  an  antidote  is  taken,  this  poison  will  cause  death 
within  a  half  day.  The  goats  feeding  on  the  sprouts  of  this  plant  will 
fatten  and  grow."  Fan  C'en-ta  j?£  J$  ;*C  (1126-93),  in  his  Kwei  hai 
yii  hen  &',1  mentions  this  plant  under  the  name  hu-man  t'en  Jfe  ("hu-man 
creeper"),  saying  that  it  is  a  poisonous  herb,  which,  rubbed  and  soaked 
in  water,  will  result  in  instantaneous  death  as  soon  as  this  liquid  enters 
the  mouth.  The  plant  is  indigenous  to  southern  China,  and  no  reason 
is  given  for  the  word  hu  being  prefixed  to  it. 

12.  Hu  fui-tse  $)  M  •?  (literally,  "chin  of  the  Hu")  is  the  name 
of  an  evergreen  tree  or  shrub  indigenous  throughout  China,  even  to 
Annam.   The  name  is  not  explained,  and  there  are  no  data  in  Chinese 
records  to  indicate  that  it  was  introduced  from  abroad.2    It  is  men- 
tioned by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  as  a  tree  growing  in  P'iii-lin  *?  #,  and  it  is 
said  to  be  alluded  to  in  the  chapter  Wu  hin  ci  3t  £f  i£  of  the  Sun  $u. 
The  synonyme  k'io'r-su  i^  &  B?  (" sparrow-curd,"  because  the  birds 
are  fond  of  the  fruit)  first  appears  in  the  Pao  ci  lun  of  Lei  Hiao  of  the 
fifth  century.    The  people  of  Yue  call  the  plant  p*u-t*ui-tse  Hf  $1  •? ; 
the  southerners,  lu-tu-tse  ft  9$  •?,  which  according  to  Liu  Tsi  ^J  U 
of  the  Ming,  in  his  Fei  sue  lu  IB  S  $!fc,  is  a  word  from  the  speech  of 
the  Man.    The  people  of  Wu  term  the  tree  pan-han-?un  ^  &  ^, 
because  its  fruit  ripens  at  an  early  date.    The  people  of  Siafi  Ji  style 
it  hwan-p'o-nai  iSt  8MB!  ("yellow  woman's  breast"),   because  the 
fruit  resembles  a  nipple. 

13.  In  hu-lu  $8  or  2B  A  (Lagenaria  vulgaris)  the  first  character  is 
a  substitute  for  3&  hu.  The  gourd  is  a  native  of  China. 

14.  Hui-hui  tou  0  0  3   (literally,  "Mohammedan  bean")  is  a 
plant  everywhere  growing  wild  in  the  fields.8   The  same  remark  holds 
good  for  hu  tou  fi9  SL,  a  kind  of  bean  which  is  roasted  or  made  into 
flour,  according  to  the  Pen  ts'ao  U  i,  a  weed  growing  in  rice-fields.   Wu 
K'i-ts'un,  author  of  the  Ci  wu  min  $i  t*u  k*ao,  says,  "What  is  now  hu  tou, 
grows  wild,  and  is  not  the  hu  tou  of  ancient  times."4 

15.  Yen  hu  su    J£  $1  ^  denotes  tubers  of  Corydalis  ambigua:  they 
are  little,  hard,  brown  tubers,  of  somewhat  flattened  spherical  form, 
averaging  half  an  inch  in  diameter.    The  plant  is  a  native  of  Siberia, 

1  Ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  cai  ts*un  su,  p.  30. 

a  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  161)  is  mistaken  in  saying  that  several 
names  of  this  plant  are  "possibly  transliterations  of  Turkic  or  Mongol  names." 
There  are  no  such  names  on  record.  The  tree  is  identified  with  Elceagnus  longipes 
or  pungens. 

3  Ci  wu  min  U  Vu  k'ao,  Ch.  2,  p.  n  b.  _It  is  first  mentioned  in  the  Kiu  hwan 
pen  ts'ao,  being  also  called  na-ho-tou  ^  &  .9. 

4  See,  further,  below,  p.  305. 


198  SlNO-lRANICA 

Kamchatka,  and  the  Amur  region,  and  flowers  upon  the  melting  of  the 
snow  in  early  spring.1  According  to  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,2  the  plant 
is  first  mentioned  by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  of  the  T'ang  period  as  growing  in 
the  country  Hi  H,  and  came  from  Nan-tun  3c  M  (in  Korea).  Li  Si-Sen 
annotates  that  by  Hi  the  north-eastern  barbarians  should  be  under- 
stood. Wan  Hao-ku  3E  #?  "£f,  a  physician  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
remarks  that  the  name  of  the  plant  was  originally  huan  j£  hu-su,  but 
that  on  account  of  a  taboo  (to  avoid  the  name  of  the  Emperor  Cen-tsun 
of  the  Sung)  it  was  altered  into  yen-hu-su;  but  this  explanation  cannot 
be  correct,  as  the  latter  designation  is  already  ascribed  to  C'en  Ts'an-k'i 
of  the  T'ang.  It  is  not  known  whether  hu  in  this  case  would  allude  to 
the  provenience  of  the  plant  from  Korea.  In  the  following  example, 
however,  the  allusion  to  Korea  is  clear. 

The  mint,  W  $f  po-ho,  *bak-xa  (Mentha  arvensis  or  aquatica),  occurs 
in  China  both  spontaneously  and  in  the  cultivated  state.  The  plant 
is  regarded  as  indigenous  by  the  Chinese,  but  also  a  foreign  variety  is 
known  as  hu  pa-ho  (*bwat-xa)  ffl  ^  jSj.3  C'en  Si-Kan  Ht  ±  H,  in  his 
Si  sin  pen  ts'ao  Jttt#^,  published  in  the  tenth  century,  introduced 
the  term  wu  ij|  pa-ho,  "mint  of  Wu"  (that  is,  Su-£ou,  where  the  best 
mint  was  cultivated),  in  distinction  from  hu  pa-ho,  "mint  of  the  Hu." 
Su  Sun,  in  his  T'u  kin  pen  ts'ao,  written  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh 
century,  affirms  that  this  foreign  mint  is  similar  to  the  native  species, 
the  only  difference  being  that  it  is  somewhat  sweeter  in  taste;  it  grows 
on  the  border  of  Kiaii-su  and  Ce-kian,  where  the  people  make  it 
into  tea;  commonly  it  is  styled  Sin-lo  M  It  po-ho,  "mint  of  Sinra" 
(in  Korea).  Thus  this  variety  may  have  been  introduced  under  the 
Sung  from  Korea,  and  it  is  to  this  country  that  the  term  hu  may  refer. 

Li  5i-£en  relates  that  Sun  Se-miao  dS  JB  88,  in  his  Ts'ien  kin  fail 
T  &  jfr,*  writes  the  word  ^  ?«f  fan-ho,  but  that  this  is  erroneously  due 
to  a  dialectic  pronunciation.  This  means,  in  other  words,  that  the  first 
character  fan  is  merely  a  variant  of  ^,6  and,  like  the  latter,  had  the 
phonetic  equivalent  *bwat,  bat.6 

1  HANBURY,  Science  Papers,  p.  256. 

2  Ch.  13,  p.  13. 

3  The  word  po-ho  is  Chinese,  not  foreign.   The  Persian  word  for  "peppermint" 
is  pudene,  pudina,  budenk  (Kurd  punk) ;  in  Hindi  it  is  pudind  or  pudinekd,  derived 
from  the  Persian.    In  Tibetan  (Ladakh)  it  is  p'o-lo-lin;  in  the  Tibetan  written  lan- 
guage, byi-rug-pa,  hence  Mongol  jirukba;  in  Manchu  it  is  farsa. 

4  See  below,  p.  306. 

6  As  Sun  Se-miao  lived  in  the  seventh  century,  when  the  Korean  mint  was  not 
yet  introduced,  his  term  fan-ho  could,  of  course,  not  be  construed  to  mean  "foreign 
mint." 

e  In  T'oung  Pao  (1915,  p.  18)  PELLIOT  has  endeavored  to  show  that  the  char- 


INTRODUCTION  199 

In  the  following  example  there  is  no  positive  evidence  as  to  the 
significance  of  hu.  Hu  wan  Si  ce  W  3i  &>  ^  ("  envoy  of  the  king  of  the 
Hu")  is  a  synonyme  of  tu  hwo  M  ?§  (Peucedanum  decursivum)  .l  As 
the  same  plant  is  also  styled  k'ian  ts'in  $£>  W,  k'ian  hwo,  and  hu  k'ian 
$i  &  H  ^6  ffi  31 ,  the  term  K'ian  (*Gian)  alluding  to  Tibetan  tribes,  it 
may  be  inferred  that  the  king  of  the  Hu  likewise  hints  at  Tibetans. 
In  general,  however,  the  term  Hu  does  not  include  Tibetans,  and  the 
present  case  is  not  conclusive  in  showing  that  it  does.  In  the  chapter 
on  the  walnut  it  will  be  seen  that  there  are  two  introduced  varieties, — 
an  Iranian  (hu  t'ao)  and  a  Tibetan  one  (k'ian  t'ao). 

In  hu  ts'ai  (Brassica  rapa)  the  element  hu,  according  to  Chinese 
tradition,  relates  to  Mongolia,  while  it  is  very  likely  that  the  vegetable 
itself  was  merely  introduced  there  from  Iran.2 

In  other  instances,  plants  have  some  relation  to  the  Hu;  but  what 
this  relation  is,  or  what  group  of  tribes  should  be  understood  by  Hu, 
is  not  revealed. 

There  is  a  plant,  termed  hu  hwan  lien  S8  3t  31,  the  hwan-lien  (Coptis 
teeta)  of  the  Hu,  because,  as  Li  Si-Sen  says,  its  physical  characteristics, 
taste,  virtue,  and  employment  are  similar  to  those  of  hwan-lien.  It 
has  been  identified  with  Barkhausia  re  pens.  As  evidenced  by  the 

acter  fan,  on  the  authority  of  K'an-hi,  could  never  have  had  the  pronunciation  po 
nor  a  final  consonant,  and  that,  accordingly,  in  the  tribal  name  T'u-fan  (Tibet)  the 
character  fan,  as  had  previously  been  assumed,  could  not  transcribe  the  Tibetan 
word  bod.  True  it  is  that  under  the  character  in  question  K'an-hi  has  nothing  to 
say  about  po,  but  ^  is  merely  a  graphic  variant  of  ^§,  with  which  it  is  phonetically 
identical.  Now  under  this  character,  K'an-hi  indicates  plainly  that,  according  to  the 
Tsi  yun  and  Cen  yun,  fan  in  geographical  names  is  to  be  read  p'o  (anciently  *bwa) 
§|  (fan-ts'ie  Jjjf  $fe),  and  that,  according  to  the  dictionary  Si  wen,  the  same  char- 
acter was  pronounced  p'o  (*bwa)  ij&,  p'u  Jf ,  and  p'an^(cf.  also  SCHLEGEL,  Secret  of 
the  Chinese  Method,  pp.  21-22).  In  the  ancient  transcription  |§  or^  JE  fan-ton, 
*par-tav,  reproduction  of  Old  Persian  Par0ava  (see  above,  p.  1 87)  Jan  corresponds  very 
well  to  par  or  bar;  and  if  it  could  interchange  with  the  phonetic  ^  pa,  *bwat,  bwar,  it  is 
perfectly  clear  that,  contrary  to  Pelliot's  theory,  there  were  at  least  dialectic  cases, 
where  ^  was  possessed  of  a  final  consonant,  being  sounded  bwat  or  bwar.  Con- 
sequently it  could  have  very  well  served  for  the  reproduction  of  Tibetan  bod.  From 
another  phonetic  viewpoint  the  above  case  is  of  interest:  we  have  *bak-xa  and 
*bwat-xa  as  ancient  names  for  the  mint,  which  goes  to  show  that  the  final  con- 
sonants of  the  first  element  were  vacillating  or  varied  in  different  dialects  (cf .  T'oung 
Pao,  1916,  pp.  110-114). 

1  T'un  ci  (above,  p.  196),  Ch.  75,  p.  12  b. 

2  See  below,  p.  381.    In  the  term  hu  yen  ("swallow  of  theHu"),  hu  appears  to 
refer  to  Mongolia,  as  shown  by  the  Manchu  translation  monggo  cibin  and  the  Turkl 
equivalent  qalmaq  qarlogac  (Mongol  xatun  xariyatsai,  Tibetan  gyi-gyi  k'ug-rta;  cf. 
Ross,  Polyglot  List  of  Birds,  No.  267).   The  bird  occurs  not  only  in  Mongolia,  but 
also  in  Ce-kian  Province,  China  (see  Kwei  ki  sanfu  lu  ^  H  H  S§K  ft,  Ch.  2,  p.  8; 
ed.  of  Si  yin  huan  ts'un  $u). 


200  SlNO-lRANICA 

attribute  Hu,  it  may  be  of  foreign  origin,  its  foreign  name  being  91  $£ 
IS  35  ko-hu-lu-tse  (*kat-wu-lou-dzak).  Unfortunately  it  is  not  indicated 
at  what  time  this  transcription  was  adopted,  nor  does  Li  Si- Sen  state 
the  source  from  which  he  derived  it.  The  only  T'ang  author  who 
mentions  the  plant,  Su  Kun,  does  not  give  this  foreign  name.  At  all 
events,  it  does  not  convey  the  impression  of  representing  a  T'ang 
transcription;  on  the  contrary,  it  bears  the  ear-marks  of  a  transcription 
made  under  the  Yuan.  Su  Kun  observes,  "Hu  hwan-lien  is  produced 
in  the  country  Po-se  and  grows  on  dry  land  near  the  sea-shore.  Its 
sprouts  are  like  those  of  the  hia-ku  ts'ao  3t$f  ^  (Brunella  vulgaris). 
The  root  resembles  a  bird's  bill;  and  the  cross-section,  the  eyes  of  the 
mainah.  The  best  is  gathered  in  the  first  decade  of  the  eighth  month." 
Su  Sun  of  the  Sung  period  remarks  that  the  plant  now  occurs  in  Nan-hai 
(Kwan-tun),  as  well  as  in  Ts'in-lun  §H  ffl  (Sen-si  and  Kan-su).  This 
seems  to  be  all  the  information  on  record.1  It  is  not  known  to  me  that 
Barkhausia  grows  in  Persia;  at  least,  Schlimmer,  in  his  extensive  dic- 
tionary of  Persian  plants,  does  not  note  it. 

Sou-ti  Jfc  US  is  mentioned  by  C'en  Ts'aii-k'i  as  a  plant  (not  yet 
identified)  with  seeds  of  sweet  and  warm  flavor  and  not  poisonous,  and 
growing  in  Si-fan  (Western  Barbarians  or  Tibet)  and  in  northern  China 
3b  i,  resembling  hwai  hian  fjj  §  (Pimpinella  anisum).  The  Hu  make 
the  seeds  into  a  soup  and  eat  them.2  In  this  case  the  term  Hu  may  be 
equated  with  Si-fan,  but  among  the  Chinese  naturalists  the  latter  term 
is  somewhat  loosely  used,  and  does  not  necessarily  designate  Tibet.3 

Hiun-k'iun  *=T  iff  (Conioselinum  univittatum)  is  an  umbelliferous 
plant,  which  is  a  native  of  China.  As  early  as  the  third  century  A.D. 
it  is  stated  in  the  Wu  Si  pen  ts*ao*  that  some  varieties  of  this  plant  grow 
among  the  Hu;  and  Li  Si- Sen  annotates  that  the  varieties  from  the  Hu 
and  Zun  are  excellent,  and  are  hence  styled  hu  k*iun  SB  ^.5  It  is  stated 
that  this  genus  is  found  in  mountain  districts  in  Central  Europe, 
Siberia,  and  north-western  America.6 

1  What  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  65)  says  regarding  this  plant  is 
very  inexact.   He  arbitrarily  identifies  the  term  Hu  with  the  Kukunor,  and  wrongly 
ascribes  Su  Kun's  statement  to  T'ao  Hun-kin.   Such  an  assertion  as,  "the  drug  is 
now  said  to  be  produced  in  Nan-hai,  and  also  in  Sen-si  and  Kan-su,"  is  misleading, 
as  this  "now"  comes  from  an  author  of  the  Sung  period,  and  does  not  necessarily 
hold  good  for  the  present  time. 

2  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  26,  p.  22  b. 
8  Cf .  below,  p.  344. 

4  Cf .  Beginnings  of  Porcelain,  p.  115. 

6  He  also  imparts  a  Sanskrit  name  from  the  Suvarnaprabhasa-sutra  in  the  form 
B)  U  TJMse-mo-k'ie,  *ja-mak-gia.  The  genus  is  not  contained  in  WATT'S  Dictionary. 
6  Treasury  of  Botany,  Vol.  I,  p.  322. 


INTRODUCTION  201 

In  hu  tsiao  ("  pepper ")  the  attribute  hu  distinctly  refers  to  India.1 
Another  example  in  which  hu  alludes  to  India  is  presented  by  the 
term  hu  kan  kian  $)  ^  S:  ("dried  ginger  of  the  Hu"),  which  is  a 
synonyme  of  T*ien-Zu  5£  ^  kan  kian  ("dried  ginger  of  India"),  "pro- 
duced in  the  country  of  the  Brahmans."2 

In  the  term  hufen  ~ffl  $^  (a  cosmetic  or  facial  powder  of  white  lead), 
the  element  hu  bears  no  relation  to  the  Hu,  although  it  is  mentioned 
as  a  product  of  Kuca8  and  subsequently  as  one  of  the  city  of  Ili  (Yi-li- 
pa-li).4  In  fact,  there  is  no  Chinese  tradition  to  the  effect  that  this 
substance  ever  came  from  the  Hu.5  F.  P.  SMITH8  observed  with  refer- 
ence to  this  subject,  "The  word  hu  does  not  denote  that  the  substance 
was  formerly  obtained  from  some  foreign  source,  but  is  the  result  of  a 
mistaken  character."  This  evidently  refers  to  the  definition  of  the 
dictionary  Si  min  W  %*  by  Liu  Hi  of  the  Han,  who  explains  this  hu 
by  f$  hu  ("gruel,  congee"),  which  is  mixed  with  grease  to  be  rubbed 
into  the  face.  The  process  of  making  this  powder  from  lead  is  a  thor- 
oughly Chinese  affair. 

In  the  term  hu  yen  W  IB  ("salt  of  the  Hu")  the  word  Hu  refers  to 
barbarous,  chiefly  Tibetan,  tribes  bordering  on  China  in  the  west;  for 
there  are  also  the  synonymes  $un  -$C  yen  and  k'ian  j&  yen,  the  former 
already  occurring  in  the  Pie  lu.  Su  Kun  of  the  seventh  century  equalizes 
the  terms  Zun  yen  and  hu  yen,  and  gives  Vu-ten  35  $t  yen  as  the  word 
used  in  Sa-cou  &  JH.  Ta  Min  'J<  BJ§,  who  wrote  in  A.D.  970,  says  that  this 
is  the  salt  consumed  by  the  Tibetans  (Si-fan),  and  hence  receives  the 
designation  %un  or  k'ian  yen.  Other  texts,  however,  seem  to  make  a 
distinction  between  hu  yen  and  %uh  yen:  thus  it  is  said  in  the  biography 
of  Li  Hiao-po  $  ^  f &  in  the  Wei  Su,  "The  salt  of  the  Hu  cures  pain 
of  the  eye,  the  salt  of  the  Zun  heals  ulcers." 

The  preceding  examples  are  sufficient  to  illustrate  the  fact  that 
the  element  hu  in  botanical  terms  demands  caution,  and  that  each  case 
must  be  judged  on  its  own  merits.  No  hard  and  fast  rule,  as  deduced 
by  Bretschneider,  can  be  laid  down:  the  mere  addition  of  hu  proves 
neither  that  a  plant  is  foreign,  nor  that  it  is  West-Asiatic  or  Iranian. 
There  are  native  plants  equipped  with  this  attribute,  and  there  are 
foreign  plants  thus  characterized,  which  hail  from  Korea,  India,  or 

1  See  below,  p.  374. 

2  £en  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  6,  p.  67  b. 

3  Cou  Su,  Ch.  50,  p.  5;  Sui  Su,  Ch.  83,  p.  5  b. 

4  Ta  Min  i  t'un  ft,  Ch.  89,  p.  22;  Kwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  24,  p.  6  b. 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  8,  p.  6;  GEERTS  (Produits,  pp.  596-601),  whose  transla- 
tion "poudre  des  pays  barbares"  is  out  of  place. 

6  Contributions  towards  the  Materia  Medica  of  China,  p.  231. 


202  SlNO-lRANICA 

some  vaguely  defined  region  of  Central  Asia.  The  fact,  however,  re- 
mains that  there  are  a  number  of  introduced,  cultivated  Hu  plants 
coming  from  Iranian  lands,  but  in  each  and  every  case  it  has  been  my 
endeavor  to  furnish  proof  for  the  fact  that  these  actually  represent 
Iranian  cultivations.  With  the  sole  exception  of  the  walnut,  the  his- 
tory of  which  may  tolerably  well  be  traced,  the  records  of  these  Hu 
plants  are  rather  vague,  and  for  none  of  them  is  there  any  specific 
account  of  the  introduction.  It  is  for  botanical  rather  than  historical 
reasons  that  the  fact  of  the  introduction  becomes  evident.  It  is  this 
hazy  character  of  the  traditions  which  renders  it  impossible  to  connect 
these  plants  in  any  way  with  Can  K'ien.  Moreover,  it  cannot  be 
proved  with  certainty  that  any  names  of  plants  or  products  formed 
with  the  element  hu  existed  under  the  Han.  The  sole  exception  would 
be  hu  ts'ai,1  but  its  occurrence  in  the  T*un  su  wen  of  the  Han  is  not 
certain  either;  and  this  hu,  according  to  Chinese  tradition,  refers  to 
Mongolia,  not  to  Iran.  Another  merely  seeming  exception  is  presented 
by  hu  fun-lei*  but  this  is  a  wild,  not  a  cultivated  tree;  and  hu,  in  this 
case,  has  a  geographical  rather  than  an  ethnographical  significance.  In 
the  wooden  documents  discovered  in  Turkistan  we  have  one  good, 
datable  instance  of  a  Hu  product;  and  this  is  hu  t'ie  ("iron  of  the  Hu" 
and  implements  made  of  such  iron).  These  tablets  belong  to  the  Tsin 
period  (A.D.  265-419),*  while  in  no  wooden  document  of  the  Han  has 
any  compound  with  Hu  as  yet  been  traced.  Again,  all  available  evi- 
dence goes  to  show  that  these  Hu  plants  were  not  introduced  earlier 
than  the  Tsin  dynasty,  or,  generally  speaking,  during  what  is  known 
as  the  Leu  £'ao  or  six  minor  dynasties,  covering  the  time  from  the 
downfall  of  the  Han  to  the  rise  of  the  T'ang  dynasty.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  of  none  of  these  plants  is  an  Iranian  name  on  record. 

The  element  hu,  in  a  few  cases,  serves  also  the  purpose  of  a  tran- 
scription: thus  probably  in  the  name  of  the  coriander,  hu-swi*  and 
quite  evidently  in  the  name  of  the  fenugreek,  hu-lu-pa.* 

Imported  fruits  and  products  have  been  named  by  many  nations 
for  the  countries  from  which  they  hailed  or  from  the  people  by  whom 
they  were  first  brought.  The  Greeks  had  their  "Persian  apple"  GUTJXOP 
Hepacriv,  "peach"),  their  "Medic  apple"  (nfrov  M^Suov,  "citron"), 
their  "Medic  grass"  (Mij5i»n)  ir6a,  "alfalfa"),  and  their  "Armenian 

1  Below,  p.  381. 
9  Below,  p.  339. 

1  CHAVANNES,  Documents  chinois  ddcouverts  par  Aurel  Stein,  pp.  168,  169. 
4  Below,  p.  298. 

1  Below,  p.  446.  It  thus  occurs  also  in  geographical  names,  as  in  Hu-c"*a-la 
(Guzcrat);  see  HIRTH  and  ROCKHILL,  Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  92. 


INTRODUCTION  203 


apple"  (»rj\ov  'ApueviaKov,  "apricot").  RABELAIS  (I483-I553)1 
already  made  the  following  just  observation  on  this  point,  "Les  autres 
[plantes]  ont  retenu  le  nom  des  regions  des  quelles  furent  ailleurs 
transporters,  comme  pommes  medices,  ce  sont  pommes  de  Medie,  en 
laquelle  furent  premierement  trouve*es;  pommes  puniques,  ce  sont 
grenades,  apport£es  de  Punicie,  c'est  Carthage.  Ligusticum,  c'est 
livesche,  apportee  de  Ligurie,  c'est  la  couste  de  Genes:  rhabarbe,  du 
fleuve  Barbare  nomine"  Rha,  comme  atteste  Ammianus:  santonique, 
fenu  grec;  castanes,  persiques,  sabine;  .stoechas,  de  mes  isles  Hieres, 
antiquement  dites  Stoechades;  spica  celtica  et  autres."  The  Tibetans, 
as  I  have  shown,2  form  many  names  of  plants  and  products  with  Bal 
(Nepal),  Mon  (Himalayan  Region),  rGya  (China),  and  Li  (Khotan). 

In  the  same  manner  we  have  numerous  botanical  terms  preceded 
by  "American,  Indian,  Turkish,  Turkey,  Guinea,"  etc. 

Aside  from  the  general  term  Hu,  the  Chinese  characterize  Iranian 
plants  also  by  the  attribute  Po-se  (Parsa,  Persia):  thus  Po-se  tsao 
("Persian  jujube")  serves  for  the  designation  of  the  date.  The  term 
Po-se  requires  great  caution,  as  it  denotes  two  different  countries,  Persia 
and  a  certain  Malayan  region.  This  duplicity  of  the  name  caused 
grave  confusion  among  both  Chinese  and  European  scholars,  so  that 
I  was  compelled  to  devote  to  this  problem  a  special  chapter  in  which 
all  available  sources  relative  to  the  Malayan  Po-se  and  its  products 
are  discussed.  Another  tribal  name  that  quite  frequently  occurs  in 
connection  with  Iranian  plant-names  is  Si-2un  1$  3$,  ("the  Western 
2uii").  These  tribes  appear  as  early  as  the  epoch  of  the  Si  kin  and 
Su  kin,  and  seem  to  be  people  of  Hiun-nu  descent.  In  post-Christian 
times  Si-2un  developed  into  a  generic  term  without  ethnic  significance, 
and  vaguely  hints  at  Central-Asiatic  regions.  Combined  with  botanical 
names,  it  appears  to  be  synonymous  with  Hu.3  It  is  a  matter  of  course 
that  all  these  geographical  and  tribal  allusions  in  plant-names  have 
merely  a  relative,  not  an  absolute  value;  that  is,  if  the  Chinese,  for 
instance,  designate  a  plant  as  Persian  (Po-se)  or  Hu,  this  signifies  that 
from  their  viewpoint  the  plant  under  notice  hailed  from  Iran,  or  in 
some  way  was  associated  with  the  activity  of  Iranian  nations,  but  it 
does  not  mean  that  the  plant  itself  or  its  cultivation  is  peculiar  or  due 
to  Iranians.  This  may  be  the  case  or  not,  yet  this  point  remains  to  be 
determined  by  a  special  investigation  in  each  particular  instance. 
While  the  Chinese,  as  will  be  seen,  are  better  informed  on  the  history 

1  Le  Gargantua  et  le  Pantagruel,  Livre  III,  chap.  L. 

2  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  pp.  409,  448,  456. 

3  For  examples  of  its  occurrence  consult  Index. 


204  SlNO-lRANICA 

of  important  plants  than  any  other  people  of  Asia  (and  I  should  even 
venture  to  add,  of  Europe),  the  exact  and  critical  history  of  a  plant- 
cultivation  can  be  written  only  by  heeding  all  data  and  consulting  all 
sources  that  can  be  gathered  from  every  quarter.  The  evidence  accruing 
from  the  Semites,  from  Egypt,  Greece,  and  Rome,  from  the  Arabs, 
India,  Camboja,  Annam,  Malayans,  Japan,  etc.,  must  be  equally 
requisitioned.  Only  by  such  co-ordination  may  an  authentic  result  be 
hoped  for. 

The  reader  desirous  of  information  on  the  scientific  literature 
of  the  Chinese  utilized  in  this  publication  may  be  referred  to  Bret- 
schneider's  "Botanicon  Sinicum"  (part  I).1  It  is  regrettable  that  no 
Pen  ts*ao  (Herbal)  of  the  T'ang  period  has  as  yet  come  to  light,  and 
that  for  these  works  we  have  to  depend  on  the  extracts  given  in  later 
books.  The  loss  of  the  Hu  pen  ts'ao  ("Materia  Medica  of  the  Hu") 
and  the  &u  hu  kwo  fan  ("Prescriptions  from  the  Hu  Countries")  is 
especially  deplorable.  I  have  directly  consulted  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts*ao, 
written  by  T'ah  Sen-wei  in  1108  (editions  printed  in  1521  and  1587), 
the  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i  by  K'ou  Tsun-si  of  1116  in  the  edition  of  Lu  Sin- 
yuan,  and  the  well-known  and  inexhaustible  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  by  Li 
Si-Sen,  completed  in  1578.  With  all  its  errors  and  inexact  quotations, 
this  remains  a  monumental  work  of  great  erudition  and  much  solid 
information.  Of  Japanese  Pen  ts'ao  (Honzo)  I  havt  used  the  Yamato 
hon&o,  written  by  Kaibara  Ekken  in  1709,  and  the  Honzo  komoku  keimo 
by  Ono  Ranzan.  Wherever  possible,  I  have  resorted  to  the  original 
source-books.  Of  botanical  works,  the  Kwan  k'unfan  p'u,  the  Hwa  p*u, 
the  d  wu  mih  $i  t'u  k'ao,  and  several  Japanese  works,  have  been  utilized. 
The  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu  has  yielded  a  good  many  contributions  to  the  plants 
of  Po-se  and  Fu-lin;  several  Fu-lin  botanical  names  hitherto  unexplained 
I  have  been  able  to  identify  with  their  Aramaic  equivalents.  Although 
these  do  not  fall  within  the  subject  of  Sino-Iranica,  but  Sino-Semitica, 
it  is  justifiable  to  treat  them  in  this  connection,  as  the  Fu-lin  names 
are  given  side  by  side  with  the  Po-se  names.  Needless  to  say,  I  have 
carefully  read  all  accounts  of  Persia  and  the  Iranian  nations  of  Central 
Asia  contained  in  the  Chinese  Annals,  and  the  material  to  be  found 
there  constitutes  the  basis  and  backbone  of  this  investigation.2 

There  is  a  class  of  literature  which  has  not  yet  been  enlisted  for  the 

1  We  are  in  need,  however,  of  a  far  more  complete  and  critical  history  of  the 
scientific  literature  of  the  Chinese. 

2  The  non-sinological  reader  may  consult  to  advantage  E.  H.  PARKER,  Chinese 
Knowledge  of  Early  Persia  (Imp.  and  Asiatic  Quarterly  Review,  Vol.  XV,  1903, 
pp.  144-169)  for  the  general  contents  of  the  documents  relating  to  Persia.    Most 
names  of  plants  and  other  products  have  been  omitted  in  Parker's  article. 


INTRODUCTION  205 

study  of  cultivated  plants,  and  this  is  the  early  literature  on  medicine. 
Prominent  are  the  books  of  the  physician  Can  Cun-kin  §i  it  S  or 
Can  Ki  §K  18,  who  is  supposed  to  have  lived  under  the  Later  Han  at 
the  end  of  the  second  century  A.D.  A  goodly  number  of  cultivated  plants 
is  mentioned  in  his  book  Kin  kwei  yil  han  yao  Ho  fail  lun  &  S  3i  3& 
3c  §  ~}3  Ift  or  abbreviated  Kin  kwei  yao  lio.1  This  is  a  very  interesting 
hand-book  of  dietetics  giving  detailed  rules  as  to  the  avoidance  of 
certain  foods  at  certain  times  or  in  certain  combinations,  poisonous 
effects  of  articles  of  diet,  and  prescriptions  to  counteract  this  poison. 
Neither  this  nor  any  other  medical  writer  gives  descriptions  of  plants 
or  notes  regarding  their  introduction;  they  are  simply  enumerated  in 
the  text  of  the  prescriptions.  But  it  is  readily  seen  that,  if  such  a  work 
can  be  exactly  dated,  it  has  a  chronological  value  in  determining  whether 
a  given  plant  was  known  at  that  period.  Thus  Can  Ki  mentions,  of 
plants  that  interest  us  in  this  investigation,  the  walnut,  the  pome- 
granate, the  coriander,  and  Allium  scorodoprasum  (hu  swan).  Unfortu- 
nately, however,  we  do  not  know  that  we  possess  his  work  in  its 
original  shape,  and  Chinese  scholars  admit  that  it  has  suffered  from  inter- 
polations which  it  is  no  longer  possible  to  unravel.  The  data  of  such 
a  work  must  be  utilized  with  care  whenever  points  of  chronology  are 
emphasized.  It  was  rather  tempting  to  add  to  the  original  prescrip- 
tions of  Can  Ki,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  subsequent  editions 
have  blended  primeval  text  with  later  comments.  The  earliest  com- 
mentary is  by  Wan  Su-ho  :£  $t  %R  of  the  Tsin.  Now,  if  we  note  that 
the  plants  in  question  are  otherwise  not  mentioned  under  the  Han,  but 
in  other  books  are  recorded  only  several  centuries  later,  we  can  hardly 
refrain  from  entertaining  serious  doubts  as  to  Can  Ki's  acquaintance 
with  them.  A  critical  bibliographical  study  of  early  Chinese  medical 
literature  is  an  earnest  desideratum. 

A.  DE  CANDOLLE'S  monumental  work  on  the  "Origin  of  Cultivated 
Plants "  is  still  the  only  comprehensive  book  on  this  subject  that  we 
have.  It  was  a  masterpiece  for  his  time,  and  still  merits  being  made 
the  basis  and  starting-point  for  any  investigation  of  this  kind.  De  Can- 
dolle  possessed  a  really  critical  and  historical  spirit,  which  cannot  be 
said  of  other  botanists  who  tried  to  follow  him  on  the  path  of  his- 
torical research;  and  the  history  of  many  cultivated  plants  has  been 
outlined  by  him  perfectly  well  and  exactly.  Of  many  others,  our  con- 
ceptions are  now  somewhat  different.  Above  all,  it  must  be  said  that 

1  Reprinted  in  the  Yii  tswan  $  tsun  kin  kien  of  1739  (WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese 
Literature,  p.  101).  A  good  edition  of  this  and  the  other  works  of  the  same  author  on 
the  basis  of  a  Sung  edition  is  contained  in  the  medical  Ts'un-Su,  the  /  t'uti  £en  mo 
ts'uan  Su,  published  by  the  Ce-kian  Su  ku. 


206  SlNO-lRANICA 

since  his  days  Oriental  studies  have  made  such  rapid  strides,  that  his 
notes  with  regard  to  India,  China,  and  Japan,  are  thoroughly  out  of 
date.  As  to  China,  he  possessed  no  other  information  than  the  super- 
ficial remarks  of  BRETSCHNEIDER  in  his  "Study  and  Value  of  Chinese 
Botanical  Works,"1  which  teem  with  misunderstandings  and  errors.2 
De  Candolle's  conclusions  as  to  things  Chinese  are  no  longer  acceptable. 
The  same  holds  good  for  India  and  probably  also  for  Egypt  and  western 
Asia.  In  point  of  method,  de  Candolle  has  set  a  dangerous  precedent 
to  botanists  in  whose  writings  this  effect  is  still  visible,  and  this  is 
his  over- valuation  of  purely  linguistic  data.  The  existence  of  a  native 
name  for  a  plant  is  apt  to  prove  little  or  nothing  for  the  history  of 
the  plant,  which  must  be  based  on  documentary  and  botanical  evi- 
dence. Names,  as  is  well  known,  in  many  cases  are  misleading  or 
deceptive;  they  constitute  a  welcome  accessory  in  the  chain  of  evidence, 
but  they  cannot  be  relied  upon  exclusively.  It  is  a  different  case,  of 
course,  if  the  Chinese  offer  us  plant-names  which  can  be  proved  to  be 
of  Iranian  origin.  If  on  several  occasions  I  feel  obliged  to  uphold 
V.  Hehn  against  his  botanical  critic  A.  Engler,  such  pleas  must  not 
be  construed  to  mean  that  I  am  an  unconditional  admirer  of  Hehn; 
on  the  contrary,  I  am  wide  awake  to  his  weak  points  and  the  short- 
comings of  his  method,  but  wherever  in  my  estimation  he  is  right,  it 
is  my  duty  to  say  that  he  is  right.  A  book  to  which  I  owe  much  in- 
formation is  CHARLES  JORET'S  "Les  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite*  et  au 
moyen  age"  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1897,  1904),  which  contains  a  sober  and 
clear  account  of  the  plants  of  ancient  Iran.8 

A  work  to  which  I  am  greatly  indebted  is  "  Terminologie  me'dico- 
pharmaceutique  et  anthropologique  frangaise-persane, "  by  J.  L. 
SCHLIMMER,  lithographed  at  Teheran,  1874.*  This  comprehensive  work 
of  over  600  pages  folio  embodies  the  lifelong  labors  of  an  instructor  at 
the  Polytechnic  College  of  Persia,  and  treats  in  alphabetical  order  of 
animal  and  vegetable  products,  drugs,  minerals,  mineral  waters,  native 

1  Published  in  the  Chinese  Recorder  for  1870  and  1871. 

1  They  represent  the  fruit  of  a  first  hasty  and  superficial  reading  of  the  Pen 
ts'ao  kan  mu  without  the  application  of  any  criticism.  In  Chinese  literature  we  can 
reach  a  conclusion  only  by  consulting  and  sifting  all  documents  bearing  on  a  problem. 
Bretschneider's  Botanicon  Sinicum,  much  quoted  by  sinologues  and  looked  upon  as 
a  sort  of  gospel  by  those  who  are  unable  to  control  his  data,  has  now  a  merely  relative 
value,  and  is  uncritical  and  unsatisfactory  both  from  a  botanical  and  a  sinological 
viewpoint;  it  is  simply  a  translation  of  the  botanical  section  of  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu 
without  criticism  and  with  many  errors,  the  most  interesting  plants  being  omitted. 

1  Joret  died  in  Paris  on  December  26,  1914,  at  the  age  of  eighty-five  years 
(cf.  obituary  notice  by  H.  CORDIER,  La  Geographic,  1914,  p.  239). 

4  Quoted  " SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie."  I  wish  to  express  my  obligation  to  the 
Surgeon  General's  Library  in  Washington  for  the  loan  of  this  now  very  rare  book. 


INTRODUCTION  207 

therapeutics  and  diseases,  with  a  wealth  of  solid  information  that  has 
hardly  ever  been  utilized  by  our  science. 

It  is  hoped  that  these  researches  will  chiefly  appeal  to  botanists 
and  to  students  of  human  civilization;  but,  as  it  can  hardly  be  expected 
that  the  individual  botanist  will  be  equally  interested  in  the  history 
of  every  plant  here  presented,  each  subject  is  treated  as  a  unit  and 
as  an  independent  essay,  so  that  any  one,  according  to  his  inclination 
and  choice,  may  approach  any  chapter  he  desires.  Repetitions  have 
therefore  not  been  shunned,  and  cross-references  are  liberally  inter- 
spersed; it  should  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  my  object  is  not 
to  outline  merely  the  history  of  this  or  that  plant,  but  what  I  wish  to 
present  is  a  synthetic  and  comprehensive  picture  of  a  great  and  unique 
plant-migration  in  the  sense  of  a  cultural  movement,  and  simultane- 
ously an  attempt  to  determine  the  Iranian  stratum  in  the  structure  of 
Chinese  civilization.  It  is  not  easy  to  combine  botanical,  oriental, 
philological,  and  historical  knowledge,  but  no  pains  have  been  spared 
to  render  justice  to  both  the  botanical  and  the  historical  side  of  each 
problem.  All  data  have  been  sifted  critically,  whether  they  come 
from  Chinese,  Japanese,  Indian,  Persian,  Arabic,  or  classical  sources, 
and  in  no  instance  have  I  depended  on  a  second-hand  or  dogmatic 
statement.  The  various  criticisms  of  A.  de  Candolle,  A.  Engler,  E. 
Bretschneider,  and  other  eminent  authorities,  arise  from  the  critical 
attitude  toward  the  subject,  and  merely  aim  at  the  furtherance  of  the 
cause. 

I  wish  to  express  my  thanks  to  Dr.  Tanaka  TyOzaburO  in  the 
Bureau  of  Plant  Industry  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  Washing- 
ton, for  having  kindly  prepared  a  translation  of  the  notices  on  the 
grape-vine  and  the  walnut  from  Japanese  sources,  which  are  appended 
to  the  chapters  on  the  history  of  these  plants.  The  manuscript  of  this 
publication  was  completed  in  April,  1918. 

The  generosity  of  Mrs.  T.  B.  Blackstone  and  Mr.  Charles  R. 
Crane  in  contributing  a  fund  toward  the  printing  of  this  volume  is 
gratefully  acknowledged. 


ALFALFA 

1.  The  earliest  extant  literary  allusion  to  alfalfa1  (Medicago  saliva) 
is  made  in  424  B.C.  in  the  Equites  ("The  Knights")  of  Aristophanes, 
who  says  (V,  606)  : 


"H0-0iop  5£  rods  irayovpovs  kvrl  irolas 

"The  horses  ate  the  crabs  of  Corinth  as  a  substitute  for  the  Medic.*] 

The  term  "Medike  "  is  derived  from  the  name  of  the  country  Media. 
In  his  description  of  Media,  Strabo*  states  that  the  plant  constituting 
the  chief  food  of  the  horses  is  called  by  the  Greeks  "Medike"  from  its 
growing  in  Media  in  great  abundance.  He  also  mentions  as  a  product 
of  Media  silphion,  from  which  is  obtained  the  Medic  juice.3  Pliny* 
Intimates  that  "Medica"  is  by  nature  foreign  to  Greece,  and  that  it 
was  first  introduced  there  from  Media  in  consequence  of  the  Persian 
wars  under  King  Darius.  Dioscorides8  describes  the  plant  without 
referring  to  a  locality,  and  adds  that  it  is  used  as  forage  by  the  cattle- 
breeders.  In  Italy,  the  plant  was  disseminated  from  the  middle  of  the 
second  century  B.C.  to  the  middle  of  the  first  century  A.D.,8  —  almost 
coeval  with  its  propagation  to  China.  The  Assyriologists  claim  that 
aspasti  or  aspastu,  the  Iranian  designation  of  alfalfa,  is  mentioned  in 
a  Babylonian  text  of  ca.  700  B.C.;7  and  it  would  not  be  impossible  that 
its  favorite  fodder  followed  the  horse  at  the  time  of  its  introduction 
from  Iran  into  Mesopotamia.  A.  DE  CANDOLLE*  states  that  Medicago 

1  1  use  this  term  (not  lucerne)  in  accordance  with  the  practice  of  the  U.  S. 
Department  of  Agriculture;  it  is  also  the  term  generally  used  and  understood  by  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  The  word  is  of  Arabic  origin,  and  was  adopted  by  the 
Spaniards,  who  introduced  it  with  the  plant  into  Mexico  and  South  America  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  In  1854  it  was  taken  to  San  Francisco  from  Chile  (J.  M.  WEST- 
GATE,  Alfalfa,  p.  5,  Washington,  1908). 

•  XI.  xiii,  7. 

1  Theophrastus  (Hist,  plant.,  VIII.  vn,  7)  mentions  alfalfa  but  casually  by 
saying  that  it  is  destroyed  by  the  dung  and  urine  of  sheep.  Regarding  silphion 
see  p.  355- 

4  xm,  43. 

•n,  176. 

e  HEHN,  Kulturpflanzen,  8th  ed.,  p.  412. 

T  SCHRADER  in  Hehn,  p.  416;  C.  JORET  (Plantes  dans  1'antiquite1,  Vol.  II,  p.  68) 
states  after  J.  Hale"vy  that  aspasti  figures  in  the  list  drawn  up  by  the  gardener  of  the 
Babylonian  king  Mardukbalidin  (Merodach-Baladan),  a  contemporary  of  Ezechias 
King  of  Juda. 

8  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p,  103. 

208 


ALFALFA  209 

saliva  has  been  found  wild,  with  every  appearance  of  an  indigenous 
plant,  in  several  provinces  of  Anatolia,  to  the  south  of  the  Caucasus, 
in  several  parts  of  Persia,  in  Afghanistan,  Baluchistan,  and  in  Kashmir.1 
Hence  the  Greeks,  he  concludes,  may  have  introduced  the  plant  from 
Asia  Minor  as  well  as  from  India,  which  extended  from  the  north  of 
Persia.  This  theory  seems  to  me  inadmissible  and  superfluous,  for 
the  Greeks  allude  solely  to  Media  in  this  connection,  not  to  India. 
Moreover,  the  cultivation  of  the  plant  is  not  ancient  in  India,  but  is 
of  recent  date,  and  hardly  plays  any  r61e  in  Indian  agriculture  and 
economy. 

In  ancient  Iran,  alfalfa  was  a  highly  important  crop  closely  associated 
with  the  breeding  of  superior  races  of  horses.  Pahlavi  as  past  or  aspist 
New  Persian  aspust,  uspust,  aspist,  ispist,  or  isfist  (Pustu  or  Afghan  spastu, 
SpeSta),  is  traceable  to  an  Avestan  or  Old-Iranian  *aspo-asti  (from  the 
root  ad,  "to  eat"),  and  literally  means  " horse-fodder."2  This  word  has 
penetrated  into  Syriac  in  the  form  aspesta  or  pespesta  (the  latter  in  the 
Geoponica).  Khosrau  I  (A.D.  531-578)  of  the  Sasanian  dynasty  included 
alfalfa  in  his  new  organization  of  the  land-tax:3  the  tax  laid  on  alfalfa 
was  seven  times  as  high  as  that  on  wheat  and  barley,  which  gives  an 
idea  of  the  high  valuation  of  that  forage-plant.  It  was  also  employed 
in  the  pharmacopoeia,  being  dealt  with  by  Abu  Mansur  in  his  book 
on  pharmacology.4  The  seeds  are  still  used  medicinally.6  The  Arabs 
derived  from  the  Persians  the  word  isfist,  Arabicized  into  fisfisa;  Arabic 
designations  being  ratba  and  qatt,  the  former  for  the  plant  in  its  natural 
state,  the  latter  for  the  dried  plant.6 

The  mere  fact  that  the  Greeks  received  Medicago  from  the  Persians, 
and  christened  it  "  Medic  grass,"  by  no  means  signifies  or  proves  at  the 
outset  that  Medicago  represents  a  genuinely  Iranian  cultivation.  It  is 
well  known  how  fallacious  such  names  are:  the  Greeks  also  had  the 
peach  under  the  name  "Persian  apple,"  and  the  apricot  as  "Armenian 
apple;"  yet  peach  and  apricot  are  not  originally  Persian  or  Armenian, 
but  Chinese  cultivations:  Iranians  and  Armenians  in  this  case  merely 

1  As  to  Kashmir,  it  will  be  seen,  we  receive  a  confirmation  from  an  ancient 
Chinese  document.    See  also  G.  WATT,  Dictionary  of  the  Economic  Products  of 
India,  Vol.  V,  pp.  199-203. 

2  NELDEKE,  ZDMG,  Vol.  XXXII,  1878,  p.  408.    Regarding  some  analogous 
plant-names,  see  R.  v.  STACKELBERG,  ibid.,  Vol.  LIV,  1900,  pp.  108,  109. 

3  NOLDEKE,  Tabari,  p.  244. 

4  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  73  (cf.  above,  p.  194). 

6  SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  365.  He  gives  yondze  as  the  Persian  name,  which, 
however,  is  of  Turkish  origin  (from  yont,  "horse").  In  Asia  Minor  there  is  a  place 
Yonjali  ("rich  in  alfalfa"). 

6  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  35. 


210  SlNO-lRANICA 

acted  as  mediators  between  the  far  east  and  the  Mediterranean.  How- 
ever, the  case  of  alfalfa  presents  a  different  problem.  The  Chinese,  who 
cultivate  alfalfa  to  a  great  extent,  do  not  claim  it  as  an  element  of 
their  agriculture,  but  have  a  circumstantial  tradition  as  to  when  and 
how  it  was  received  by  them  from  Iranian  quarters  in  the  second 
century  B.C.  As  any  antiquity  for  this  plant  is  lacking  in  India  or  any 
other  Asiatic  country,  the  verdict  as  to  the  centre  of  its  primeval  culti- 
vation is  decidedly  in  favor  of  Iran.  The  contribution  which  the  Chinese 
have  to  make  to  the  history  of  Medicago  is  of  fundamental  importance 
and  sheds  new  light  on  the  whole  subject:  in  fact,  the  history  of  no 
cultivated  plant  is  so  well  authenticated  and  so  solidly  founded. 

In  the  inscription  of  Persepolis,  King  Darius  says,  "This  land  Persia 
which  Auramazda  has  bestowed  on  me,  being  beautiful,  populous,  and 
abundant  in  horses  —  according  to  the  will  of  Auramazda  and  my  own, 
King  Darius  —  it  does  not  tremble  before  any  enemy."  I  have  alluded 
in  the  introduction  to  the  results  of  General  Can  K'ien's  memorable 
expedition  to  Central  Asia.  The  desire  to  possess  the  fine  Iranian 
thoroughbreds,  more  massively  built  than  the  small  Mongolian  horse, 
and  distinguished  by  their  noble  proportions  and  slenderness  of  feet 
as  well  as  by  the  development  of  chest,  neck,  and  croup,  was  one  of 
the  strongest  motives  for  the  Emperor  Wu  (140-87  B.C.)  to  maintain 
regular  missions  to  Iranian  countries,  which  led  to  a  regular  caravan 
trade  with  Fergana  and  Parthia.  Even  more  than  ten  such  missions 
were  dispatched  in  the  course  of  a  year,  the  minimum  being  five  or  six. 
At  first,  this  superior  breed  of  horse  was  obtained  from  the  Wu-sun, 
but  then  it  was  found  by  Can  K'ien  that  the  breed  of  Fergana  was  far 
superior.  These  horses  were  called  t  'blood-sweating"  (han-kile  ff  jfil),1 
and  were  believed  to  be  the  offspring  of  a  heavenly  horse  (t'ien  ma 
^  Kl).  The  favorite  fodder  of  this  noble  breed  consisted  in  Medicago 
sativa;  and  it  was  a  sound  conclusion  of  General  Can  K'ien,  who  was  a 
practical  man  and  possessed  of  good  judgment  in  economic  matters, 
that,  if  these  much-coveted  horses  were  to  continue  to  thrive  on  Chinese 
soil,  their  staple  food  had  to  go  along  with  them.  Thus  he  obtained 
the  seeds  of  alfalfa  in  Fergana,2  and  presented  them  in  126  B.C.  to  his 
imperial  master,  who  had  wide  tracts  of  land  near  his  palaces  covered 

1  This  name  doubtless  represents  the  echo  of  some  Iranian  mythical  concept, 
but  I  have  not  yet  succeeded  in  tracing  it  in  Iranian  mythology. 

2  In  Fergana  as  well  as  in  the  remainder  of  Russian  Turkistan  Medicago  saliva 
is  still  propagated  on  an  immense  scale,  and  represents  the  only  forage-plant  of  that 
country,  without  which  any  economy  would  be  impossible,  for  pasture-land  and  hay 
are  lacking.  Alfalfa  yields  four  or  five  harvests  there  a  year,  and  is  used  for  the  feed- 
ing of  cattle  either  in  the  fresh  or  dry  state.   In  the  mountains  it  is  cultivated  up  to 
an  elevation  of  five  thousand  feet;  wild  or  as  an  escape  from  cultivation  it  reaches 


ALFALFA  211 

with  this  novel  plant,  and  enjoyed  the  possession  of  large  numbers  of 
celestial  horses.1  From  the  palaces  this  fodder-plant  soon  spread  to 
the  people,  and  was  rapidly  diffused  throughout  northern  China. 
According  to  Yen  Si-ku  (A.D.  579-645),  this  was  already  an  accom- 
plished fact  during  the  Han  period.  As  an  officinal  plant,  alfalfa  appears 
in  the  early  work  Pie  lu.*  The  Ts*i  min  yao  $u  of  the  sixth  century 
A.D.  gives  rules  for  its  cultivation;  and  T'ao  Hun-kin  (A.D.  451-536) 
remarks  that  "it  is  grown  in  gardens  at  C'an-nan  (the  ancient  capital 
in  Sen-si),  and  is  much  valued  by  the  northerners,  while  the  people 
of  Kian-nan  do  not  indulge  in  it  much,  as  it  is  devoid  of  flavor.  Abroad 
there  is  another  mu-su  plant  for  healing  eye-diseases,  but  different 
from  this  species."8 

Can  K'ien  was  sent  out  by  the  Emperor  Wu  to  search  for  the 
Yue-2i  and  to  close  an  alliance  with  them  against  the  Turkish  Hiun-nu. 
The  Yue-£i,  in  my  opinion,  were  an  Indo-European  people,  speaking  a 
North-Iranian  language  related  to  Scythian,  Sogdian,  YagnObi,  and 
Ossetic.  In  the  course  of  his  mission,  Can  K'ien  visited  Fergana,  Sog- 
diana,  and  Bactria,  all  strongholds  of  an  Iranian  population.  The 
"West"  for  the  first  time  revealed  by  him  to  his  astounded  country- 
men was  Iranian  civilization,  and  the  products  which  he  brought  back 
were  thoroughly  and  typically  Iranian.  The  two  cultivated  plants 
(and  only  these  two)  introduced  by  him  into  his  fatherland  hailed 
from  Fergana:  Ferganian  was  an  Iranian  language;  and  the  words  for 
the  alfalfa  and  grape,  mu-su  and  p*u-t'ao,  were  noted  by  Can  K'ien 
in  Fergana  and  transmitted  to  China  along  with  the  new  cultivations. 
These  words  were  Ferganian;  that  is,  Iranian.4  Can  K'ien  himself  was 

an  altitude  up  to  nine  thousand  feet.  Cf.  S.  KORZINSKI,  Vegetation  of  Turkistan 
(in  Russian),  p.  51.  Russian  Turkistan  produces  the  largest  supply  of  alfalfa-seed 
for  export  (E.  BROWN,  Bull.  Dep.  of  Agriculture,  No.  138,  1914). 

1  Si  ki,  Ch.  123. 

*  Cf.  Chinese  Clay  Figures,  p.  135. 

8  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  27,  p.  23.   It  is  not  known  what  this  foreign  species  is. 

4  HIRTH'S  theory  (Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXVII,  1917,  p.  149),  that  the 
element  yuan  of  Ta-yuan  (Fergana)  might  represent  a  "fair  linguistic  equivalent"  of 
Yavan  (Yavana,  the  Indian  name  of  the  Greeks),  had  already  been  advanced  by  J. 
EDKINS  (Journal  China  Branch  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  Vol.  XVIII,  1884,  p.  5).  To  me  it 
seems  eccentric,  and  I  regret  being  unable  to  accept  it.  In  the  T'ang  period  we  have 
from  Huan  Tsan  a  reproduction  of  the  name  Yavana  in  the  form  JUJ  Jfl  ^JS 
Yen-mo-na,  *Yam-mwa-na  (PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  frangaise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  278). 
For  the  Han  period  we  should  expect,  after  the  analogy  of  Jj|  f$  Ye-tiao,  *Yap 
(Dzap)-div  (Yavadvlpa,  Java),  a  transcription  J§  Jf  Ye-na,  *Yap-na,  for  Yavana, 
The  term  $£  @  Yu-yue,  *  Yu-vat  (var) ,  does  not  represent  a  transcription  of  Yavana, 
as  supposed  by  CHAVANNES  (M&noires  historiques  de  Se-ma  Ts'ien,  Vol.  IV,  1901, 
PP-  558-559),  but  is  intended  to  transcribe  the  name  Yuan  (*Yuvar,  Yjjar), 
still  employed  by  the  Cam  and  other  peoples  of  Indo-China  as  a  designation  of 


212  SlNO-lRANICA 

very  well  aware  of  the  fact  that  the  speech  of  the  people  of  Fergana  was 
Iranian,  for  he  stated  in  his  report,  that,  although  there  were  different 
dialects  in  the  tract  of  land  stretching  from  Fergana  westward  as  far 
as  Parthia  (An-si),  yet  their  resemblance  was  so  great  that  the  people 
could  make  themselves  intelligible  to  each  other.1  This  is  a  plain 
allusion  to  the  differentiation  and  at  the  same  time  the  unity  of  Iranian 
speech;2  and  if  the  Ferganians  were  able  to  understand  the  Parthians, 
I  do  not  see  in  what  other  language  than  Iranian  they  could  have 
conversed.  Certainly  they  did  not  speak  Greek  or  Turkish,  as  some 
prejudiced  theorists  are  inclined  to  imagine. 

The  word  brought  back  by  Can  K'ien  for  the  designation  of  alfalfa, 
and  still  used  everywhere  in  China  for  this  plant,  was  mu-su  @  ^§, 
consisting  of  two  plain  phonetic  elements,8  anciently  *muk-suk  (Japa- 
nese moku-Suku),  subsequently  written  H*  ^  with  the  addition  of  the 
classifier  No.  140.  I  recently  had  occasion  to  indicate  an  ancient  Tibetan 
transcription  of  the  Chinese  word  in  the  form  bug-sug*  and  this  appears 
to  come  very  near  to  the  Iranian  prototype  to  be  restored,  which  was 
*buksuk  or  *buxsux,  perhaps  *buxsuk.  The  only  sensible  explanation 
ever  given  of  this  word,  which  unfortunately  escaped  the  sinologues, 
was  advanced  by  W.  TOMASCHEK,B  who  tentatively  compared  it  with 
Gilaki  (a  Caspian  dialect)  buso  ("alfalfa").  This  would  be  satisfactory 
if  it  could  be  demonstrated  that  this  buso  is  evolved  from  *bux-sox  or 
the  like.  Further  progress  in  our  knowledge  of  Iranian  dialectology 


Annam  and  the  Annamese  (cf.  Cam  Yuan  or  Yuon,  Bahnar,  Juon,  Khmer  Yuon, 
Stien  Ju6n).  This  native  name,  however,  was  adapted  to  or  assimilated  with  Sanskrit 
Yavana;  for  in  the  Sanskrit  inscriptions  of  Campa,  particularly  in  one  of  the  reign 
of  Jaya-Rudravarman  dated  A.D.  1092,  Annam  is  styled  Yavana  (A.  BERGAIGNE, 
L'Ancien  royaume  de  Campa,  p.  61  of  the  reprint  from  Journal  asiatique,  1888). 
In  the  Old- Javanese  poem  Nagarakrtagama,  completed  in  A.D.  1365,  Yavana 
occurs  twice  as  a  name  for  Annam  (H.  J£.ERN,Bijdragen  tot  de  taal-  land-  en  volkenkunde, 
Vol.LXXII,  1916,  p.  399).  Kern  says  that  the  question  as  to  how  the  name  of  the 
Greeks  was  applied  to  Annam  has  not  been  raised  or  answered  by  any  one;  he  over- 
looked the  contribution  of  Bergaigne,  who  discussed  the  problem. 

1  Strabo  (XV.  n,  8)  observes,  "The  name  of  Ariana  is  extended  so  as  to  include 
some  part  of  Persia,  Media,  and  the  north  of  Bactria  and  Sogdiana;  for  these  peoples 
speak  nearly  the  same  language." 

*  Emphasized  by  R.  GAUTHIOT  in  his  posthumous  work  Trois  Me"moires  sur 
1'unite"  linguistique  des  parlers  iraniens  (reprinted  from  the  Memoires  de  la  Societe 
de  Linguistique  de  Paris,  Vol.  XX,  1916). 

8  The  two  characters  are  thus  indeed  written  without  the  classifiers  in  the  Han 
Annals.  The  writings  J$C  Jff  *muk-suk  of  Kwo  P'o  and  yfc  |?l  *muk-swok  of  Lo 
Yuan,  author  of  the  Er  ya  i  (simply  inspired  by  attempts  at  reading  certain  mean- 
ings into  the  characters),  have  the  same  phonetic  value.  In  Annamese  it  is  muk-tuk. 

4  Toung  Pao,  1916,  p.  500,  No.  206. 

•  Pamir-Dialekte  (Sitzber.  Wiener  Akad.,  1880,  p.  792). 


ALFALFA  213 

will  no  doubt  supply  the  correct  form  of  this  word.  We  have  to  be 
mindful  of  the  fact  that  the  speech  of  those  East-Iranian  tribes,  the 
advance-guard  of  Iran  proper,  with  whom  the  Chinese  first  came  in 
contact,  has"  never  been  committed  to  writing,  and  is  practically  lost 
to  us.  Only  secluded  dialects  may  still  harbor  remnants  of  that  lost 
treasure.  We  have  to  be  the  more  grateful  to  the  Chinese  for  having 
rescued  for  us  a  few  words  of  that  extinct  language,  and  to  place  *buksuk 
or  *buxsux  on  record  as  the  ancient  Ferganian  appellation  of  Medicago 
sativa.  The  first  element  of  this  word  may  survive  in  Sariqoll  (a  Pamir 
dialect)  wux  (''grass").  In  Waxl,  another  Pamir  idiom,  alfalfa  is 
styled  wujerk;  and  grass,  wu$.  "Horse"  is  yds  in  Waxl,  and  vurj  in 
Sariqoll.1 

BRETSCHNEiDER2  was  content  to  say  that  mu-su  is  not  Chinese, 
but  most  probably  a  foreign  name.  WATTERS,  in  his  treatment  of 
foreign  words  in  Chinese,  has  dodged  this  term.  T.  W.  KINGSMILLS 
is  responsible  for  the  hypothesis  that  mu-su  "may  have  some  connec- 
tion with  the  Mr/Sw)  fioTavrj  of  Strabo."  This  is  adopted  by  the  Chinese 
Dictionary  of  GILES."*  This  Greek  designation  had  certainly  not  pene- 
trated to  Fergana,  nor  did  the  Iranian  Ferganians  use  a  Greek  name 
for  a  plant  indigenous  to  their  country.  It  is  also  impossible  to  see 
what  the  phonetic  coincidence  between  *muk-suk  or  *buk-suk  and 
medike  is  supposed  to  be. 

The  least  acceptable  explanation  of  mu-su  is  that  recently  pro- 
pounded by  HiRTH,6  who  identifies  it  with  a  Turkish  burtak,  which  is 
Osmanli,  and  refers  to  the  pea.6  Now,  it  is  universally  known  that  a 
language  like  Osmanli  was  not  in  existence  in  the  second  century  B.C., 
but  is  a  comparatively  modern  form  of  Turkish  speech;  and  how  Can 
K'ien  should  have  picked  up  an  Osmanli  or  any  other  Turkish  word  for 
a  typically  Iranian  plant  in  Fergana,  where  there  were  no  Turks  at  that 
time,  is  unintelligible.  Nor  is  the  alleged  identification  phonetically 
correct:  Chinese  mu,  *muk,  *buk,  cannot  represent  bur,  nor  can  su, 

1  Cf.  R.  B.  SHAW,  On  the  Ghalchah  Languages  (Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  1876, 
pp.  221,  231).   According  to  TOMASCHEK  (op.  cit.,  p.  763),  this  word  is  evolved  from 
*bharaka,  Ossetic  bairag  ("good  foal"). 

2  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  p.  404. 

3  Journal  China  Branch  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  Vol.  XIV,  1879,  p.  19. 

4  No.  8081,  wrongly  printed  MeSuci?.    The  word  POT&VTI  is  not  connected  with 
the  name  of  the  plant,  but  in  the  text  of  Strabo  is  separated  from  Mqdiicriv  by  eleven 
words.   MriSiKrj  is  to  be  explained  as  scil.  7r6a,  "Medic  grass  or  fodder." 

6  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXVII,  1917,  p.  145. 

6  Kara  burtak  means  the  "black  pea"  and  denotes  the  vetch. 


214  SlNO-lRANICA 

*suk,  stand  for  Zak.1  The  entire  speculation  is  deplorable,  and  we  are 
even  expected  "to  allow  for  a  change  the  word  may  have  undergone 
from  the  original  meaning  within  the  last  two  thousand  years";  but 
there  is  no  trace  of  evidence  that  the  Osmanli  word  has  existed  that 
length  of  time,  neither  can  it  be  reasonably  admitted  that  the  signifi- 
cance of  a  word  can  change  from  "pea"  to  "alfalfa."  The  universal 
term  in  Central  Asia  for  alfalfa  is  bidd2  or  beda?  Djagatai  bida.  This 
word  means  simply  "fodder,  clover,  hay."4  According  to  TOMASCHEK,B 
this  word  is  of  Iranian  origin  (Persian  beda).  It  is  found  also  in  Sariqoli, 
a  Pamir  dialect.6  This  would  indicate  very  well  that  the  Persians 
(and  it  could  hardly  be  expected  otherwise)  disseminated  the  alfalfa 
to  Turkistan. 

According  to  VAMBERY,7  alfalfa  appears  to  have  been  indigenous 
among  the  Turks  from  all  times;  this  opinion,  however,  is  only  based 
on  linguistic  evidence,  which  is  not  convincing:  a  genuine  Turkish 
name  exists  in  Djagatai  jonu$ka  (read  yonutka)  and  Osmanli  yondza* 
(add  Kasak-Kirgiz  yonurcka),  which  simply  means  "green  fodder, 
clover."  Now,  these  dialects  represent  such  recent  forms  of  Turkish 
speech,  that  so  far-reaching  a  conclusion  cannot  be  based  on  them. 
As  far  as  I  know,  in  the  older  Turkish  languages  no  word  for  alfalfa 
has  as  yet  been  found. 

A  Sanskrit  il  A  #  33L  sai-pi-li-k'ie,  *sak-bi-lik-kya,  for  the  designa- 
tion of  mu-su,  is  indicated  by  Li  Si-cen,9  who  states  that  this  is  the 
word  for  mu-su  used  in  the  Kin  kwan  min  kin  &  ^t  $J  ft  (Suvar- 
naprabhasa-sutra).  This  is  somewhat  surprising,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  there  is  no  Sanskrit  word  for  this  plant  known  to  us;10  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  latter  was  introduced  into  India  from  Iran 
in  comparatively  recent  times.  BRETSCHNEIDER'S  suggestion,11  that  in 

I  Final  k  in  transcriptions  never  answers  to  a  final  r,  but  only  to  k,  g,  or  x  (cf. 
also  PELLIOT,  T'oung  Pao,  1912,  p.  476). 

a  A.  STEIN,  Khotan,  Vol.  I,  p.  130. 

8  LE  COQ,  Sprichw6rter  und  Lieder  aus  Turfan,  p.  85. 

4  I.  KUNOS,  Sulejman  Efendi's  Cagataj-Osman.  Worterbuch,  p.  26. 

6  Pamir-Dialekte,  p.  792. 

8  R.  B.  SHAW,  Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  1876,  p.  231. 

7  Primitive  Cultur  des  turko-tatarischen  Volkes,  p.  220. 

8  The  etymology  given  of  this  word  by  Vambe'ry  is  fantastic  and  unacceptable. 

9  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  27,  p.  3  b.     Mu-su  is  classified  by  hiui  under  ts'ai 
("vegetables"). 

J0  This  was  already  remarked  by  A.  DE  CANDOLLE  (Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants, 
p.  104).  Also  WATT  gives  only  modern  Indian  vernacular  names,  three  of  which, 
spastu,  sebist,  and  beda,  are  of  Iranian  origin. 

II  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  p.  404. 


ALFALFA  215 

Kabul  the  Trifolium  giganteum  is  called  sibarga,  and  Medicago  sativa 
is  styled  riSka,  is  unsatisfactory.  The  word  sibarga  means  "trefoil" 
(si,  " three;"  barga  =  Persian  barak,  varak,  "leaf"),  and  is  Iranian,  not 
Sanskrit;  the  corresponding  Sanskrit  word  is  tripatra  or  triparna.  The 
word  riSka  is  Afghan;  that  is,  likewise  Iranian.1  Considering  the  fact 
that  nothing  is  known  about  the  plant  in  question  in  early  Indian 
sources,  it  is  highly  improbable  that  it  should  figure  in  a  Buddhist 
Sutra  of  the  type  of  the  Suvarnaprabhasa;  and  I  think  that  Li  Si-cen 
is  mistaken  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  word,  which  he  says  he  encountered 
there. 

The  above  transcription  occurs  also  in  the  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi 
(section  27)  and  answers  to  Sanskrit  qdka-vrika,  the  word  qaka  denoting 
any  eatable  herb  or  vegetable,  and  vfika  (or  baka)  referring  to  a  certain 
plant  not  yet  identified  (cf.  the  analogous  formation  $dka-bilva,  "egg- 
plant"). It  is  not  known  what  herb  is  to  be  understood  by  qaka-vfika, 
and  the  Chinese  translation  mu-su  may  be  merely  a  makeshift,  though 
it  is  not  impossible  that  the  Sanskrit  compound  refers  to  some  species 
of  Medicago.  We  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  the  equations 
established  in  the  Chinese-Sanskrit  dictionaries  are  for  the  greater  part 
merely  bookish  or  lexicographical,  and  do  not  relate  to  plant  introduc- 
tions. The  Buddhist  translators  were  merely  anxious  to  find  a  suitable 
equivalent  for  an  Indian  term.  This  process  is  radically  different  from 
the  plant-names  introduced  together  with  the  plants  from  Iranian, 
Indian,  or  Southeast-Asiatic  regions:  here  we  face  living  realities, 
there  we  have  to  do  with  literary  productions.  Two  other  examples 
may  suffice.  The  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi  (section  24)  offers  a  Sanskrit  botani- 
cal name  in  the  form  U  UK  3fi  cen-t'ou-kia,  anciently  *tsin(tin)-du-k'ie, 
answering  to  Sanskrit  tinduka  (Diospyros  embryopteris) ,  a  dense  ever- 
green small  tree  common  throughout  India  and  Burma.  The  Chinese 
gloss  explains  the  Indian  word  by  Si  ffi,  which  is  the  well-known  Dio- 
spyros kaki  of  China  and  Japan,  not,  however,  found  in  ancient  India;  it 
was  but  recently  introduced  into  the  Botanical  Garden  of  Calcutta  by 
Col.  Kyd,  and  the  Chinese  gardeners  employed  there  call  it  tin  ("Chi- 
nese").2 In  this  case  it  signifies  only  the  Diospyros  embryopteris  of 
India.  Under  the  heading  kan-sun  hian  (see  p.  455),  which  denotes  the 
spikenard  (Nardostachys  jatamansi),  Li  Si-Sen  gives  a  Sanskrit  term 
i§r  Sfl^  k'u-mi-Fe,  *ku-mi-c'i,  likewise  taken  from  the  Suvarnapra- 
bhasasutra;  this  corresponds  to  Sanskrit  kunci  or  kuncika,  which  applies 
to  three  different  plants, —  i.  Abrus  precatorius,  2.  Nigella  indica, 

1  There  are,  further,  in  Afghan  sebist  (connected  with  Persian  supust)  and 
dureSta. 

*  W.  ROXBURGH,  Flora  Indica,  p.  412. 


2l6  SlNO-lRANICA 

3.  Trigonella  foenum  graecum.  In  this  case  the  compromise  is  a  failure, 
or  the  identification  of  kunci  with  kan-sun  even  results  from  an  error; 
the  Sanskrit  term  for  the  spikenard  is  gandhamdmsl. 

We  must  not  draw  inferences  from  mere  Sanskrit  names,  either,  as  to 
the  origin  of  Chinese  plants,  unless  there  is  more  substantial  evidence. 
Thus  STUART1  remarks  under  li  ^  (Prunus  domestica)  that  the  Sanskrit 
equivalent  J§  It  j&  ku-lin-kia  indicates  that  this  plum  may  have  been 
introduced  from  India  or  Persia.  Prunus  domestica,  however,  is  a  native 
of  China,  mentioned  in  the  Si  kin,  Li  ki,  and  in  Mon-tse.  The  Sino- 
Indian  word  is  given  in  the  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi  (section  24)  with  the  trans- 
lation li.  The  only  corresponding  Sanskrit  word  is  kulinga,  which 
denotes  a  kind  of  gall.  The  question  is  merely  of  explaining  a  Sanskrit 
term  to  the  Chinese,  but  this  has  no  botanical  or  historical  value  for  the 
Chinese  species. 

Thus  the  records  of  the  Chinese  felicitously  supplement  the  meagre 
notices  of  alfalfa  on  the  part  of  the  ancients,  and  lend  its  history 
the  proper  perspective:  we  recognize  the  why  and  how  of  the  world- 
wide propagation  of  this  useful  economic  plant.2  Aside  from  Fergana, 
the  Chinese  of  the  Han  period  discovered  mu-su  also  in  Ki-pin  (Kash- 
mir),8 and  this  fact  is  of  some  importance  in  regard  to  the  early  geo- 
graphical distribution  of  the  species;  for  in  Kashmir,  as  well  as  in 
Afghanistan  and  Baluchistan,  it  is  probably  spontaneous.4 

Mu-su  gardens  are  mentioned  under  the  Emperor  Wu  (A.D.  265-290) 
of  the  Tsin  dynasty,  and  the  post-horses  of  the  T'ang  dynasty  were  fed 
with  alfalfa.5 

The  fact  that  alfalfa  was  used  as  an  article  of  human  food  under 
the  T'ang  we  note  from  the  story  of  Sie  Lin-Si  l¥  ^  £,,  preceptor  at 
the  Court  of  the  Emperor  Yuan  Tsun  (A.D.  713-755),  who  wrote  a 
versified  complaint  of  the  too  meagre  food  allotted  to  him,  in  which 
alfalfas  with  long  stems  were  the  chief  ingredient.6  The  good  teacher, 
of  course,  was  not  familiar  with  the  highly  nutritive  food-values  of 
the  plant. 

1  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  358. 

2  It  is  singular  that  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  in  his  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  while  he 
has  conscientiously  reproduced  from  Bretschneider  all  his  plants  wrongly  ascribed 
to  Can  K'ien,  does  not  make  any  reference  to  China  in  speaking  of  Medicago 
(pp.  102-104).    In  fact>  its  history  has  never  before  been  outlined  correctly. 

3  Ts'ien  Han  $u,  Ch.  96  A. 

4  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  op.  cit.,  p.  103;  G.  T.  VIGNE,  Travels  in  Kashmir,  Vol.  II,  p.  455. 
6  S.  MATSUDA  ffi  EB  /£  A»  On  Medicago  sativa  and  the  Species  of  Medicago 

in  China  (Botanical  Magazine  fit  ft  $  ft  fj,  Tokyo,  Vol.  XXI,  1907,  p.  243). 
This  is  a  very  interesting  and  valuable  study  written  in  Japanese. 
e  Cf .  C.  P£TILLON,  Allusions  litte"raires,  p.  350. 


ALFALFA  217 


According  to  the  Su  i  ki  #£  M  IS,  written  by  Zen  Fan  >££  B&  in 
the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century,  "the  mu-su  (alfalfa)  gardens  of 
Can  K'ien  are  situated  in  what  is  now  Lo-yafi;  mu-su  was  originally 
a  vegetable  in  the  land  of  the  Hu,  and  K'ien  was  the  first  to  obtain  it 
in  the  Western  Countries."  A  work,  Kiu  Vi  ki  i)l  ftfe  IB,1  says  that  east 
of  the  capital  there  were  mu-su  gardens,  in  which  there  were  three 
pestles  driven  by  water-power. 

The  Si  kin  tsa  ki  ffi  M  H  IB2  states,  "In  the  Lo-yu  gardens  H&  j$£  la 
(in  the  capital  C'an-nan)  there  are  rose-bushes  SC?6  ftf  (Rosa  rugosa), 
which  grow  spontaneously.  At  the  foot  of  these,  there  is  abundance 
of  mu-su,  called  also  hwaifun  H  $&  C  embracing  the  wind'),  sometimes 
kwanfun  jfe  l&  ('brilliant  wind').3  The  people  of  Mou-lin  j$c  HI4  style 
the  plant  lien-Si  ts'ao  31  1£  ^  ('herb  with  connected  branches')."5 

The  Lo  yan  k*ie  Ian  ki  ¥&  Bi  flfl  H  IB,  a  record  of  the  Buddhist 
monasteries  in  the  capital  Lo-yan,  written  by  Yan  Huan-Si  tlf  |£f  *L  in 
A.D.  547  or  shortly  afterwards,  says  that  "Huan-wu  M.  B£  is  situated 
north-east  of  the  Ta-hia  Gate  ^C  JE  P*J  ;  now  it  is  called  Kwan-fun 
Garden  jfc  R  M,  producing  mu-su."  Kwan-fun  ,  as  shown  by  the  Si  kin 
tsa  ki,  is  a  synonyme  of  mu-su. 

K'ou  Tsun-§i,  in  his  Pen  ts*ao  yen  i?  written  in  A.D.  1116,  notes  that 
alfalfa  is  abundant  in  Sen-si,  being  used  for  feeding  cattle  and  horses, 
and  is  also  consumed  by  the  population,  but  it  should  not  be  eaten  in 
large  quantity.  Under  the  Mongols,  the  cultivation  of  alfalfa  was 
much  encouraged,  especially  in  order  to  avert  the  danger  of  famines;7 
and  gardens  were  maintained  to  raise  alfalfa  for  the  feeding  of  horses.8 
According  to  Li  Si-6en  (latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century),9  it  was  in 
his  time  a  common,  wild  plant  in  the  fields  everywhere,  but  was  culti- 
vated in  §en-si  and  Kan-su.  He  apparently  means,  however,  Medicago 
denticulata,  which  is  a  wild  species  and  a  native  of  China.  FORBES 

1  T'ai  p*in  yii  Ian,  Ch.  824,  p.  9. 

2  That  is,  Miscellaneous  Records  of  the  Western  Capital  (C'an-nan  in  Sen-si), 
written  by  Wu  Kun  ^|  J£)  of  the  sixth  century  A.D. 

8  The  explanation  given  for  these  names  is  thus:  the  wind  constantly  whistles 
in  these  gardens,  and  the  sunlight  lends  brilliancy  to  the  flowers. 


4  Ancient  name  for  the  present  district  of  Hin-p'in  |£  zp  in  the  prefecture  of 
Si-nan,  Sen-si. 

6  T'ai  p'ifi  yu  Ian,  Ch.  996,  p.  4  b. 

6  Ch.  19,  p.  3  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

7  Yuan  Si,  Ch.  93,  p.  5  b. 

8  Ibid.,  Ch.  91,  p.  6  b. 

9  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  28,  p.  3  b. 


fl8  SlNO-lRANICA 

and  HEMSLEYI  give  as  Chinese  species  Medicago  denticulata,  falcata* 
and  lupulina  (the  black  Medick  or  nonsuch),  M.  lupulina  "apparently 
common,  and  from  the  most  distant  parts,"  and  say  with  reference  to 
Medicago  sativa  that  it  is  cultivated  in  northern  China,  and  also  occurs 
in  a  wild  state,  though  it  is  probably  not  indigenous.  This  "wild" 
Medicago  sativa  may  be  an  escape  from  cultivation.  It  is  an  interesting 
point  that  those  wild  species  are  named  ye  mu-su  ("wild  alfalfa"), 
which  goes  to  show  that  these  were  observed  by  the  Chinese  only  after 
the  introduction  of  the  imported  cultivated  species.8  Wu  K'i-tsiin4 
has  figured  two  ye  mu-su,  following  his  illustration  of  the  mu-su, —  one 
being  Medicago  lupulina,  the  other  M.  denticulata. 

The  Japanese  call  the  plant  uma-goyaSi  ("horse-nourishing").5 
MATSUMURA6  enumerates  four  species:  M.  sativa:  murasaki  ("purple") 
umagoyasi;1  M.  denticulata:  umagoyasi;  M.  lupulina:  kometsubu- 
umagoyasi;  and  M.  minima:  ko-umagoyasi. 

In  the  Tibetan  dialect  of  Ladakh,  alfalfa  is  known  as  ol.  This  word 
refers  to  the  Medicago  sativa  indigenous  to  Kashmir  or  possibly  intro- 
duced there  from  Iran.  In  Tibet  proper  the  plant  is  unknown.  In 
Armenia  occur  Medicago  sativa,  M.  falcata,  M.  agrestis,  and  M. 
lupulina.6 

Under  the  title  "Notice  sur  la  plante  mou-sou  ou  luzerne  chinoise 
par  C.  de  Skattschkoff,  suivie  d'une  autre  notice  sur  la  me'me  plante 
traduite  du  chinois  par  G.  PAUTHIER,"  a  brief  article  of  16  pages  appeared 
in  Paris,  1864,  as  a  reprint  from  the  Revue  de  V Orient?  Skattschkoff, 
who  had  spent  seven  years  in  Peking,  subsequently  became  Russian 
consul  in  Dsungaria,  and  he  communicates  valuable  information  on  the 
agriculture  of  Medicago  in  that  region.  He  states  that  seeds  of  this 

1  Journal  Linnean  Soc.,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  154. 

*  Attempts  are  being  made  to  introduce  and  to  cultivate  this  species  in  the 
United  States  (cf.  OAKLEY  and  CARVER,  Medicago  Falcata,  U.  S.  Department  of 
Agriculture,  Bull.  No.  428,  1917). 

1  We  shall  renew  this  experience  in  the  case  of  the  grape-vine  and  the  walnut. 
4  Ci  wu  min  li  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  3,  pp.  58,  59. 

*  In  the  same  manner,  Manchu  morxo  is  formed  from  morin  ("horse")  and 
orxo  ("grass"). 

8  Shoku  butsu-mei-i,  Nos.  183-184. 

7  The  flower  of  this  species  is  purple-colored. 

8  A.  BEGUINOT  and  P.  N,  DIRATZSUYAN,  Contribute  alia  flora  dell'  Armenia, 
P-  57- 

9  The  work  of  Pauthier  is  limited  to  a  translation  of  the  notice  on  the  plant  in 
the  Ci  wu  mi*  Si  t'u  k'ao.   The  name  Yu-lou  nun  frequently  occurring  in  this  work 
does  not  refer  to  a  treatise  on  agriculture,  as  conceived  by  Pauthier,  but  is  the  literary 
style  of  Wu  K'i-tsun,  author  of  that  work. 


ALFALFA  219 

plant  were  for  the  first  time  sent  from  China  to  Russia  in  1840,  and 
that  he  himself  has  been  active  for  six  years  in  propagating  it  in  Russia, 
Livonia,  Esthonia,  and  Finland.  This  is  not  to  be  doubted,  but  the 
point  I  venture  to  question  is  that  the  plant  should  not  have  been 
known  in  Russia  prior  to  1840.  Not  only  do  we  find  in  the  Russian 
language  the  words  medunka  (from  Greek  medike)  and  the  European 
I'utserna  (lucerne)  for  the  designation  of  Medicago  sativa,  but  also 
krasni  ("red")  burkun,  letuxa,  lugovoi  v'azel  ("Coronilla  of  the 
meadows");  the  word  burkun,  burunduk,  referring  to  Medicago  falcata 
(called  also  yumorki),  buruntik  to  M.  lupulina.  It  is  hard  to  realize 
that  all  these  terms  should  have  sprung  up  since  1840,  and  that  the 
Russians  should  not  have  received  information  about  this  useful  plant 
from  European,  Iranian,  or  Turkish  peoples.  A.  DE  CANDOLLE*  ob- 
serves, "In  the  south  of  Russia,  a  locality  mentioned  by  some  authors, 
it  is  perhaps  the  result  of  cultivation  as  well  as  in  the  south  of  Europe." 
Judging  from  the  report  of  N.  E.  HANSEN,*  it  appears  that  three  species 
of  Medicago  (M.  falcata,  M.  platycarpa,  and  M.  ruthenica)  are  indigenous 
to  Siberia. 

The  efforts  of  our  Department  of  Agriculture  to  promote  and  to 
improve  the  cultivation  of  alfalfa  in  this  country  are  well  known;  for 
this  purpose  also  seeds  from  China  have  been  introduced.  Argentine 
chiefly  owes  to  alfalfa  a  great  amount  of  its  cattle-breeding.3 

1  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  103. 

2  The  Wild  Alfalfas  and  Clovers  of  Siberia,  pp.  11-15  (Bureau  of  Plant  Industry, 
Bull.  No.  150,  Washington,  1909). 

8  Cf.  I.  B.  LORENZETTI,  La  Alfafa  en  la  Argentina  (Buenos  Aires,  1913,  360  p.)- 


THE  GRAPE-VINE 

2.  The  grape-vine  (Vitis  wnifera)  belongs  to  the  ancient  cultivated 
plants  of  western  Asia  and  Egypt.  It  is  not  one  of  the  most  ancient 
cultivations,  for  cereals  and  many  kinds  of  pulse  are  surely  far  earlier, 
but  it  is  old  enough  to  have  its  beginnings  lost  in  the  dawn  of  history. 
Viticulture  represents  such  a  complexity  of  ideas,  of  a  uniform  and 
persistent  character  throughout  the  ancient  world,  that  it  can  have 
been  disseminated  but  from  a  single  centre.  Opinions  as  to  the  loca- 
tion of  this  focus  are  of  course  divided,  and  our  present  knowledge  of 
the  subject  does  not  permit  us  to  go  beyond  more  or  less  probable 
theories.  Certain  it  is  that  the  primeval  home  of  vine-growing  is  to 
be  sought  in  the  Orient,  and  that  it  was  propagated  thence  to  Hellas 
and  Italy,  while  the  Romans  (according  to  others,  the  Greeks)  trans- 
planted the  vine  to  Gaul  and  the  banks  of  the  Rhine.1  For  botanical 
reasons,  A.  DE  CANDOLLE2  was  inclined  to  regard  the  region  south  of 
the  Caucasus  as  "the  central  and  perhaps  the  most  ancient  home  of 
the  species."  In  view  of  the  Biblical  tradition  of  Noah  planting  the 
grape-vine  near  the  Ararat,8  it  is  a  rather  attractive  hypothesis  to  con- 
ceive of  Armenia  as  the  country  from  which  the  knowledge  of  the 
grape  took  its  starting-point.4  However,  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the 
fact  that  both  vine  and  wine  were  known  in  Egypt  for  at  least  three  or 
four  millenniums  B.C.,5  and  were  likewise  familiar  in  Mesopotamia  at 
a  very  early  date.  This  is  not  the  place  for  a  discussion  of  0.  SCHRADER'S 
theory6  that  the  name  and  cultivation  of  the  vine  are  due  to  Indo- 
Europeans  of  anterior  Asia;  the  word  for  "wine"  may  well  be  of  Indo- 
European  or,  more  specifically,  Armenian  origin,  but  this  does  not 

1  Cf .  the  excellent  study  of  G.  CURTEL,  La  Vigne  et  le  vin  chez  les  Remains 
(Paris,  1903).  See  also  A.  STUMMER,  Zur  Urgeschichte  der  Rebe  und  des  Weinbaues 
(Mitt.  Anthr.  Ges.  Wien,  1911,  pp.  283-296). 

*  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  192. 
8  Genesis,  ix,  20. 

4  Cf.  R.  BILLIARD,  La  Vigne  dans  1'antiquite*,  p.  31  (Lyon,  1913).  This  is  a  well 
illustrated  and  artistic  volume  of  560  pages  and  one  of  the  best  monographs  on  the 
subject.  As  the  French  are  masters  in  the  art  of  viticulture,  so  they  have  also  pro- 
duced the  best  literature  on  the  science  of  vine  and  wine.  Of  botanical  works, 
J.-M.  GUILLON,  Etude  g<§ne"rale  de  la  vigne  (Paris,  1905),  may  be  recommended. 

6  V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  p.  99. 
6  In  HEHN,  Kulturpflanzen,  pp.  91-95. 

220 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  221 

prove  that  the  origin  of  viticulture  itself  is  traceable  to  Indo-Europeans. 
The  Semitic  origin  seems  to  me  to  be  more  probable.  The  Chinese 
received  the  grape-vine  in  late  historical  times  from  Fergana,  an  Iranian 
country,  as  a  cultivation  entirely  unknown  in  previous  epochs;  and 
it  is  therefore  sufficient  for  our  purpose  to  emphasize  the  fact  that 
vine-culture  in  its  entire  range  was  at  that  time  firmly  established  in 
Western  Asia,  inclusive  of  Iran. 

The  first  knowledge  of  the  cultivated  vine  (Vitis  vim/era)  and  of  wine 
produced  from  its  grapes  was  likewise  obtained  by  the  Chinese  through 
the  memorable  mission  of  General  Can  K'ien,  when  in  128  B.C.  he 
travelled  through  Fergana  and  Sogdiana  on  his  way  to  the  Yue-£i 
and  spent  a  year  in  Bactria.  As  to  the  people  of  Fergana  (Ta-yuan) , 
he  reported,  "They  have  wine  made  of  grapes."  The  same  fact  he 
learned  regarding  the  Parthians  (An-si).  It  is  further  stated  in  the 
same  chapter  of  the  Si  ki  that  the  wealthy  among  the  people  of  Fergana 
stored  grape- wine  in  large  quantity  up  to  ten  thousand  gallons  (U,  a 
dry  measure)  for  a  long  time,  keeping  it  for  several  decades  without 
risk  of  deterioration;  they  were  fond  of  drinking  wine  in  the  same 
manner  as  their  horses  relished  alfalfa.  The  Chinese  envoys  took  the 
seeds  of  both  plants  along  to  their  country,  and  the  Son  of  Heaven  was 
the  first  to  plant  alfalfa  and  the  vine  in  fertile  soil;  and  when  envoys 
from  abroad  arrived  at  the  Court,  they  beheld  extensive  cultivations  of 
these  plants  not  far  from  the  imperial  palace.  The  introduction  of  the  vine 
is  as  well  authenticated  as  that  of  alfalfa.  The  main  point  to  be  noted 
is  that  the  grape,  in  like  manner  as  alfalfa,  and  the  art  of  making  wine, 
were  encountered  by  the  Chinese  strictly  among  peoples  of  Aryan 
descent,  principally  of  the  Iranian  family,  not,  however,  among  any 
Turkish  tribes. 

According  to  the  Han  Annals,  the  kingdom  Li-yi  IS  ~^,  which 
depended  on  Sogdiana,  produced  grapes;  and,  as  the  water  of  that 
country  is  excellent,  its  wine  had  a  particular  reputation.2 

K'aii  (Sogdiana)  is  credited  with  grapes  in  the  Annals  of  the  Tsin 
Dynasty.3  Also  grape-wine  was  abundant  there,  and  the  rich  kept  up  to 
a  thousand  gallons  of  it.4  The  Sogdians  relished  wine,  and  were  fond  of 
songs  and  dances.5  Likewise  in  Si  (Tashkend)  it  was  a  favorite  bever- 

1  This  is  also  the  conclusion  of  J.  HOOPS  (Waldbaume  und  Kulturpflanzen, 
p.  561). 

2  Hou  Han  Su,  Ch.  118,  p.  6  (cf.  CHAVANNES,  T'oung  Pao,  1907,  p.  195). 
8  Tsin  $u,  Ch.  97,  p.  6  b  (ibid.,  p.  6:  grape- wine  in  Ta-yuan  or  Fergana). 
4  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  4  b. 

6  T'an  Su,  Ch.  221  B,  p.  I. 


221  SlNO-lRANICA 

age.1  When  the  Sogdian  K'an  Yen-tien  in  the  first  part  of  the  seventh 
century  A.D.  established  a  Sogdian  colony  south  of  the  Lob  Nor,  he 
founded  four  new  cities,  one  of  which  was  called  " Grape  City"  (P'u- 
t'ao  6'en) ;  for  the  vine  was  planted  in  the  midst  of  the  town.1 

The  Iranian  Ta  Yue-Ci  or  Indo-Scythians  must  also  have  been  in 
possession  of  the  vine,  as  we  are  informed  by  a  curious  text  in  the 
Kin  lou  tse  &  81  -dF,3  written  by  the  Emperor  Yuan  7G  (A.D.  552-555) 
of  the  Liang  dynasty.  "The  people  in  the  country  of  the  Great  Yue-c'i 
are  clever  in  making  wine  from  grapes,  flowers,  and  leaves.  Sometimes 
they  also  use  roots  and  vegetable  juice,  which  they  cause  to  ferment.4 
These  flowers  resemble  those  of  the  clove-tree  (tin-hian  T  ?,  Caryo- 
phyllus  aromaticus),  but  are  green  or  bright-blue.  At  the  time  of 
spring  and  summer,  the  stamens  of  the  flowers  are  carried  away  and 
scattered  around  by  the  wind  like  the  feathers  of  the  bird  Iwan  St. 
In  the  eighth  month,  when  the  storm  blows  over  the  leaves,  they  are 
so  much  damaged  and  torn  that  they  resemble  silk  rags:  hence  people 
speak  of  a  grape-storm  (p'u-t*aofun)y  or  also  call  it  'leaves-tearing  storm* 
(luy*/**ikM&)," 

Finally  we  know  also  that  the  Aryan  people  of  Ku5a,  renowned 
for  their  musical  ability,  songs,  and  dances,  were  admirers  of  grape- 
wine,  some  families  even  storing  in  their  houses  up  to  a  thousand  hu 
$•  of  the  beverage.  This  item  appears  to  have  been  contained  in  the 
report  of  General  Lu  Kwan  B  3fc,  who  set  out  for  the  conquest  of  Ku£a 
in  A.D.  384.8 

In  the  same  manner  as  the  Chinese  discovered  alfalfa  in  Ki-pin 
(Kashmir),  they  encountered  there  also  the  vine.8  Further,  they  found 
it  in  the  countries  Tsiu-mo  IL  ^  and  Nan-tou  H  5fa. 

1  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  7  b;  also  in  Yen-k'i  (Karasar):  Cou  Su, 
Ch.  50,  p.  4  b. 

1  PELLIOT,  Journal  asiatique,  1916, 1,  p.  122.    8  Ch.  5,  p.  23. 

4  Strabo  (XI.  xm,  1 1)  states  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  mountainous  region 
of  northern  Media  made  a  wine  from  some  kind  of  roots. 

1  Other  sources  fix  the  date  in  the  year  382  (see  SYLVAIN  L£vi,  Le  "Tokharien 
B,"  langue  de  Koutcha,  Journal  asiatique,  1913,  II,  p.  333).  The  above  fact  is 
derived  from  the  Hou  Han  lu  ^  $,  fift,  quoted  in  the  T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian  (Ch.  972,  p.  3); 
see  also  T'an  Su,  Ch.  221  A,  p.  8.  We  owe  to  S.  Le"vi  the  proof  that  the  people  of 
Kuc"a  belong  to  the  Indo-European  family,  and  that  their  language  is  identical  with 
what  was  hitherto  known  from  the  manuscripts  discovered  in  Turkistan  as 
Tokharian  B. 

8  Ts'ien  Han  Su,  Ch.  96  A,  p.  5.  Kashmir  was  still  famed  for  itfi  grapes  in  the 
days  of  the  Emperor  Akbar  (H.  BLOCHMANN,  Ain  I  Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  65),  but  at 
present  viticulture  is  on  the  decline  there  (WATT,  Commerical  Products  of  India, 

pp.  1 1 12,  III4). 

T  Regarding  this  name,  see  CHAVANNES,  Les  Pays  d'occident  d'apres  le  Wei 
lio  (T'oung  Pao,  1905,  p.  536). 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  223 

In  the  T'ang  period  the  Chinese  learned  also  that  the  people  of 
Fu-lin  (Syria)  relished  grape-wine,1  and  that  the  country  of  the  Arabs 
(Ta-si)  produced  grapes,  the  largest  of  the  size  of  fowl's  eggs.J  In 
other  texts  such  grapes  are  also  ascribed  to  Persia.3  At  that  epoch, 
Turkistan  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Turkish  tribes,  who  absorbed 
the  culture  of  their  Iranian  predecessors;  and  it  became  known  to  the 
Chinese  that  the  Uigur  had  vine  and  wine. 

Viticulture  was  in  a  high  state  of  development  in  ancient  Iran. 
Strabo4  attributes  to  Margiana  (in  the  present  province  of  Khorasan) 
vines  whose  stock  it  would  require  two  men  with  outstretched  arms  to 
clasp,  and  clusters  of  grapes  two  cubits  long.  Aria,  he  continues,  is 
described  as  similarly  fertile,  the  wine  being  still  richer,  and  keeping 
perfectly  for  three  generations  in  unpitched  casks.  Bactriana,  which 
adjoins  Aria,  abounds  in  the  same  productions,  except  the  olive. 

The  ancient  Persians  were  great  lovers  of  wine.  The  best  vintage- 
wines  were  served  at  the  royal  table.5  The  couch  of  Darius  was  over- 
shadowed by  a  golden  vine,  presented  by  Pythius,  a  Lydian.8  The 
inscription  of  Persepolis  informs  us  that  fifty  congius7  of  sweet  wine 
and  five  thousand  congius  of  ordinary  wine  were  daily  delivered  to  the 
royal  house.8  The  office  of  cup-bearer  in  the  palace  was  one  of  im- 
portance.9 The  younger  Cyrus,  when  he  had  wine  of  a  peculiarly  fine 
flavor,  was  in  the  habit  of  sending  half-emptied  flagons  of  it  to  some 
of  his  friends,  with  a  message  to  this  effect:  "For  some  time  Cyrus  has 
not  found  a  pleasanter  wine  than  this  one;  and  he  therefore  sends  some 
to  you,  begging  you  to  drink  it  to-day  with  those  whom  you  love 
best."10 

Strabo11  relates  that  the  produce  of  Carmania  is  like  that  of  Persia, 
and  that  among  other  productions  there  is  the  vine.  "The  Carmanian 

1  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  pp.  58,  63. 

a  Tai  p*in  hwan  yii  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  15  b. 

3  For  instance,  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i,  Ch.  18,  p.  I  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

4 II.  i,  14,  and  XI.  x,  2. 

6  Esther,  i,  7  ("And  they  gave  them  drink  in  vessels  of  gold,  the  vessels  being 
diverse  one  from  another,  and  royal  wine  in  abundance,  according  to  the  state  of 
the  king"). 

8  Herodotus,  vn,  27;  Athenaeus,  xn,  514  f.  According  to  G.  W.  ELDERKIN 
(Am.  Journal  of  Archaeology,  Vol.  XXI,  1917,  p.  407),  the  ultimate  source  of  this 
motive  would  be  Assyrian. 

7  A  measure  of  capacity  equal  to  about  six  pints. 

8  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  95. 
*Xenophon,  Cyropaedia,  I.  in,  8-9. 

10  Xenophon,  Anabasis,  I.  ix,  25. 
11 XV.  n,  14. 


224  SlNO-lRANICA 

vine,  as  we  call  it,  often  bears  bunches  of  grapes  of  two  cubits  in  size, 
the  seeds  being  very  numerous  and  very  large;  probably  the  plant 
grows  in  its  native  soil  with  great  luxuriance."  The  kings  of  Persia  were 
not  content,  however,  with  wines  of  native  growth;  but  when  Syria 
was  united  with  their  empire,  the  Chalybonian  wine  of  Syria  became 
their  privileged  beverage.1  This  wine,  according  to  Posidonius,  was 
made  in  Damascus,  Syria,  from  vines  planted  there  by  the  Persians.2 

Herodotus3  informs  us  that  the  Persians  are  very  fond  of  wine  and 
consume  it  in  large  quantities.  It  is  also  their  custom  to  discuss  im- 
portant affairs  in  a  state  of  intoxication;  and  on  the  following  morning 
their  decisions  are  put  before  them  by  the  master  of  the  house  where 
the  deliberations  have  been  held.  If  they  approve  of  the  decision  in  the 
state  of  sobriety,  they  act  accordingly;  if  not,  they  set  it  aside.  When 
sober  at  their  first  deliberation,  they  always  reconsider  the  matter  under 
the  influence  of  wine.  In  a  similar  manner,  Strabo4  says  that  their 
consultations  on  the  most  important  affairs  are  carried  on  while  drink- 
ing, and  that  they  consider  the  resolutions  made  at  that  time  more  to 
be  depended  upon  than  those  made  when  sober.  In  the  Sahnameh, 
the  Persian  epic,  deliberations  are  held  during  drinking-bouts,  but 
decision  is  postponed  till  the  following  day.6  Cambyses  was  ill  reputed 
for  his  propensity  for  wine.6  Deploring  the  degeneracy  of  the  Persians, 
Xenophon7  remarks,  "They  continue  eating  and  drinking  till  those 
who  sit  up  latest  go  to  retire.  It  was  a  rule  among  them  not  to  bring 
large  cups  to  their  banquets,  evidently  thinking  that  abstinence  from 
drinking  to  excess  would  less  impair  their  bodies  and  minds.  The 
custom  of  not  bringing  such  vessels  still  continues;  but  they  drink  so 
excessively  that  instead  of  bringing  in,  they  are  themselves  carried  out, 
as  they  are  no  longer  able  to  walk  upright."  Procopius,  the  great 
Byzantine  historian  of  the  sixth  century,8  says  that  of  all  men  the 
Massagetae  (an  Iranian  tribe)  are  the  most  intemperate  drinkers.  So 

1  Strabo,  XV.  in,  22. 

2  Athenaeus,  I. 

3  I,  133. 

4  XV.  Ill,  20. 

6  F.  SPIEGEL,  Eranische  Altertumskunde,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  672.  Cf .  what  JOHN  FRYER 
(New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia  being  Nine  Years'  Travels  1672-81,  Vol.  II, 
p.  210,  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society)  says  of  the  modern  Persians:  "It  is  incredible  to  see 
what  quantities  they  drink  at  a  merry-meeting,  and  how  unconcerned  the  next  day 
they  appear,  and  brisk  about  their  business,  and  will  quaff  you  thus  a  whole  week 
together." 

6  Herodotus,  in,  34. 

7  Cyropaedia,  VIII.  vm,  9-10. 

8  Historikon,  III.  XH,  8. 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  225 

were  also  the  Sacae,  who,  maddened  with  wine,  were  defeated  by 
Cyrus.1  In  the  same  passage,  Strabo  speaks  of  a  Bacchanalian  festival 
of  the  Persians,  in  which  men  and  women,  dressed  in  Scythian  style, 
passed  day  and  night  in  drinking  and  wanton  play.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  such  judgments  passed  by  one 
nation  on  another  are  usually  colored  or  exaggerated,  and  must  be 
accepted  only  at  a  liberal  discount;  also  temperance  was  preached  in 
ancient  Persia,  and  intemperance  was  severely  punished.2  With  all 
the  evils  of  over-indulgence  in  wine  and  the  social  dangers  of  alcohol, 
the  historian,  whose  duty  it  is  to  represent  and  to  interpret  phe- 
nomena as  they  are,  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  wine  con- 
stitutes a  factor  of  economic,  social,  and  cultural  value.  It  has  largely 
contributed  to  refine  and  to  intensify  social  customs  and  to  heighten 
sociability,  as  well  as  to  promote  poetry,  music,  and  dancing.  It  has 
developed  into  an  element  of  human  civilization,  which  must  not 
be  underrated.  Temperance  literature  is  a  fine  thing,  but  who  would 
miss  the  odes  of  Anakreon,  Horace,  or  Hafiz? 

The  word  for  the  grape,  brought  back  by  Can  K'ien  and  still  current 
in  China  and  Japan  (budo),  is  Sf  $&  (ancient  phonetic  spelling  of  the 
Han  Annals,  subsequently  IS  ^)3  p*u-t'ao,  *bu-daw,  "grape,  vine".  Since 
Can  K'ien  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  grape  in  Ta-yuan  (Fergana) 
and  took  its  seeds  along  from  there  to  China,  it  is  certain  that  he  also 
learned  the  word  in  Fergana;  hence  we  are  compelled  to  assume  that 
*bu-daw  is  Ferganian,  and  corresponds  to  an  Iranian  *budawa  or 
*buSawa,  formed  with  a  suffix  wa  or  awa,  from  a  stem  buda,  which  in 
my  opinion  may  be  connected  with  New  Persian  bdda  ("wine")  and 
Old  Persian  ^and/cT?  ( "wine- vessel ")=  Middle  Persian  bdtak,  New 
Persian  bddye*  The  Sino-Iranian  word  might  also  be  conceived  as  a 
dialectic  form  of  Avestan  madav  ("wine  from  berries"). 

It  is  well  known  that  attempts  have  been  made  to  derive  the  Chinese 
word  from  Greek  Corpus  ("a  bunch  of  grapes").  ToMASCHEK5  was 
the  first  to  offer  this  suggestion;  T.  KiNGSMiLL6  followed  in  1879,  and 

1  Strabo,  XI.  vm,  5. 

2  Cf.  JACKSON,  in  Grundriss  der  iranischen  Philologie,  Vol.  II,  p.  679. 

3  The  graphic  development  is  the  same  as  in  the  case" of  mu-su  (see  above,  p.  212). 

4  Cf.  HORN,  Neupersische  Etymologic,  No.  155.  The  Chinese  are  fond  of  etymol- 
ogizing, and  Li  Si-c'en  explains  the  word  p'u-t*ao  thus:    "When  people  drink  (p'u 
SI)  it,  they  become  intoxicated    (t'ao  §§0)."   The  joke  is  not  so  bad,  but  it  is 
no  more  than  a  joke. 

6  Sogdiana,  Sitzungsber.  Wiener  Akad.,  1877,  p.  133. 

6  Journal  China  Branch  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  Vol.  XIV,  pp.  5,  19. 


226  SlNO-lRANICA 

HiRTH1  endorsed  Kingsmill.  No  one  gave  a  real  demonstration  of  the 
case.  Tomaschek  argued  that  the  dissemination  of  the  vine  in  Central 
Asia  is  connected  with  Macedonian-Greek  rule  and  Hellenic  influence. 
This  is  decidedly  wrong,  for  the  vine  grows  spontaneously  in  all  north- 
ern Iranian  regions;  and  its  cultivation  in  Iran  is  traceable  to  a  great 
antiquity,  and  is  certainly  older  there  than  in  Greece.  The  Greeks 
received  vine  and  wine  from  western  Asia.2  Greek  Corpus,  in  all  likeli- 
hood, is  a  Semitic  loan-word.3  It  is  highly  improbable  that  the  people 
of  Fergana  would  have  employed  a  Greek  word  for  the  designation  of 
a  plant  which  had  been  cultivated  in  their  dominion  for  ages,  nor  is 
there  any  evidence  for  the  silent  admission  that  Greek  was  ever  known 
or  spoken  in  Fergana  at  the  time  of  Can  K'ien's  travels.  The  influence 
of  Greek  in  the  Iranian  domain  is  extremely  slight:  nothing  Greek  has 
as  yet  been  found  in  any  ancient  manuscripts  from  Turkistan.  In 
my  opinion,  there  is  no  connection  between  p'u-fao  and  Corpus,  nor 
between  the  latter  and  Iranian  *budawa. 

It  is  well  known  that  several  species  of  wild  vine  occur  in  China,  in 
the  Amur  region,  and  Japan.4  The  ancient  work  Pie  lu  is  credited  with 
the  observation  that  the  vine  (p'u-t'ao)  grows  in  Lun-si  (Kan-su) ,  Wu-yuan 
3C  J^  (north  of  the  Ordos),  and  in  Tun-hwan  (in  Kan-su).5  Li  Si-6en 
therefore  argues  that  in  view  of  this  fact  the  vine  must  of  old  have  existed 
in  Lun-si  in  pre-Han  times,  but  had  not  yet  advanced  into  Sen-si.  It 
is  inconceivable  how  BRETSCHNEiDER6  can  say  that  the  introduction  of 
the  grape  by  Can  K'ien  is  inconsistent  with  the  notice  of  the  grape  in 
the  earliest  Chinese  materia  medica.  There  is,  in  fact,  nothing  alarming 
about  it:  the  two  are  different  plants;  wild  vines  are  natives  of  northern 

1  Fremde  Einflusse  in  der  chin.  Kunst,  p.  28;  and    Journal  Am.   Or.  Soc., 
Vol.  XXXVII,  1917,  p.  146.  Hirth's  arguments  are  based  on  unproved  premises.  The 
grape-design  on  the  so-called  grape  mirrors  has  nothing  to  do  with  Greek  or  Bactrian 
art,  but  comes  from  Iranian-Sasanian  art.  No  grape  mirrors  were  turned  out  under  the 
Han,  they  originated  in  the  so-called  Leu-2'ao  period  from  the  fourth  to  the  seventh 
century.    The  attribution  "Han"  simply  rests  on  the  puerile  assumption  made  in 
the  Po  ku  Vu  lu  that,  because  Can  K'ien  introduced  the  grape,  the  artistic  designs 
of  grapes  must  also  have  come  along  with  the  same  movement. 

2  Only  a  "sinologue"  could  assert  that  the  grape  was  "originally  introduced 
from  Greece,  vid  Bactria,  about  130  B.C."   (GILES,  Chinese  Dictionary,  No.  9497). 

8  MUSS-ARNOLT,  Transactions  Am.  Phil.  Assoc.,  Vol.  XXIII,  1892,  p.  142. 
The  variants  in  spelling  06(rTpi>xos,  /S6rpuxos,  plainly  indicate  the  status  of  a  loan- 
word. In  Dioscorides  (in,  120)  it  denotes  an  altogether  different  plant, — Chen- 
opodium  botrys. 

4  The  Lo-lo  of  Yun-nan  know  a  wild  grape  by  the  name  ko-p*i-ma,  with  large, 
black,  oblong  berries  (P.  VIAL,  Dictionnaire  francais-lolo,  p.  276).  The  grape  is 
te-mu-se-ma  in  Nyi  Lo-lo,  sa-lu-zo  or  sa-£o-zo  in  Ahi  Lo-lo. 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  33,  p.  3. 

fl  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  p.  438. 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  227 

China,  but  have  never  resulted  in  a  cultivation;  the  cultivated  species 
(Vitis  vinifera)  was  introduced  from  Iran,  and  never  had  any  relation 
to  the  Chinese  wild  species  (Vitis  bryoniaefolid) .  In  a  modern  work, 
Mun  ts'uan  tsa  yen  ^  JR.  IS  W,1  which  gives  an  intelligent  discussion 
of  this  question,  the  conclusion  is  reached  that  the  species  from  Fergana 
is  certainly  different  from  that  indigenous  to  China.  The  only  singular 
point  is  that  the  Pie  lu  employs  the  Ferganian  word  p*u-fao  with  refer- 
ence to  the  native  species;  but  this  is  not  an  anachronism,  for  the  Pie  lu 
was  written  in  post-Christian  times,  centuries  after  Can  K'ien;  and  it 
is  most  probable  that  it  was  only  the  introduced  species  which  gave  the 
impetus  to  the  discovery  of  the  wild  species,  so  that  the  latter  received 
the  same  name.2 

Another  wild  vine  is  styled  yin-yii  21  j|  (Vitis  bryoniaefolia  or 
V.  labmsca),  which  appears  in  the  writings  of  T'ao  Hun-kin  (A.D. 
451-536)  and  in  the  T*ah  pen  ts'ao  of  Su  Kun,  but  this  designation  has 
reference  only  to  a  wild  vine  of  middle  and  northern  China.  Yen  Si-ku 
(A.D.  579-645),  in  his  K'an  miu  len  su^l^lE  f§-,3  ironically  remarks 
that  regarding  the  yin-yii  as  a  grape  is  like  comparing  the  &'  $>  (Poncirus 
trifoliata)  of  northern  China  with  an  orange  (kii  f|j) ;  that  the  yin-yu, 
although  a  kind  of  p'u-fao,  is  widely  different  from  the  latter;  and  that 
the  yin-yii  of  Kian-nan  differs  again  from  the  yin-yii  of  northern  China. 
HIRTH'S  theory,4  that  this  word  might  represent  a  transcription  of 
New  Persian  angur,  is  inadmissible.  We  have  no  right  to  regard  Chinese 
words  as  of  foreign  origin,  unless  these  are  expressly  so  indicated  by  the 
Chinese  philologists  who  never  fail  to  call  attention  to  such  borrowing. 
If  this  is  not  the  case,  specific  and  convincing  reasons  must  be  adduced 
for  the  assumption  that  the  word  in  question  cannot  be  Chinese.  There 
is  no  tradition  whatever  that  would  make  yin-yii  an  Iranian  or  a  foreign 
word.  The  opposite  demonstration  lacks  any  sound  basis:  New  Persian, 
which  starts  its  career  from  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  could  not  come 
into  question  here,  but  at  the  best  Middle  Persian,  and  angur  is  a 
strictly  New-Persian  type.  A  word  like  angur  would  have  been  dis- 
sected by  the  Chinese  into  an+gut  (gur),  but  not  into  an+uk;  more- 
over, it  is  erroneous  to  suppose  that  final  k  can  transcribe  final  r;6 
in  Iranian  transcriptions,  Chinese  final  k  corresponds  to  Iranian  k, 
g,  or  the  spirant  x>  It  is  further  inconceivable  that  the  Chinese  might 

1  T'u  Su  tsi  t'efi,  xx,  Ch.  113. 

2  Compare  the  analogous  case  of  the  walnut. 
8  Ch.  8,  p.  8  b  (ed.  of  Hu  pei  ts*un  Su). 

4  Fremde  Einflusse  in  der  chinesischen  Kunst,  p.  17. 
8  Compare  above,  p.  214. 


228  SlNO-lRANICA 

have  applied  a  Persian  word  designating  the  cultivated  grape  to  a 
wild  vine  which  is  a  native  of  their  country,  and  which  particularly 
grows  in  the  two  Kiafi  provinces  of  eastern  China.  The  Gazetteer  of 
Su-c'ou1  says  expressly  that  the  name  for  the  wild  grape,  $an  p'u-t'ao, 
in  the  Kiaii  provinces,  is  yin-yii.  Accordingly  it  may  be  an  ancient 
term  of  the  language  of  Wu.  The  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu*  has  treated  yin-yii 
as  a  separate  item,  and  Li  §i-6en  annotates  that  the  meaning  of  the 
term  is  unexplained.  It  seems  to  me  that  for  the  time  being  we  have 
to  acquiesce  in  this  verdict.  Yen-yu  $£  J|  and  yin-$e  I?  ^  are  added 
by  him  as  synonymes,  after  the  Mao  &  ^  j^F  and  the  Kwan  ya,  while 
ye  p*u-t'ao  ("wild  grape")  is  the  common  colloquial  term  (also  t'en 
min  or  mu  lun  jSl  &  /fv  H).  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  earliest 
notices  of  this  plant  come  only  from  Su  Kun  and  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  of  the 
T'ang  dynasty.  In  other  words,  it  was  noted  by  the  Chinese  naturalists 
more  than  seven  centuries  later  than  the  introduction  of  the  cultivated 
grape, —  sufficient  evidence  for  the  fact  that  the  two  are  not  in  any  way 
interrelated. 

It  must  not  be  imagined  that  with  Can  K'ien's  deed  the  introduction 
of  the  vine  into  China  was  an  accomplished  fact;  but  introductions  of 
seeds  were  subsequently  repeated,  and  new  varieties  were  still  imported 
from  Turkistan  by  K'an-hi.  There  are  so  many  varieties  of  the  grape 
in  China,  that  it  is  hardly  credible  that  all  these  should  have  at  once 
been  brought  over  by  a  single  man.  It  is  related  in  the  Han  Annals 
that  Li  Kwan-li  $  M  fj,  being  General  of  Er-§i  —  Bip  (*Ni-§'i),  after 
the  subjugation  of  Ta-ytian,  obtained  grapes  which  he  took  along  to 
China. 

Three  varieties  of  grape  are  indicated  in  the  Kwan  &',*  written 
before  A.D.  527, —  yellow,  black,  and  white.  The  same  varieties  are 
enumerated  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,  while  Li  Si-Sen  speaks  of  four  varie- 
ties,—  a  round  one,  called  ts*ao  lun  lu  3£  HI  $fc  ("  vegetable  dragon- 
pearls");  a  long  one,  ma  Zu  p*u-t*ao  (see  below);  a  white  one,  called 
"crystal  grapes"  (Swi  tsin  p*u-t*ao);  and  a  black  one,  called  "purple 
grapes"  (tse  ^  p'u-t*ao), — and  assigns  to  Se-6'wan  a  green  (ifik)  grape, 
to  Yiin-nan  grapes  of  the  size  of  a  jujube.4  Su  Sun  of  the  Sung  mentions 
a  variety  of  seedless  grapes. 

1  Su  lou  fu  ti,  Ch.  20,  p.  7  b. 

2  Ch.  33,  p.  4. 

8  T'ai  p'in  yii  Ian,  Ch.  972,  p.  3. 

4  T'an  Ts'ui  J§  ^  ,  in  his  valuable  description  of  Yun-nan  (Tien  hai  yii 
hen  li,  published  in  1799,  Ch.  10,  p.  2,  ed.  of  Wen  yin  lou  yil  ti  ts'un  Su),  states  that  the 
grapes  of  southern  Yun-nan  are  excellent,  but  that  they  cannot  be  dried  or  sent  to  dis- 
tant places. 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  229 

In  Han-Sou  yellow  and  bright  white  grapes  were  styled  Zu-tse  &  -3P 
("beads,  pearls");  another  kind,  styled  " rock-crystal"  (swi-tsin),  ex- 
celled in  sweetness;  those  of  purple  and  agate  color  ripened  at  a  little 
later  date.1 

To  Turkistan  a  special  variety  is  attributed  under  the  name  so-so 
S  IB  grape,  as  large  as  wu-wei-tse  3t  !$c  •?  ("five  flavors,"  Schizandra 
chinensis)  and  without  kernels  $&  $%.  A  lengthy  dissertation  on  this 
fruit  is  inserted  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  si  i.2  The  essential  points  are 
the  following.  It  is  produced  in  Turf  an  and  traded  to  Peking;  in  appear- 
ance it  is  like  a  pepper-corn,  and  represents  a  distinct  variety  of  grape. 
Its  color  is  purple.  According  to  the  Wu  tsa  tsu  3t  J|  fi.,  written  in 
1610,  when  eaten  by  infants,  it  is  capable  of  neutralizing  the  poison  of 
small-pox.  The  name  so-so  is  not  the  reproduction  of  a  foreign  word, 
but  simply  means  "small."  This  is  expressly  stated  in  the  Pen  kin  fun 
yuan  ^  f£  ^  JM,  which  says  that  the  so-so  grapes  resemble  ordinary 
grapes,  but  are  smaller  and  finer,  and  hence  are  so  called  (IfO  Hi  %$ 
®C  £).  The  Pi  Pen  ^  H  of  Yu-wen  Tin  =?  £  £  annotates,  however, 
that  so-so  is  an  error  for  sa-so  ISI£,  without  giving  reasons  for  this 
opinion.  Sa-so  was  the  name  of  a  palace  of  the  Han  emperors,  and  this 
substitution  is  surely  fantastic.  Whether  so-so  really  is  a  vine-grape 
seems  doubtful.  It  is  said  that  so-so  are  planted  everywhere  in  China 
to  be  dried  and  marketed,  being  called  in  Kian-nan/aw  p*u-?ao  ("foreign 
grape").8 

The  Emperor  K'an-hi  (1662-1722),  who  knew  very  well  that  grapes 
had  come  to  China  from  the  west,  tells  that  he  caused  three  new  varie- 
ties to  be  introduced  into  his  country  from  Hami  and  adjoining  terri- 
tories,—  one  red  or  greenish,  and  long  like  mare-nipples;  one  not  very 
large,  but  of  agreeable  taste  and  aroma;  and  another  not  larger  than  a 
pea,  the  most  delicate,  aromatic,  and  sweetest  kind.  These  three  varie- 
ties of  grape  degenerate  in  the  southern  provinces,  where  they  lose 
their  aroma.  They  persist  fairly  well  in  the  north,  provided  they  are 
planted  in  a  dry  and  stony  soil.  "I  would  procure  for  my  subjects," 
the  Emperor  concludes,  "a  novel  kind  of  fruit  or  grain,  rather  than 
build  a  hundred  porcelain  kilns."4 

Turkistan  is  well  known  to  the  Chinese  as  producing  many  varieties 

1  Man  lian  lu^^^,  by  WujTse-mu  ^  g  $C  of  the  Sung  (Ch.  18,  p.  5  b; 
ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  lai  ts'un  $u). 

2  Ch.  7,  p.  69.    This  valuable  supplement  to  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  was  first 
published  in  1650  (reprinted  1765  and  appended  to  several  modern  editions  of  the 
Pen  ts*ao)  by  Cao  Hio-min  J§  ^  |fc  (hao  Su-hien  JJg  ff )  of  Han-Sou. 

3  Mun  ts'uan  tsa  yen  H  JSft  $|  H ,  cited  in  T'u  $u  tsi  e'en,  XX,  Ch.  130. 

4  M&noires  concernant  les  Chinois,  Vol.  IV,  1779,  pp.  471-472. 


130  SlNO-lRANICA 

of  grape.  According  to  the  Hui  k'ian  li  0  S  ^  ("Records  of  Turkis- 
tan"), written  in  1772  by  the  two  Manchu  officers  Fusamb6  and  Surde, 
"there  are  purple,  white,  blue,  and  black  varieties;  further,  round  and 
long,  large  and  small,  sour  and  sweet  ones.  There  is  a  green  and  seed- 
less variety,  comparable  to  a  soy-bean,  but  somewhat  larger,  and  of 
very  sweet  and  agreeable  flavor  [then  the  so-so  is  mentioned].  Another 
kind  is  black  and  more  than  an  inch  long;  another  is  white  and  large. 
All  varieties  ripen  in  the  seventh  or  eighth  month,  when  they  are 
dried  and  can  be  transported  to  distant  places."  According  to  the 
Wu  tsa  tsu,  previously  quoted,  Turkistan  has  a  seedless  variety  of 
grape,  called  tu  yen  31  US  p'u-t'ao  ("hare-eye  grape"). 

A.  v.  LE  Cog1  mentions  under  the  name  sozuq  saim  a  cylindrical, 
whitish-yellow  grape,  the  best  from  Toyoq  and  Bulayiq,  red  ones  of 
the  same  shape  from  Manas  and  ShichO.  Sir  AUREL  STEIN*  says  that 
throughout  Chinese  Turkistan  the  vines  are  trained  along  low  fences, 
ranged  in  parallel  rows,  and  that  the  dried  grapes  and  currants  of 
Ujat  find  their  way  as  far  as  the  markets  of  Aksu,  Kashgar,  and  Turfan. 

Every  one  who  has  resided  in  Peking  knows  that  it  is  possible  to 
obtain  there  during  the  summer  seemingly  fresh  grapes,  preserved  from 
the  crop  of  the  previous  autumn,  and  that  the  Chinese  have  a  method  of 
preserving  them.  The  late  F.  H.  KiNG,3  whose  studies  of  the  agriculture 
of  China  belong  to  the  very  best  we  have,  observed  regarding  this 
point,  "These  old  people  have  acquired  the  skill  and  practice  of  storing 
and  preserving  such  perishable  fruits  as  pears  and  grapes  so  as  to 
enable  them  to  keep  them  on  the  market  almost  continuously.  Pears 
were  very  common  in  the  latter  part  of  June,  and  Consul-General 
Williams  informed  me  that  grapes  are  regularly  carried  into  July.  In 
talking  with  my  interpreter  as  to  the  methods  employed,  I  could  only 
learn  that  the  growers  depend  simply  upon  dry  earth  cellars  which  can 
be  maintained  at  a  very  uniform  temperature,  the  separate  fruits  being 
wrapped  in  paper.  No  foreigner  with  whom  we  talked  knew  their 
methods."  This  method  is  described  in  the  TV*  min  yao  Jfw,  an  ancient 
work  on  husbandry,  probably  from  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century,4 
although  teeming  with  interpolations.  A  large  pit  is  dug  in  a  room  of 
the  farmhouse  for  storing  the  grapes,  and  holes  are  bored  in  the  walls 
near  the  surface  of  the  ground  and  stuffed  with  branches.  Some  of 
these  holes  are  filled  with  mud  to  secure  proper  support  for  the  room. 

1  Sprichworter  und  Lieder  aus  Turfan,  p.  92. 

2  Sand-Buried  Ruins  of  Khotan,  p.  228. 

•Farmers  of  Forty  Centuries,  p.  343  (Madison,  Wis.,  1911). 
1  See  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  I,  p.  77;  HIRTH,  Toung  Pao,  1895,  p.  436; 
PELLIOT,  Bulletin  de  I'Ecolefrancaise,  Vol.  IX,  p.  434. 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  231 

The  pit  in  which  the  grapes  are  stored  is  covered  with  loam,  and  thus 
an  even  temperature  is  secured  throughout  the  winter.1 

The  Jesuit  missionaries  of  the  eighteenth  century  praise  the  raisins 
of  Hoai-lai-hien2  on  account  of  their  size:  "Nous  parlons  d'aprds  le 
te*moignage  de  nos  yeux:  les  grains  de  ces  grappes  de  raisins  sont  gros 
comme  des  prunes  damas- violet,  et  la  grappe  longue  et  grande  a  propor- 
tion. Le  climat  peut  y  faire;  mais  si  les  livres  disent  vrai,  cela  vient 
originairement  de  ce  qu'on  a  ente*  des  vignes  sur  des  jujubiers;  et 
l^paisseur  de  la  peau  de  ces  raisins  nous  le  ferait  croire."3 

Raisins  are  first  mentioned  as  being  abundant  in  Yun-nan  in  the 
Yiin-nan  hi*  (" Memoirs  regarding  Yun-nan"),  a  work  written  in  the 
beginning  of  the  ninth  century.  Li  Si-Sen  remarks  that  raisins  are  made 
by  the  people  of  the  West  as  well  as  in  T'ai-yiian  and  P'ifi-yan  in  San-si 
Province,  whence  they  are  traded  to  all  parts  of  China.  Kami  in 
Turkistan  sends  large  quantities  of  raisins  to  Peking.5  In  certain  parts 
of  northern  China  the  Turkish  word  kilmil  for  a  small  kind  of  raisin 
is  known.  It  is  obtained  from  a  green,  seedless  variety,  said  to  originate 
from  Bokhara,  whence  it  was  long  ago  transplanted  to  Yarkand. 
After  the  subjugation  of  Turkistan  under  K'ien-lun,  it  was  brought  to 
Jehol,  and  is  still  cultivated  there.6 

Although  the  Chinese  eagerly  seized  the  grape  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity offered  to  them,  they  were  slow  in  accepting  the  Iranian  custom 
of  making  and  drinking  wine.7  The  Arabic  merchant  Soleiman  (or 
whoever  may  be  responsible  for  this  account),  writing  in  A.D.  851, 
reports  that  "the  wine  taken  by  the  Chinese  is  made  from  rice;  they 
do  not  make  wine  from  grapes,  nor  is  it  brought  to  them  from  abroad; 

1  A  similar  contrivance  for  the  storage  of  oranges  is  described  in  the  Me"moires 
concernant  les  Chinois,  Vol.  IV,  p.  489. 

a  I  presume  that  Hwai  (or  Hwo)-lu  hien  in  the  prefecture  of  ten-tin,  Ci-li 
Province,  is  meant. 

*  Me"moires  concernant  les  Chinois,  Vol.  Ill,  1778,  p.  498. 
4  Tai  p'in  yu  Ian,  Ch.  972,  p.  3. 

6  An  article  on  Kami  raisins  is  inserted  in  the  Me"moires  concernant  les  Chinois 
(Vol.  V,  1780,  pp.  481-486).  The  introduction  to  this  article  is  rather  strange,  an 
effort  being  made  to  prove  that  grapes  have  been  known  in  China  since  times  of 
earliest  antiquity;  this  is  due  to  a  confusion  of  the  wild  and  the  cultivated  vine. 
In  Vol.  II,  p.  423,  of  the  same  collection,  it  is  correctly  stated  that  vine  and  wine  be- 
came known  under  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Wu. 

6  Cf .  O.  FRANKE,  Beschreibung  des  Jehol-Gebietes,  p.  76. 

7  The  statement  that  Can  K'ien  taught  his  countrymen  the  art  of  making  wine, 
as  asserted  by  GILES   (Biographical  Dictionary,  p.   12)  and  L.  WIEGER  (Textes 
historiques,  p.  499),  is  erroneous.    There  is  nothing  to  this  effect  in  the  $i  ki  or  in 
the  Han  Annals. 


232  SlNO-lRANICA 

they  do  not  know  it,  accordingly,  and  make  no  use  of  it."1  This  doubt- 
less was  correct  for  southern  China,  where  the  information  of  the 
Arabic  navigators  was  gathered.  The  grape,  however,  is  chiefly  to  be 
found  in  northern  China,2  and  at  the  time  of  Soleiman  the  manu- 
facture of  grape-wine  was  known  in  the  north.  The  principal  document 
bearing  on  this  subject  is  extant  in  the  history  of  the  T'ang  dynasty. 

In  A.D.  647  a  peculiar  variety  of  grapes,  styled  ma  Zu  p*u  t'ao  ® 
?L  $6  ®  (" mare-nipple  grapes")  were  sent  to  the  Emperor  T'ai  Tsun 
:&  ^  by  the  (Turkish)  country  of  the  Yabgu  MM.  It  was  a  bunch 
of  grapes  two  feet  long,  of  purple  color.3  On  the  same  occasion  it  is 
stated,  "Wine  is  used  in  the  Western  Countries,  and  under  the 
former  dynasties  it  was  sometimes  sent  as  tribute,  but  only  after 
the  destruction  of  Kao-S'aii  iS  H  (Turf an),  when  'mare-nipple  grapes' 
cultivated  in  orchards  were  received,  also  the  method  of  making  wine 
was  simultaneously  introduced  into  China  (A.D.  640).  T'ai  Tsun 
experienced  both  its  injurious  and  beneficial  effects.  Grape-wine,  when 
ready,  shines  in  all  colors,  is  fragrant,  very  fiery,  and  tastes  like  the 
finest  oil.  The  Emperor  bestowed  it  on  his  officials,  and  then  for  the 
first  time  they  had  a  taste  of  it  in  the  capital."4 

These  former  tributes  of  wine  are  alluded  to  in  a  verse  of  the  poet 
Li  Po  of  the  eighth  century,  "The  Hu  people  annually  offered  grape- 
wine."5  Si  Wan  Mu,  according  to  the  Han  Wu  ti  nei  Iwan  of  the 
third  century  or  later,  is  said  to  have  presented  grape-wine  to  the  Han 
Emperor  Wu,  which  certainly  is  an  unhistorical  and  retrospective 
tradition. 

A  certain  Can  Hun-mao  3Ji  $k  $£,  a  native  of  Tun-hwan  in  Kan-su, 
is  said  to  have  devoted  to  grape-wine  a  poem  of  distinct  quality.6 
The  locality  Tun-hwan  is  of  significance,  for  it  was  situated  on  the 

1  M.  REINAUD,  Relation  des  voyages  faits  par  les  Arabes  et  les  Persans  dans 
1'Inde  et  a  la  Chine,  Vol.  I,  p.  23. 

2  In  the  south,  I  am  under  the  impression  it  is  rather  isolated.    It  occurs,  for 
instance,  in  San-se  £ou  Jb  ^§»  ^H  m  the  prefecture  of  T'ai-p'in,  Kwan-si  Province, 
in  three  varieties, — green,  purple,  and  crystal, — together  with  an  uneatable  wild 
grape  (San  se  lou  £i,  Ch.  14,  p.  8,  ed.  published  in  1835).    "Grapes  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Canton  are  often  unsuccessful,  the  alternations  of  dry  heat  and  rain  being 
too  much  in  excess,  while  occasional  typhoons  tear  the  vines  to  pieces"  (J.  F.  DAVIS, 
China,  Vol.  II,  p.  305).   They  occur  in  places  of  Fu-kien  and  in  the  Chusan  Archi- 
pelago (cf.  Tu  $u  tsi  t'en,  VI,  Ch.  1041). 

8  Tan  hui  yao,  Ch.  200,  p.  14;  also  Fun  Si  wen  kien  ki  %j  j£  fig  JL  IS,  Ch.  7, 
p.  I  b  (ed.  of  Kifu  ts'un  $u),  by  Fun  Yen  £f  %£  of  the  T'ang. 
4  Ibid.,  p.  15. 
6  Pen  ts'ao  yen  t,  Ch.  18,  p.  I. 

6  This  is  quoted  from  the  Ts'ien  lian  lu  "jtj  ^  £ffc,  a  work  of  the  Tsin  dynasty, 
in  the  Si  leu  kwo  I'un  ts'iu  (T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian,  Ch.  972,  p.  I  b). 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  233 

road  to  Turkistan,  and  was  the  centre  from  which  Iranian  ideas  radiated 
into  China. 

The  curious  point  is  that  the  Chinese,  while  they  received  the  grape 
in  the  era  of  the  Han  from  an  Iranian  nation,  and  observed  the  habit 
of  wine-drinking  among  Iranians  at  large,  acquired  the  art  of  wine- 
making  as  late  as  the  T'ang  from  a  Turkish  tribe  of  Turkistan.  The 
Turks  of  the  Han  period  knew  nothing  of  grapes  or  wine,  quite  natu- 
rally, as  they  were  then  restricted  to  what  is  now  Mongolia,  where  soil 
and  climatic  conditions  exclude  this  plant.  Vine-growing,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  is  compatible  solely  with  a  sedentary  mode  of  life;  and  only 
after  settling  in  Turkistan,  where  they  usurped  the  heritage  of  their 
Iranian  predecessors,1  did  the  Turks  become  acquainted  with  grape 
and  wine  as  a  gift  of  Iranians.  The  Turkish  word  for  the  grape,  Uigur 
ozurn  (other  dialects  uzum) ,  proves  nothing  along  the  line  of  historical 
facts,  as  speculated  by  VAMBERY.2  It  is  even  doubtful  whether  the  word 
in  question  originally  had  the  meaning  " grape";  on  the  contrary,  it 
merely  seems  to  have  signified  any  berry,  as  it  still  refers  to  the  berries 
and  seeds  of  various  plants.  The  Turks  were  simply  epigones  and 
usurpers,  and  added  nothing  new  to  the  business  of  vine-culture. 

In  accordance  with  the  introduction  of  the  manufacture  of  grape- 
wine  into  China,  we  find  this  product  duly  noted  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  of 
the  T'ang,3  published  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century;  further, 
in  the  Si  liao  pen  ts'ao  by  Mori  Sen  j£  I5fe  (second  half  of  the  seventh 
century),  and  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  $i  i  by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  Eft  IK  §!,  who  wrote 
in  the  K'ai-yuan  period  (713-741).  The  T'an  pen  ts*ao  also  refers  to 
the  manufacture  of  vinegar  from  grapes.4  The  Pen  ts*ao  yen  i,  pub- 
lished in  1116,  likewise  enumerates  grape- wine  among  the  numerous 
brands  of  alcoholic  beverages. 

The  Lian  se  kun  tse  ki  by  Can  Yue  (6 6  7-73  o)5  contains  an  anecdote 
to  the  effect  that  Kao-S'an  offered  to  the  Court  frozen  wine  made  from 
dried  raisins,  on  which  Mr.  Kie  made  this  comment:  "The  taste  of 
grapes  with  thin  shells  is  excellent,  while  grapes  with  thick  shells  are 
bitter  of  taste.  They  are  congealed  in  the  Valley  of  Eight  Winds 
(Pa  fun  ku  A  R  ^).  This  wine  does  not  spoil  in  the  course  of  years."6 

1  This  was  an  accomplished  fact  by  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  A.D. 

2  Primitive  Cultur  des  turko-tatarischen  Volkes,  p.  218. 

3  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  23,  p.  7. 

4  Ibid.,  Ch.  26,  p.  i  b. 

5  See  The  Diamond,  this  volume,  p.  6. 

6  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  25,  p.  14  b.     A  different  version  of  this  story  is  quoted 
in  the  Tai  p'in  yii  Ian  (Ch.  845,  p.  6  b). 


234  SlNO-lRANICA 

A  recipe  for  making  grape-wine  is  contained  in  the  Pei  San  tsiu  kin 
4fc  Ul  ?B  K,1  a  work  on  the  different  kinds  of  wine,  written  early  in  the 
twelfth  century  by  Cu  Yi-cufi  3c  Ji  *{*,  known  as  Ta-yin  Wen  ;£  IS  H. 
Sour  rice  is  placed  in  an  earthen  vessel  and  steamed.  Five  ounces  of 
apricot-kernels  (after  removing  the  shells)  and  two  catties  of  grapes 
(after  being  washed  and  dried,  and  seeds  and  shells  removed)  are  put 
together  in  a  bowl  of  thin  clay  ($a  p*en  ffi  rSi),2  pounded,  and  strained. 
Three  pecks  of  a  cooked  broth  are  poured  over  the  rice,  which  is  placed 
on  a  table,  leaven  being  added  to  it.  This  mass,  I  suppose,  is  used  to 
cause  the  grape-juice  to  ferment,  but  the  description  is  too  abrupt  and 
by  no  means  clear.  So  much  seems  certain  that  the  question  is  of  a 
rather  crude  process  of  fermentation,  but  not  of  distillation  (see  below). 

Sii  T'in  ^  8,  who  lived  under  the  Emperor  Li  Tsufi  (1224-63)  of 
the  Southern  Sung,  went  as  ambassador  to  the  Court  of  the  Mongol 
Emperor  Ogotai  (1229-45).  His  memoranda,  which  represent  the 
earliest  account  we  possess  of  Mongol  customs  and  manners,  were 
edited  by  P'eii  Ta-ya  ^  ^C  51  of  the  Sung  under  the  title  Hei  Ta  H  lio 
&  H  ^  $&  ("Outline  of  the  Affairs  of  the  Black  Tatars"),  and  pub- 
lished in  1908  by  Li  Wen-t'ien  and  Hu  Se  in  the  Wen  yin  lou  yii  ti  ts'un 
$u*  Su  T'in  informs  us  that  grape-wine  put  in  glass  bottles  and  sent 
as  tribute  from  Mohammedan  countries  figured  at  the  headquarters 
of  the  Mongol  Khan;  one  bottle  contained  about  ten  small  cups,  and 
the  color  of  the  beverage  resembled  the  juice  of  the  Diospyros  kaki 
[known  in  this  country  as  Japanese  persimmons]  of  southern  China. 
It  was  accordingly  a  kind  of  claret.  The  Chinese  envoy  was  told  that 
excessive  indulgence  in  it  might  result  in  intoxication. 

1  Ch.  c,  p.  19  b  (ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  £ai  ts'uA  Su}.  The  work  is  noted  by  WYLIE 
(Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  150). 

1  Literally,  "sand-pot."  This  is  a  kind  of  thin  pottery  (colloquially  called  Sa 
kwo  ffi  |&)  peculiar  to  China,  and  turned  out  at  Hwai-lu  (Ci-li),  P'in-tin  &>u  and 
Lu-nan  (San-si),  and  Yao-c"ou  (Sen-si).  Made  of  clay  and  sand  with  an  admixture 
of  coal-dust,  so  that  its  appearance  presents  a  glossy  black,  it  is  extremely  light 
and  fragile;  but,  on  account  of  their  thin  walls,  water  may  be  heated  in  these  pots 
with  a  very  small  quantity  of  fuel.  They  are  a  money  and  time  saving  device,  and 
hence  in  great  demand  among  the  poor,  who  depend  upon  straw  and  dried  grass  for 
their  kitchen  fire.  With  careful  handling,  such  pots  and  pans  may  endure  a  long 
time.  The  proverb  runs,  "The  sand-pot  will  last  a  generation  if  you  do  not  hit  it"; 
and  there  is  another  popular  saying,  "You  may  pound  garlic  in  a  sand-pan,  but  you 
can  do  so  but  once"  (A.  H.  SMITH,  Proverbs  and  Common  Sayings  from  the  Chinese, 
p.  204).  Specimens  of  this  ware  from  Yao-Sou  may  be  seen  in  the  Field  Museum, 
others  from  Hwai-lu  are  in  the  American  Museum  of  New  York  (likewise  collected 
by  the  writer).  The  above  text  of  the  Sung  period  is  the  first  thus  ,far  found  by  me 
which  contains  an  allusion  to  this  pottery. 

1  This  important  work  has  not  yet  attracted  the  attention  of  our  science.  I  hope 
to  be  able  to  publish  a  complete  translation  of  it  in  the  future. 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  235 

In  his  interesting  notice  "Le  Nom  turc  du  vin  dans  Odoric  de 
Pordenone,"1  P.  PELLIOT  has  called  attention  to  the  word  bor  as  a 
Turkish  designation  of  grape-wine,  adding  also  that  this  word  occurs 
in  a  Mongol  letter  found  in  Turfan  and  dated  I398.2  I  can  furnish 
additional  proof  for  the  fact  that  bor  is  an  old  Mongol  word  in  the 
sense  of  wine,  although,  of  course,  it  may  have  been  borrowed  from 
Turkish.  In  the  Mongol  version  of  the  epic  romance  of  Geser  or  Gesar 
Khan  we  find  an  enumeration  of  eight  names  of  liquor,  all  supposed 
to  be  magically  distilled  from  araki  ("arrack,  brandy ").  These  are: 
aradsa  (araja),  xoradsa  or  xuradsa,  Siradsa,  boradsa,  takpa,  tikpa, 
marba,  mirba.*  These  terms  have  never  been  studied,  and,  with  the 
exception  of  the  first  and  third,  are  not  even  listed  in  Kovalevski's  and 
Golstuntki's  Mongol  Dictionaries.  The  four  last  words  are  characterized 
as  Tibetan  by  the  Tibetan  suffix  pa  or  ba.  Marwa  (corresponding  in 
meaning  to  Tibetan  Fan)  is  well  known  as  a  word  generally  used 
throughout  Sikkim  and  other  Himalayan  regions  for  an  alcoholic 
beverage.4  As  to  tikpa,  it  seems  to  be  formed  after  the  model  of  Tibetan 
tig-Pan,  the  liquor  for  settling  (tig)  the  marriage-affair,  presented  by  the 
future  bridegroom  to  the  parents  of  his  intended.5 

The  terms  aradsa,  xoradsa  or  xuradsa,  Siradsa,  and  boradsa,  are  all 
provided  with  the  same  ending.  The  first  is  given  by  KOVALEVSKI* 
with  the  meaning  "very  strong  koumiss,  spirit  of  wine."  A  parallel  is 
offered  by  Manchu  in  arfan  ("a  liquor  prepared  from  milk"),  while 
Manchu  arjan  denotes  any  alcoholic  drink.  The  term  xoradsa  or  xuradsa 
may  be  derived  from  Mongol  xuru-t  (-t  being  suffix  of  the  plural), 
corresponding  to  Manchu  kuru,  which  designates  "a  kind  of  cheese 
made  from  fermented  mare's  milk,  or  cheese  prepared  from  cow's  or 
mare's  milk  with  the  addition  of  sugar  and  sometimes  pressed  into 
forms."  The  word  siradsa  has  been  adopted  by  Schmidt  and  Kovalevski 
in  their  respective  dictionaries  as  "wine  distilled  for  the  fourth  time" 
or  "esprit  de  vin  quadruple;"  but  these  explanations  are  simply  based 
on  the  above  passage  of  Geser,  in  which  one  drink  is  supposed  to  be 

1  T*oung  Pao,  1914,  pp.  448-453. 

*  Ramstedt's  tentative  rendering  of  this  word  by  "beaver"  is  a  double  error: 
first,  the  beaver  does  not  occur  in  Mongolia  and  is  unknown  to  the  Mongols,  its 
easternmost  boundary  is  formed  by  the  Yenisei;  second,  bor  as  an  animal-name 
means  "an  otter  cub,"  and  otter  and  beaver  are  entirely  distinct  creatures. 

8  Text,  ed.  I.  J.  SCHMIDT,  p.  65;  translation,  p.  99.  Schmidt  transcribes  arasa, 
chorasa,  etc.,  but  the  palatal  sibilant  is  preferable. 

4  Cf.  H.  H.  RISLEY,  Gazetteer  of  Sikkim,  p.  75,  where  also  the  preparation  is 
described. 

1  JXSCHKE,  Tibetan  Dictionary,  p.  364. 
e  Dictionnaire  mongol,  p.  143. 


236  SlNO-lRANICA 

distilled  from  the  other.  This  process,  of  course,  is  purely  fantastic, 
and  described  as  a  magical  feat;  there  is  no  reality  underlying  it. 

The  word  boradsa,  in  my  opinion,  is  derived  from  the  Turkish  word 
bor  discussed  by  Pelliot;  there  is  no  Mongol  word  from  which  it  could 
be  explained.  In  this  connection,  the  early  Chinese  account  given 
above  of  foreign  grape-wine  among  the  Mongols  gains  a  renewed 
significance.  Naturally  it  was  a  rare  article  in  Mongolia,  and  for  this 
reason  we  hear  but  little  about  it.  Likewise  in  Tibet  grape-wine  is 
scarcely  used,  being  restricted  to  religious  offerings  in  the  temples.1 

The  text  of  the  Geser  Romance  referred  to  is  also  important  from 
another  point  of  view.  It  contains  the  loan-word  ariki,  from  Arabic 
'araq,  which  appears  in  eastern  Asia  as  late  as  the  Mongol  epoch 
(below,  p.  237).  Consequently  our  work  has  experienced  the  influence 
of  this  period,  which  is  visible  also  in  other  instances.2  The  foundation 
of  the  present  recension,  first  printed  at  Peking  in  1716,  is  indeed  trace- 
able to  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries;  many  legends  and 
motives,  of  course,  are  of  a  much  older  date. 

MARCO  POLO  relates  in  regard  to  T'ai-yuan  fu,  called  by  him  Taianfu, 
the  capital  of  San-si  Province,  "There  grow  here  many  excellent  vines, 
supplying  a  great  plenty  of  wine;  and  in  all  Cathay  this  is  the  only  place 
where  wine  is  produced.  It  is  carried  hence  all  over  the  country."3 
Marco  Polo  is  upheld  by  contemporary  Chinese  writers.  Grape-wine 
is  mentioned  in  the  Statutes  of  the  Yuan  Dynasty.4  The  Yin  $an  cen 
yao  ffc  Si  IE  S,  written  in  1331  (in  3  chapters)  by  Ho  Se-hwi  ^P  $r  Sf, 
contains  this  account:5  "There  are  numerous  brands  of  wine:  that 
coming  from  QarS-Khoja  (Ha-la-hwo  &&  SS  ^)6  is  very  strong,  that 
coming  from  Tibet  ranks  next.  Also  the  wines  from  P'in-yan  and  T'ai- 

1  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1914,  p.  412. 

2  Cf.  ibid.,  1908,  p.  436. 

8  YULE  and  CORDIER,  The  Book  of  Ser  Marco  Polo,  Vol.  II,  p.  13.  KLAPROTH 
(cf.  Yule's  notes,  ibid.,  p.  16)  was  quite  right  in  saying  that  the  wine  of  that  locality 
was  celebrated  in  the  days  of  the  T'ang  dynasty,  and  used  to  be  sent  in  tribute  to  the 
emperors.  Under  the  Mongols  the  use  of  this  wine  spread  greatly.  The  founder  of 
the  Ming  accepted  the  offering  of  wine  from  T'ai-yuan  in  1373,  but  prohibited  its 
being  presented  again.  This  fact  is  contained  in  the  Ming  Annals  (cf.  L.  WIEGER, 
Textes  historiques,  p.  2011). 

4  Yuan  lien  Ian  %  Jft-  $»  Ch.  22,  p.  65  (ed.  1908). 

6  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  25,  p.  14  b.  Regarding  that  work,  cf.  the  Imperial 
Catalogue,  Ch.  116,  p.  27  b. 

6  Regarding  this  name  and  its  history  see  PELLIOT,  Journal  asiatique,  1912,  I, 
p.  582.  Qara-Khoja  was  celebrated  for  its  abundance  of  grapes  (BRETSCHNEIDER, 
Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  I,  p.  65).  J.  DUDGEON  (The  Beverages  of  the  Chinese, 
p.  27),  misreading  the  name  Ha-so-hwo,  took  it  for  the  designation  of  a  sort  of  wine. 
Stuart  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  459)  mistakes  it  for  a  transliteration  of  "hoi- 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  237 

yuan  (in  San-si)  take  the  second  rank.  According  to  some  statements, 
grapes,  when  stored  for  a  long  time,  will  develop  into  wine  through  a 
natural  process.  This  wine  is  fragrant,  sweet,  and  exceedingly  strong: 
this  is  the  genuine  grape-wine."1  The  Ts*ao  mu  tse  &  /fc  -J%  written 
in  1378  by  Ye  Tse-k'i  M  -f*  iff,  contains  the  following  information: 
"  Under  the  Yuan  dynasty  grape- wine  was  manufactured  in  Ki-niii 
IK  ^  and  other  circuits  !§•  of  San-si  Province.  In  the  eighth  month 
they  went  to  the  T'ai-han  Mountain  :fc  f?  Ul2  in  order  to  test  the 
genuine  and  adulterated  brands:  the  genuine  kind  when  water  is 
poured  on  it,  will  float;  the  adulterated  sort,  when  thus  treated,  will 
freeze.3  In  wine  which  has  long  been  stored,  there  is  a  certain  portion 
which  even  in  extreme  cold  will  never  freeze,  while  all  the  remainder  is 
frozen:  this  is  the  spirit  and  fluid  secretion  of  wine.4  If  this  is  drunk, 
the  essence  will  penetrate  into  a  man's  arm-pits  B8?  ,  and  he  will  die. 
Wine  kept  for  two  or  three  years  develops  great  poison." 

The  first  author  who  offers  a  coherent  notice  and  intelligent  discus- 
sion of  the  subject  of  grape-wine  is  Li  Si-c"en  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century.5  He  is  well  acquainted  with  the  fact  that  this  kind  of  wine  was 
anciently  made  only  in  the  Western  Countries,  and  that  the  method  of 
manufacturing  it  was  but  introduced  under  the  T'ang  after  the  sub- 
jugation of  Kao-6'aii.  He  discriminates  between  two  types  of  grape- 
wine, —  the  fermented  18  $£  3£,  of  excellent  taste,  made  from  grape- 
juice  with  the  addition  of  leaven  in  the  same  fashion  as  the  ordinary 
native  rice-wine  (or,  if  no  juice  is  available,  dried  raisins  may  be  used), 
and  the  distilled  ^  ffl.  In  the  latter  method  "ten  catties  of  grapes  are 
taken  with  an  equal  quantity  of  great  leaven  (distillers'  grains)  and 
subjected  to  a  process  of  fermentation.  The  whole  is  then  placed  in  an 
earthen  kettle  and  steamed.  The  drops  are  received  in  a  vessel,  and 
this  liquid  is  of  red  color,  and  very  pleasing."  There  is  one  question, 
however,  left  open  by  Li  Si-2en.  In  a  preceding  notice  on  distillation 
JH  JS  he  states  that  this  is  not  an  ancient  method,  but  was  practised 
only  from  the  Yuan  period;  he  then  describes  it  in  its  application  to  rice- 
lands,"  or  maybe  "alcohol."  The  latter  word  has  never  penetrated  into  China  in 
any  form.  Chinese  a-la-ki  does  not  represent  the  word  "alcohol,"  as  conceived  by 
some  authors,  for  instance,  J.  MACGOWAN  (Journal  China  Brunch  Roy.  As.  Soc., 
Vol.  VII,  1873,  p.  237);  see  the  following  note. 

1  This  work  is  also  the  first  that  contains  the  word  a-la-ki  fnf  jfjlj  ^ ,  from 
Arabic  'araq  (see  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  483). 

2  A  range  of  mountains  separating  San-si  from  Ci-li  and  Ho-nan. 

3  This  is  probably  a  fantasy.  We  can  make  nothing  of  it,  as  it  is  not  stated  how 
the  adulterated  wine  was  made. 

4  This  possibly  is  the  earliest  Chinese  allusion  to  alcohol. 
6  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  25,  p.  14  b. 


€38  SlNO-lRANICA 

wine  in  the  same  manner  as  for  grape-wine.  Certain  it  is  that  distillation 
is  a  Western  invention,  and  was  unknown  to  the  ancient  Chinese.1 
Li  Si-Sen  fails  to  inform  us  as  to  the  time  when  the  distillation  of  grape- 
wine  came  into  existence.  If  this  process  had  become  known  in  China 
under  the  T'ang  in  connection  with  grape-wine,  it  would  be  strange  if 
the  Chinese  did  not  then  apply  it  to  their  native  spirits,  but  should  have 
waited  for  another  foreign  impulse  until  the  Mongol  period.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  the  method  due  to  the  Uigur  under  the  T'ang  merely 
applied  to  fermented  grape-wine,  we  may  justly  wonder  that  the  Chinese 
had  to  learn  such  a  simple  affair  from  the  Uigur,  while  centuries  earlier 
they  must  have  had  occasion  to  observe  this  process  among  many 
Iranian  peoples.  It  would  therefore  be  of  great  interest  to  seize  upon 
a  document  that  would  tell  us  more  in  detail  what  this  method  of 
manufacture  was,  to  which  the  T'ang  history  obviously  attaches  so 
great  importance.  It  is  not  very  likely  that  distillation  was  involved; 
for  it  is  now  generally  conceded  that  the  Arabs  possessed  no  knowledge 
of  alcohol,  and  that  distillation  is  not  mentioned  in  any  relevant  litera- 
ture of  the  Arabs  and  Persians  from  the  tenth  to  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury.2 The  statement  of  Li  Si-Sen,  that  distillation  was  first  practised 
under  the  Mongols,  is  historically  logical  and  in  keeping  with  our 
present  knowledge  of  the  subject.  It  is  hence  reasonable  to  hold  (at 
least  for  the  present)  also  that  distilled  grape-wine  was  not  made 
earlier  in  China  than  in  the  epoch  of  the  Yuan.  Mori  Sen  of  the  T'ang 
says  advisedly  that  grapes  can  be  fermented  into  wine,  and  the  recipe 
of  the  Sung  does  not  allude  to  distillation. 

In  the  eighteenth  century  European  wine  also  reached  China.  A 
chest  of  grape-wine  figures  among  the  presents  made  to  the  Emperor 
K'aii-hi  on  the  occasion  of  his  sixtieth  birthday  in  1715  by  the  Jesuits 
Bernard  Kilian  Stumpf,  Joseph  Suarez,  Joachim  Bouvet,  and  Dornini- 
cus  Parrenin.3 

P.  OsBECK,4  the  pupil  of  Linne*,  has  the  following  notice  on  the 
importation  of  European  wine  into  China:  "The  Chinese  wine,  which 
our  East  India  traders  call  Mandarin  wine,  is  squeezed  out  of  a  fruit 
which  is  here  called  Pausio,6  and  reckoned  the  same  with  our  grapes. 

1  Cf.  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  p.  155;  J.  DUDGEON,  The  Beverages  of 
the  Chinese,  pp.  19-20;  EDKINS,  China  Review,  Vol.  VI,  p.  211.  The  process  of 
distillation  is  described  by  H.  B.  GRUPPY,  Samshu-Brewing  in  North  China  (Journal 
China  Branch  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  Vol.  XVIII,  1884,  pp.  163-164). 

a  E.  O.  v.  LIPPMANN,  Abhandlungen,  Vol.  II,  pp.  206-209;  cf.  also  my  remarks 
in  American  Anthropologist,  1917,  p.  75. 

1  Cf.  Wan  Sou  Sen  tien  ££  j|  H  J&,  Ch.  56,  p.  12. 

4  A  Voyage  to  China  and  the  East  Indies,  Vol.  I,  p.  315  (London,  1771). 

8  Apparently  a  bad  or  misprinted  reproduction  of  p'u-t'ao. 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  339 

This  wine  was  so  disagreeable  to  us,  that  none  of  us  would  drink  it. 
The  East  India  ships  never  fail  taking  wine  to  China,  where  they  often 
sell  it  to  considerable  advantage.  The  Xeres  (sherry)  wine,  for  which 
at  Cadiz  we  paid  thirteen  piastres  an  anchor,  we  sold  here  at  thirty- 
three  piastres  an  anchor.  But  in  this  case  you  stand  a  chance  of  having 
your  tons  split  by  the  heat  during  the  voyage.  I  have  since  been  told, 
that  in  1754,  the  price  of  wine  was  so  much  lowered  at  Canton,  that 
our  people  could  with  difficulty  reimburse  themselves.  The  Spaniards 
send  wines  to  Manilla  and  Macao,  whence  the  Chinese  fetch  a  con- 
siderable quantity,  especially  for  the  court  of  Peking.  The  wine  of 
Xeres  is  more  agreeable  here  than  any  other  sort,  on  account  of  its 
strength,  and  because  it  is  not  liable  to  change  by  heat.  The  Chinese 
are  very  temperate  in  regard  to  wine,  and  many  dare  not  empty  a  single 
glass,  at  least  not  at  once.  Some,  however,  have  learned  from  foreigners 
to  exceed  the  limits  of  temperance,  especially  when  they  drink  with 
them  at  free  cost." 

Grape-wine  is  attributed  by  the  Chinese  to  the  Arabs.1  The 
Arabs  cultivated  the  vine  and  made  wine  in  the  pre-Islamic  epoch. 
Good  information  on  this  subject  is  given  by  G.  JACOB.* 

Theophrastus3  states  that  in  India  only  the  mountain-country  has 
the  vine  and  the  olive.  Apparently  he  hints  at  a  wild  vine,  as  does  also 
Strabo,4  who  says  after  Aristobulus  that  in  the  country  of  Musicanus 
(Sindh)  there  grows  spontaneously  grain  resembling  wheat,  and  a  vine 
producing  wine,  whereas  other  authors  affirm  that  there  is  no  wine  in 
India.  Again,  he  states8  that  on  the  mountain  Meron  near  the  city 
Nysa,  founded  by  Bacchus,  there  grows  a  vine  which  does  not  ripen 
its  fruit;  for,  in  consequence  of  excessive  rains,  the  grapes  drop  before 
arriving  at  maturity.  They  say  also  that  the  Sydracae  or  Oxydracae 
are  descendants  of  Bacchus,  because  the  vine  grows  in  their  country. 
The  element  -dracae  (drakai)  is  probably  connected  with  Sanskrit 
drdk$d  ("grape")-  These  data  of  the  ancients  are  vague,  and  do  not 
prove  at  all  that  the  grape- vine  has  been  cultivated  in  India  from  time 
immemorial,  as  inferred  by  JORET.*  Geographically  they  only  refer  to 
the  regions  bordering  on  Iran.  The  ancient  Chinese  knew  only  of  grapes 
in  Kashmir  (above,  p.  222).  The  Wei  $u7  states  that  grapes  were  ex- 

1  HIRTH,  Chao  Ju-kua,  pp.  115,  121. 

2  Altarabisches  Beduinenleben,  26.  ed.,  pp.  96-109. 

3  Hist,  plant.,  IV.  iv,  u. 

4  XV,  22. 

§XV.  1,8. 

•  Plantes  dans  1'antiquitS,  Vol.  II,  p.  280. 

7  Ch.  102,  p.  8. 


240  SlNO-lRANICA 

ported  from  Pa-lai  JJt  IS  (*Bwat-lai)  in  southern  India.  Huan  Tsafi1 
enumerates  grapes  together  with  pears,  crab-apples,  peaches,  and 
apricots,2  as  the  fruits  which,  from  Kashmir  on,  are  planted  here  and 
there  in  India.  The  grape,  accordingly,  was  by  no  means  common  in 
India  in  his  time  (seventh  century). 

The  grape  is  not  mentioned  in  Vedic  literature,  and  Sanskrit  drdksd 
I  regard  with  SPIEGEL3  as  a  loan-word.  Viticulture  never  was  extensive 
or  of  any  importance  in  Indian  agriculture.  Prior  to  the  Moham- 
medan conquest,  we  have  little  precise  knowledge  of  the  cultivation  of 
the  vine,  which  was  much  fostered  by  Akbar.  In  modern  times  it  is 
only  in  Kashmir  that  it  has  been  received  with  some  measure  of 
success. 

Huan  Tsaii4  states  that  there  are  several  brands  of  alcoholic  and 
non-alcoholic  beverages  in  India,  differing  according  to  the  castes. 
The  Ksatriya  indulge  in  grape  and  sugar-cane  wine.  The  Vaigya  take 
rich  wines  fermented  with  yeast.  The  Buddhists  and  Brahmans  partake 
of  a  syrup  of  grapes  or  sugar-cane,  which  does  not  share  the  nature 
of  any  wine.5  In  Jataka  No.  183,  grape-juice  (muddikapanam)  of  in- 
toxicating properties  is  mentioned. 

Huan  Yin6  gives  three  Sanskrit  words  for  various  kinds  of  wine: — 

(i)  ^  It    su-loj    *su5-la,    Sanskrit   sura,   explained   as   rice- wine 


1  Ta  Tan  si  yu  ki,  Ch.  2,  p.  8. 

2  Not  almond-tree,  as  erroneously  translated  by  JULIEN  (Me"moires,  Vol.  I, 
p.  92).  Regarding  peach  and  apricot,  see  below,  p.  539. 

3  Arische  Periode,  p.  41. 

4  Ta  Tan  si  yu  ki,  Ch.  2,  p.  8  b. 

5  S.  JULIEN  (Me"moires,  Vol.  I,  p.  93)  translates  wrongly,  "qui  different  tout  a 
fait  du  vin  distilleV'    Distilled  wine  was  then  unknown  both  to  the  Chinese  and  in 
India,  and  the  term  is  not  in  the  text.    "Distillation  of  wines"  is  surely  not  spoken 
of  in  the  Cukranlti,  as  conceived  by  B.  K.  SARKAR  (The  Sukraniti,  p.  157;  and  Hindu 
Sociology,  p.  1 66). 

6  Yi  ts'ie  kin  yin  i,  Ch.  24,  p.  8  b. 

7  This  definition  is  of  some  importance,  for  in  BOEHTLINGK'S  Sanskrit  Dictionary 
the  word  is  explained  as  meaning  "a  kind  of  beer  in  ancient  times,  subsequently, 
however,  in  most  cases  brandy,"  which  is  certainly  wrong.  Thus  also  O.  SCHRADER'S 
speculation  (Sprachvergleichung,  Vol.  II,  p.  256),  connecting  Finno-Ugrian  sara, 
sur,  etc.  ("beer")  with  this  word,  necessarily  falls  to  the  ground.   MACDONELL  and 
KEITH  (Vedic  Index,  Vol.  II,  p.  458)  admit  that  "the  exact  nature  of  surd  is  not 
certain,  it  may  have  been  a  strong  spirit  prepared  from  fermented  grains  and  plants, 
as  Eggeling  holds,  or,  as  Whitney  thought,  a  kind  of  beer  or  ale."     It  follows  also 
from  Jataka  No.  512  that  surd  was  prepared  from  rice.    In  Cosmas'  Christian 
Topography   (p.  362,  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society)   we  have     £o7xoo-o6pa   ("coconut- 
wine");  here  sura  means  "wine,"  while  the  first  element  may  be  connected  with 
Arabic  ranej  or  ranj  ("coco-nut"). 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  241 

(2)  ££  If  3B  mi-li-ye,  *mei-li(ri)-ya,  answering  to  Sanskrit  maireya, 
explained  as  a  wine  mixed  from  roots,  stems,  flowers,  and  leaves.1 

(3)  ifc  P£  mo-fa,  *mwaS-do,  Sanskrit  madhu,  explained  as  "grape- 
wine"  (p'u-t'ao  tsiu).   The  latter  word,  as  is  well  known,  is  connected 
with  Avestan  mada   (Middle  Persian  mai,  New  Persian  mei),  Greek 
jueflv,  Latin  temetum.    Knowledge  of  grape-wine  was  conveyed  to  India 
from  the  West,  as  we  see  from  the  Periplus  and  Tamil  poems  alluding 
to  the  importation  of  Yavana  (Greek)  wines.2    In  the  Raghuvamga 
(iv,  65),  madhu  doubtless  refers  to  grape- wine;  for  King  Raghu  van- 
quished the  Yavana,  and  his  soldiers  relieve  their  fatigue  by  enjoying 
madhu  in  the  vine  regions  of  the  Yavana  country. 

According  to  W.  AiNSLiE,3  the  French  at  Pondicherry,  in  spite  of  the 
great  heat  of  the  Carnatic,  are  particularly  successful  in  cultivating 
grapes;  but  no  wine  is  made  in  India,  nor  is  the  fruit  dried  into  raisins 
as  in  Europe  and  Persia.  The  Arabians  and  Persians,  particularly  the 
latter,  though  they  are  forbidden  wine  by  the  Koran,  bestow  much 
pains  on  the  cultivation  of  the  grape,  and  suppose  that  the  different 
kinds  possess  distinguishing  medicinal  qualities.  Wine  is  brought  to 
India  from  Persia,  where,  according  to  TA VERNIER  (1605-89),  three 
sorts  are  made:  that  of  Yezd,  being  very  delicate;  the  Ispahan  produce, 
being  not  so  good;  and  the  Shiraz,  being  the  best,  rich,  sweet,  and 
generous,  and  being  obtained  from  the  small  grapes  called  ki$mi$, 
which  are  sent  for  sale  to  Hindustan  when  dried  into  raisins.4  There 
are  two  brands  of  Shiraz  wine,  a  red  and  a  white,  both  of  which  are 
excellent,  and  find  a  ready  market  in  India.  Not  less  than  four  thou- 
sand tuns  of  Shiraz  wine  is  said  to  be  annually  sent  from  Persia  to 
different  parts  of  the  world.5  The  greatest  quantity  is  produced  in  the 
district  of  Korbal,  near  the  village  of  Bend  Emir.6  In  regard  to  Assam, 

1  Compare  above  (p.  222)  the , wine  of  the  Yue-cl.    According  to  BOEHTLINGK, 
maireya  is  an  intoxicating  drink  prepared  from  sugar  and  other  substances. 

2  V.  A.  SMITH,  Early  History  of  India,  p.  444  (3d  ed.). 

3  Materia  Indica,  Vol.  I,  p.  157. 

4  Compare  above,  p.  231. 

8  ' '  Wines  too ,  of  every  clime  and  hue, 

Around  their  liquid  lustre  threw; 
Amber  Rosolli, — the  bright  dew 
From  vineyards  of  the  Green-Sea  gushing; 
And  Shiraz  wine,  that  richly  ran 
As  if  that  jewel,  large  and  rare, 
The  ruby,  for  which  Kublai-Khan 
Offer'd  a  city's  wealth,  was  blushing 
Melted  within  the  goblets  there!" 

THOMAS  MOORE,  Lalla  Rookh. 
6  AINSLEE,  I.e.,  p.  473. 


242  SlNO-lRANICA 

TA VERNIER*  states  that  there  are  quantities  of  vines  and  good  grapes, 
but  no  wine,  the  grapes  being  merely  dried  to  distil  spirits  from.  Wild 
vine  grows  in  upper  Siam  and  on  the  Malay  Peninsula,  and  is  said  to 
furnish  a  rather  good  wine.1 

A  wine-yielding  plant  of  Central  Asia  is  described  in  the  Ku  kin  £u 
ifr  4*  &3  by  Ts'ui  Pao  S 15  of  the  fourth  century,  as  follows:  "The 
tsiu-pei-t'en  SS  W  0  ("  wine-cup  creeper")  has  its  habitat  in  the  West- 
ern Regions  (Si-yu).  The  creeper  is  as  large  as  an  arm;  its  leaves  are 
like  those  of  the  ko  31  (Pachyrhizus  thunbergianus,  a  wild-growing 
creeper);  flowers  and  fruits  resemble  those  of  the  wu-t'un  (Sterculia 
platanifolia) ,  and  are  hard;  wine  can  be  pressed  out  of  them.  The 
fruits  are  as  large  as  a  finger  and  in  taste  somewhat  similar  to  the  tou-k*ou 
]a  H  (Alpinia  globosum);  their  fragrance  is  fine,  and  they  help  to  digest 
wine.  In  order  to  secure  wine,  the  natives  get  beneath  the  creepers, 
pluck  the  flowers,  press  the  wine  out,  eat  the  fruit  for  digestion,  and 
become  intoxicated.  The  people  of  those  countries  esteem  this  wine, 
but  it  is  not  sent  to  China.  Can  K'ien  obtained  it  when  he  left  Ta-yuan 
(Fergana).  This  affair  is  contained  in  the  Can  K'ien  Fu  kwan  li  36  il 
ffi  SB  iS  ('Memoirs  of  Can  K'ien's  Journey')-"4  This  account  is  re- 
stricted to  the  Ku  kin  lu,  and  is  not  confirmed  by  any  other  book.  Li 
Si-Sen's  work  is  the  only  Pen  ts'ao  which  has  adopted  this  text  in  an 
abridged  form.6  Accordingly  the  plant  itself  has  never  been  introduced 
into  China;  and  this  fact  is  sufficient  to  discard  the  possibility  of  an 
introduction  by  Can  K'ien.  If  he  had  done  so,  the  plant  would  have 
been  disseminated  over  China  and  mentioned  in  the  various  early 
Pen  ts'ao;  it  would  have  been  traced  and  identified  by  our  botanists. 
Possibly  the  plant  spoken  of  is  a  wild  vine,  possibly  another  genus. 
The  description,  though  by  no  means  clear  in  detail,  is  too  specific  to 
be  regarded  as  a  mystification. 

The  history  of  the  grape-vine  in  China  has  a  decidedly  method- 
ological value.  We  know  exactly  the  date  of  the  introduction  and 

1  Travels  in  India,  Vol.  II,  p.  282. 

2  DILOCK  PRINZ  VON  SIAM,  Landwirtschaft  in  Siam,  p.  167. 

8  Ch.  c,  p.  2  b.  The  text  has  been  adopted  by  the  Su  po  wu  li  (Ch.  5,  p.  2  b) 
and  in  a  much  abbreviated  form  by  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  (Ch.  18,  p.  6  b).  It  is  not  in 
the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  but  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  Si  i  (Ch.  8,  p.  27). 

4  HIRTH  (Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXVII,  1917,  p.  91)  states  that  this 
work  is  mentioned  in  the  catalogue  of  the  library  of  the  Sui  dynasty,  but  not  in  the 
later  dynastic  catalogues.  We  do  not  know  when  and  by  whom  this  alleged  book 
was  written;  it  may  have  been  an  historical  romance.  Surely  it  was  not  produced 
by  Can  K'ien  himself. 

6  See  also  T'u  Su  tsi  t'en,  XX,  Ch.  112,  where  no  other  text  on  the  subject  is 
quoted. 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  243 

the  circumstances  which  accompanied  this  important  event.  We  have 
likewise  ascertained  that  the  art  of  making  grape-wine  was  not  learned 
by  the  Chinese  before  A.D.  640.  There  are  in  China  several  species  of 
wild  vine  which  bear  no  relation  to  the  imported  cultivated  species. 
Were  we  left  without  the  records  of  the  Chinese,  a  botanist  of  the 
type  of  Engler  would  correlate  the  cultivated  with  the  wild  forms  and 
assure  us  that  the  Chinese  are  original  and  independent  viticulturists. 
In  fact,  he  has  stated1  that  Vitis  thunbergii,  a  wild  vine  occurring  in 
Japan,  Korea,  and  China,  seems  to  have  a  share  in  the  development  of 
Japanese  varieties  of  vine,  and  that  Vitis  filifolia  of  North  China  seems 
to  have  influenced  Chinese  and  Japanese  vines.  Nothing  of  the  kind 
can  be  inferred  from  Chinese  records,  or  has  ever  been  established  by 
direct  observation.  The  fact  of  the  introduction  of  the  cultivated  grape 
into  China  is  wholly  ujnknown  to  Engler.  The  botanical  notes  appended 
by  him  to  HEHN'S  history  of  the  grape2  have  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  the  history  of  the  cultivated  species,  but  refer  exclusively  to  wild 
forms.  It  is  not  botany,  but  historical  research,  that  is  able  to  solve  the 
problems  connected  with  the  history  of  our  cultivated  plants. 

Dr.  T.  TANAKA  of  the  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry,  U.  S.  Department 
of  Agriculture,  Washington,  has  been  good  enough  to  contribute  the 
following  notes  on  the  history  of  the  grape-vine  in  Japan: — 

"The  early  history  of  the  cultivation  of  the  grape-vine  (Vitis 
vinifera)  in  Japan  is  very  obscure.  Most  of  the  early  Japanese  medical 
and  botanical  works  refer  to  budo  36  3&  (Chinese  p*u-t*ao)  as  ebi,  the 
name  occurring  in  the  Kojiki  (compiled  in  A.D.  712,  first  printed  in 
1644)  as  yebikadzura*  which  is  identified  by  J.  MATSUMURA*  as  Vitis 
vinifera.  It  seems  quite  incomprehensible  that  the  grape-vine,  which 
is  now  found  only  in  cultivated  form,  should  have  occurred  during  the 
mythological  period  as  early  as  660  B.C.  The  Honzd-wamyo  ^  ^ 
fll  &  (compiled  during  the  period  897~93P,  first  printed  1796)  mentions 
o-ebi-kadzura  as  vine-grape,  distinguishing  it  from  ordinary  ebi-kadzura, 
but  the  former  is  no  longer  in  common  use  in  distinction  from  the  latter. 
The  ebi-dzuru  which  should  correctly  be  termed  inu-ebi  (false  ebi 
plant),  as  suggested  by  Ono  Ranzan,5  is  widely  applied  in  Japan  for 
31 JC  (Chinese  yin-yti),  and  is  usually  identified  as  Vitis  thunbergii, 

1  Erlauterungen  zu  den  Nutzpflanzen  der  gemassigten  Zonen,  p.  30. 

8  Kulturpflanzen,  pp.  85-91. 

1 B.  H.  CHAMBERLAIN,  Ko-ji-ki,  p.  xxxiv. 

4  Botanical  Magazine,  Tokyo,  Vol.  VII,  1893,  p.  139, 

5  Honzd  komoku  keimS,  ed.  1847,  Ch.  29,  p.  3. 


244  SlNO-lRANICA 

but  is  an  entirely  different  plant,  with  small,  deeply-lobed  leaves, 
copiously  villose  beneath.  Ebi-kadzura  is  mentioned  again  in  the 
Wamyd-ruiju$d  ^P  &  SB  3£  $£  (compiled  during  the  period  923-931, 
first  edited  in  1617),  which  gives  budo  as  the  fruit  of  Sikwatsu  or  Vitis 
coignetiae1,  as  growing  wild  in  northern  Japan. 

"These  three  plants  are  apparently  mixed  up  in  early  Japanese 
literature,  as  pointed  out  by  Arai  Kimiyosi.2  Describing  budo  as  a  food 
plant,  the  Honto  Sokukan  ^  19  &  ISi3  mentions  that  the  fruit  was  not 
greatly  appreciated  in  ancient  times;  for  this  reason  no  mention  was 
made  of  it  in  the  Imperial  chronicles,  nor  has  any  appropriate  Japanese 
term  been  coined  to  designate  the  vine-grape  proper. 

"In  the  principal  vine-grape  district  of  Japan,  YamanaSi-ken 
(previously  called  Kai  Province),  were  found  a  few  old  records,  an 
account  of  which  is  given  in  Viscount  Y.  Fukuba's  excellent  discourse 
on  Pomology.4  An  article  on  the  same  subject  was  published  by  J. 
DAUTREMER.6  This  relates  to  a  tradition  regarding  the  accidental  dis- 
covery by  a  villager,  Amenomiya  Kageyu  (not  two  persons),  of  the  vine- 
grape  in  1186  (Dautremer  erroneously  makes  it  1195)  at  the  mountain 
of  Kamiiwasaki  Jb  $  $$,  not  far  from  Kofu  ¥  Jff.  Its  cultivation  must 
have  followed  soon  afterward,  for  in  1197  a  few  choice  fruits  were 
presented  to  the  Sogun  Yoritomo  (1147-99).  At  the  time  of  Takeda 
Harunobu  (1521-73)  a  sword  was  presented  to  the  Amenomiya  family 
as  a  reward  for  excellent  fruits  which  they  presented  to  the  Lord. 
Viscount  Fukuba  saw  the  original  document  relative  to  the  official 
presentation  of  the  sword,  and  bearing  the  date  I549-6  The  descendants 
of  this  historical  grape-vine  are  still  thriving  in  the  same  locality  around 
the  original  grove,  widely  recognized  among  horticulturists  as  a  true 
Vitis  vinifera.  According  to  a  later  publication  of  Fukuba,7  there  is 
but  one  variety  of  it.  Several  introductions  of  Vitis  vinifera  took  place 
in  the  early  Meiji  period  (beginning  1868)  from  Europe  and  America. 

"The  following  species  of  Vitis  are  mentioned  in  Umemura's  work 
Ino$okukwai-no-$okubutsu-$i  ffc  Jt  $t*  *L  fil  $0  t£8  as  being  edible: 

1  MATSUMURA,  Shokubutsu  Mei-i,  p.  380. 

2  Toga  jjC  $t  (completed  in  1719),  ed.  1906,  p.  272. 
1  Ch.  4,  p.  50  (ed.  of  1698). 

4  Kwaju  engei-ron  jf^  HJ  H  Hj<  ffe,  privately  published  in  1892. 

6  Situation  de  la  vigne  dans  1'empire  du  Japon,  Transactions  Asiatic  Society  of 
Japan,  Vol.  XIV,  1886,  pp.  176-185. 

6  Fukuba,  op.  cit.,  pp.  461-462. 

7  Kwaju  saibaijenSo  ^  tsj  Jfc  *g  £  ^,  Vol.  IV,  1896,  pp.  119-120. 

8  Vol.  4,  1906. 


THE  GRAPE-VINE  245 

"  Yama-budO  (Vitis  coignetiae):  fruit  eaten  raw  and  used  for  wine; 
leaves  substituted  for  tobacco. 

"Ebi-dzuru  (V.  ihunbergii):  fruit  eaten  raw,  leaves  cleaned  and 
cooked;  worm  inside  the  cane  baked  and  eaten  by  children  as  remedy 
for  convulsions. 

"  Sankaku-dzuru  (V.  flexuosa):  fruit  eaten  raw. 

"Ama-dzuru  \(V.  sacchariferd) :  fruit  eaten  raw;  children  are  very 
fond  of  eating  the  leaves,  as  they  contain  sugar." 


THE  PISTACHIO 

3.  Pistacia  is  a  genus  of  trees  or  shrubs  of  the  family  Anacardiaceae, 
containing  some  six  species,  natives  of  Iran  and  western  Asia,  and  also 
transplanted  to  the  Mediterranean  region.  At  least  three  species 
(Pistacia  vera,  P.  terebinthus,  and  P.  acuminatd)  are  natives  of  Persia, 
and  from  ancient  times  have  occupied  a  prominent  place  in  the  life  of  the 
Iranians.  Pistachio-nuts  are  still  exported  in  large  quantities  from 
Afghanistan  to  India,  where  they  form  a  common  article  of  food  among 
the  well-to-do  classes.  The  species  found  in  Afghanistan  and  Baluchis- 
tan do  not  cross  the  Indian  frontier.1  The  pistachio  (Pistacia  vera)  in 
particular  is  indigenous  to  ancient  Sogdiana  and  Khorasan,2  and  still 
is  a  tree  of  great  importance  in  Russian  Turkistan.3 

When  Alexander  crossed  the  mountains  into  Bactriana,  the  road 
was  bare  of  vegetation  save  a  few  trees  of  the  bushy  terminthus  or 
terebinthus.4  On  the  basis  of  the  information  furnished  by  Alexander's 
scientific  staff,  the  tree  is  mentioned  by  Theophrastus5  as  growing  in 
the  country  of  the  Bactrians;  the  nuts  resembling  almonds  in  size 
and  shape,  but  surpassing  them  in  taste  and  sweetness,  wherefore  the 
people  of  the  country  use  them  in  preference  to  almonds.  Nicandrus 
of  Colophon6  (third  century  B.C.),  who  calls  the  fruit  /3ioT<kioj>  or  ^LTTOLKLOV, 
a  word  derived  from  an  Iranian  language  (see  below),  says  that  it  grows 
in  the  valley  of  the  Xoaspes  in  Susiana.  Posidonius,  Dioscorides,  Pliny, 
and  Galenus  know  it  also  in  Syria.  Vitellius  introduced  the  tree  into 
Italy;  and  Flaccus  Pompeius,  who  served  with  him,  introduced  it  at 
the  same  time  into  Spain.7 

The  youths  of  the  Persians  were  taught  to  endure  heat,  cold,  and 
rain;  to  cross  torrents  and  to  keep  their  armor  and  clothes  dry;  to 
pasture  animals,  to  watch  all  night  in  the  open  air,  and  to  subsist  on 
wild  fruit,  as  terebinths  (Pistacia  terebinthus),  acorns,  and  wild  pears.8 

1  WATT,  Dictionary  of  the  Economic  Products  of  India,  Vol.  VI,  p.  268. 

8  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  pp.  47,  76. 

*  S.  KORZINSKI,  Vegetation  of  Turkistan  (in  Russian),  pp.  20,  21. 

4  Strabo,  XV.  n,  10. 

5  Hist,  plant.,  IV.  iv,  7. 
•Theriaka,  890. 

7  Pliny,  xv,  22,  §91.    A.  DE  CANDOLLE  (Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  316) 
traces  Pistacia  vera  only  to  Syria,  without  mentioning  its  occurrence  in  Persia. 

8  Strabo,  XV.  in,  18. 

246 


THE  PISTACHIO  247 

The  Persians  appeared  to  the  ancients  as  terebinth-eaters,  and  this 
title  seems  to  have  developed  into  a  sort  of  nickname:  when  Astyages, 
King  of  the  Medians,  seated  on  his  throne,  looked  on  the  defeat  of  his 
men  through  the  army  of  Cyrus,  he  exclaimed,  "Woe,  how  brave  are 
these  terebinth-eating  Persians!"1  According  to  Polyaenus,2  terebinth- 
oil  was  among  the  articles  to  be  furnished  daily  for  the  table  of  the 
Persian  kings.  In  the  Bundahisn,  the  pistachio-nut  is  mentioned  to- 
gether with  other  fruits  the  inside  of  which  is  fit  to  eat,  but  not  the 
outside.1  "The  fruits  of  the  country  are  dates,  pistachios,  and  apples 
of  Paradise,  with  other  of  the  like  not  found  in  our  cold  climate."4 

Twan  C'en-gi  U  $  ^,  in  his  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  S  il  H  ffl.,  written 
about  A.D.  860  and  containing  a  great  amount  of  useful  information 
on  the  plants  of  Persia  and  Fu-lin,  has  the  following: — 

"The  hazel-nut  (Corylus  heterophylla)  of  the  Hu  (Iranians),  styled 
a-yiie  H  B ,  grows  in  the  countries  of  the  West.6  According  to  the 
statement  of  the  barbarians,  a-yiie  is  identical  with  the  hazel-nuts 
of  the  Hu.  In  the  first  year  the  tree  bears  hazel-nuts,  in  the  second 
year  it  bears  a-ytie."* 

C'en  Ts'aii-k'i  W  I8t  H,  who  in  the  K'ai-yuan  period  (A.D.  713-741) 
wrote  the  Materia  Medica  Pen  ts*ao  Si  i  ^  ^  f&  jft,  states  that  "the 
fruits  of  the  plant  a-yue-hun  H  ft  iS  are  warm  and  acrid  of  flavor, 
non-poisonous,  cure  catarrh  of  the  bowels,  remove  cold  feeling,  and 
make  people  stout  and  robust,  that  they  grow  in  the  western  countries, 
the  barbarians  saying  that  they  are  identical  with  the  hazel-nut  of  the 
Hu  SB  t^  •?.  During  the  first  year  the  tree  bears  hazel-nuts,  in  the 
second  year  it  bears  a-yue-hun." 

Li  Sun  ^  #0,  in  his  Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao  JS  ^  ^  ^  (second  half  of  the 
eighth  century),  states,  "According  to  the  Nan  tou  ki  ^  $N  12  by 
Su  Piao  ^  l&,7  the  Nameless  Tree  (wu  min  mu  ffifc  ^  /fC)  grows  in  the 
mountainous  valleys  of  Lin-nan  (Kwan-tun) .  Its  fruits  resemble  in  appear- 
ance the  hazel-nut,  and  are  styled  Nameless  Fruits  (wu  min  tse  $fc  £ 

1  Nicolaus  of  Damaskus  (first  century  B.C.),  cited  by  HEHN,  Kulturpflanzen, 
p.  424. 

*  Strategica,  IV.  m,  32. 

8  These  fruits  are  walnut,  almond,  pomegranate,  coconut,  filbert,  and  chestnut. 
See  WEST,  Pahlavi  Texts,  Vol.  I,  p.  103. 

4  MARCO  POLO,  Yule's  edition,  Vol.  I,  p.  97. 

6  The  editions  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  write  |§  HJ,  "in  the  gardens  of  the  West"; 
but  the  T'u  su  tsi  I* en  (section  botany,  Ch.  311)  and  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  in  repro- 
ducing this  text,  offer  the  reading  15  0 ,  which  seems  to  me  preferable. 

6  Yu  yan  tsa  tsujjH  ^,  Ch.  10,  p.  3  b  (ed.  of  Tsin  tai  pi  Su). 

7  This  work  is  quoted  in  the  TVi  min  yao  Su,  written  by  Kia  Se-niu  under  the 
Hou  Wei  dynasty  (A.D.  386-534). 


248  SlNO-lRANICA 

?).  Persians  $&  $r  IK  designate  them  a-yile-hun  fruits."1  For  the  same 
period  we  have  the  testimony  of  the  Arabic  merchant  Soleiman,  who 
wrote  in  A.D.  851,  to  the  effect  that  pistachios  grow  in  China.2 

As  shown  by  the  two  forms,  a-yue  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  and  a-yue-hun 
of  the  Pen  ts'ao  $i  i  and  Hai  yao  pen  ts*ao,  the  fuller  form  must  repre- 
sent a  compound  consisting  of  the  elements  a-yue  and  hun.  In  order  to 
understand  the  transcription  a-yue,  consideration  of  the  following  facts 
is  necessary. 

The  Old-Iranian  word  for  the  walnut  has  not  been  handed  down  to 
us,  but  there  is  good  evidence  to  prompt  the  conclusion  that  it  must 
have  been  of  the  type  *agOza  or  *afigOza.  On  the  one  hand,  we  have 
Armenian  engoiz,  Ossetic  angoza  or  anguz,  and  Hebrew  egoz;3  on  the 
other  hand,  we  meet  in  Yidgha,  a  Hindu-Kush  language,  the  form 
oguzo,  as  compared  with  New  Persian  koz  and  goz.*  The  signification 
of  this  word  is  "nut"  in  general,  and  " walnut"  in  particular.  Further, 
there  is  in  Sanskrit  the  Iranian  loan-word  dkhota,  aksoja,  or  aksoda, 
which  must  have  been  borrowed  at  an  early  date,  as,  in  the  last-named 
form,  the  word  occurs  twice  in  the  Bower  Manuscript.5  It  has  survived 
in  Hindustani  as  axrdt  or  dkrot.  The  actual  existence  of  an  East- 
Iranian  form  with  the  ancient  initial  a-  is  guaranteed  by  the  Chinese 
transcription  a-yue;  for  a-yiie  M  H  answers  to  an  ancient  *a-nwie5 
(nw'e5)  or  *a-gwie5,  a-gwu5;6  and  this,  in  my  opinion,  is  intended  to 
represent  the  Iranian  word  for  "nut"  with  initial  a-,  mentioned  above; 
that  is,  *angwiz,  afigwOz,  agOz. 

Chinese  hun  ®  answers  to  an  ancient  *7wun  or  wun.  In  regard 
to  this  Iranian  word,  the  following  information  may  be  helpful.  E. 

1  If  it  is  correct  that  the  transcription  a-yue-hun  was  already  contained  in  the 
Nan  lou  ki  (which  it  is  impossible  to  prove,  as  we  do  not  possess  the  text  of  this 
work),  the  transcription  must  have  been  based  on  an  original  prototype  of  early 
Sasanian  times  or  on  an  early  Middle- Persian  form.    This,  in  fact,  is  confirmed  by 
the  very  character  of  the  Sino-Iranian  word,  which  has  preserved  the  initial  a-, 
while  this  one  became  lost  in  New  Persian.    It  may  hence  be  inferred  that  Li  Sun's 
information  is  correct,  and  that  the  transcription  a-yue-hun  may  really  have  been 
contained  in  the  Nan  cou  ki,  and  would  accordingly  be  pre-T'an. 

2  M.  REINAUD,  Relation  des  voyages  faits  par  les  Arabes  et  les  Persans  dans 
1'Inde  et  a  la  Chine,  Vol.  I,  p.  22. 

3  Whether  Georgian  nigozi  and   the   local   name   Nlyovfa  of    Ptolemy    (W. 
TOMASCHEK,  Pamirdialekte,  Sitzber.  Wiener  Akad.,  1880,  p.  790)  belong  here,  I  do 
not  feel  certain.   Cf.  HUBSCHMANN,  Armenische  Grammatik,  p.  393. 

4  In  regard  to  the  elision  of  initial  a  in  New  Persian,  see  HUBSCHMANN,  Persische 
Studien,  p.  120. 

6  HOERNLE'S  edition,  pp.  32,  90,  121. 

6  Regarding  the  phonetic  value  of  ^  ,  see  the  detailed  study  of  PELLIOT  (Bull. 
de  VEcole  fran$aise,  Vol.  V,  p.  443)  and  the  writer's  Language  of  the  Yue-chi  or 
Indo-Scythians. 


THE  PISTACHIO  249 

1  speaks  of  Terebinthus  or  Pistacea  sylvestris  in  Persia  thus: 
"Ea  Pistaceae  hortensi,  quam  Tfreophrastus  Therebinthum  Indicam 
vocat,  turn  magnitudine,  turn  totius  ac  partium  figura  persimilis  est, 
nisi  quod  flosculos  ferat  fragrantiores,  nuces  vero  praeparvas,  insipidas; 
unde  a  descriptione  botanica  abstinemus.  Copiosa  crescit  in  recessibus 
montium  brumalis  genii,  petrosis  ac  desertis,  circa  Schamachiam  Mediae, 
Schirasum  Persidis,  in  Luristano  et  Larensi  territoriis.  Mihi  nullibi 
conspecta  est  copiosior  quam  in  petroso  monte  circa  Majin,  pagum 
celebrem,  una  diaeta  dissitum  Sjirasd:  in  quo  mihi  duplicis  varietatis 
indicarunt  arborem;  unam  vulgariorem,  quae  generis  sui  retineat 
appellationem  Diracht  [diraxt,  l  tree ']  Ben  seu  Wen;  alteram  rariorem, 
in  specie  Kasudaan  [kasu-dan],  vel,  ut  rustici  pronunciant,  Kasud&n 
dictam,  quae  a  priori  fructuum  rubedine  differat."  ROEDIGER  and  PoxT2 
have  added  to  this  ben  or  wen  a  Middle-Persian  form  ven  ("wild  pista- 
chio"). In  the  Persian  Dictionary  edited  by  STEINGASS  (p.  200)  this 
word  is  given  as  ban  or  wan  (also  banak),  with  the  translation  "Persian 
turpentine  seed."3  VULLERS*  writes  it  ban.  SCHLIMMERS  transcribes 
this  word  beneh.  He  identifies  the  tree  with  Pistacia  acuminata  and 
observes,  "C'est  1'arbre  qui  fournit  en  Perse  un  produit  assez  semblable 
a  la  tr£mentine,  mais  plut6t  mou  que  liquide,  vu  qu'on  1'obtient  par 
des  d^coupures,  dont  le  produit  se  rassemble  durant  les  grandes  chaleurs 
dans  un  creux  fait  en  terre  glaise  au  pied  de  1'arbre,  de  facon  a  ce  que  la 
matiere  se'cre'te'e  perd  une  grande  partie  de  son  huile  essentielle  avant 
d'etre  enleve'e.  Le  rne'me  produit,  obtenu  a  Kerman  dans  un  outre, 
fixe  a  Tarbre  et  enleve*  aussit6t  plein,  e*tait  a  peu  pr£s  aussi  liquide  que 
la  te're'benthine  de  Venise.  ...  La  Pistacia  acuminata  est  sauvage  au 
Kordesthan  persan  et,  d'apres  Buhse,  aussi  a  Reshm,  Damghan  et 
Dereghum  (province  de  Yezd) ;  Haussknecht  la  vit  aussi  a  Kuh  Kiluye 
et  dans  le  Luristan." 

The  same  word  we  meet  also  in  Kurd  dariben,  dar-i-ben  ("the  tree 
ben"),  and  in  all  probability  in  Greek  reptpwdos,  older  forms  rkpiuvQos 
and  rpe/uflos.6  Finally  WATT*  gives  a  BaluSi  word  ban,  wan,  wana,  gwa, 

1  Amoenitatura  exotfcarum  fasciculi  V,  p.  413  (Lemgoviae,  1712). 

2  Zeitschr.  Kunde  d.  MorgenL,  Vol.  V,  1844,  p.  64. 

3  This  notion  is  also  expressed  by  bandslb  (cf.  bindst,  "turpentine"). 

4  Lexicon  persico-latinum,  Vol.  I,  p.  184. 
*  Terminologie,  p.  465. 

6  The  Greek  ending,  therefore,  is  -0os,  not  -v8os,  as  stated  by  SCHRADER  (in 
Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  8th  ed.,  p.  221);  n  adheres  to  the  stem:  tere-bin-Oos. 

7  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  902 ;  and  Dictionary  of  the  Economic 
Products  of  India,  Vol.  VI,  p.  271. 


250  SlNO-lRANICA 

gwaw,  gwana,  for  Pistacia  mutica  (or  P.  terebinthus,  var.  mutica);  this 
form  comes  nearest  to  the  Chinese  transcription. 

While  a  compound  *agoz-van(vun),  that  is,  "nut  of  pistachio,"  as 
far  as  I  know,  has  not  yet  been  traced  in  Iranian  directly,  its  existence 
follows  from  the  Chinese  record  of  the  term.  An  analogy  to  this  com- 
pound is  presented  by  Kurd  kizvan,  kezvdn,  kazu-van,  kasu-van  ("pista- 
chio" or  "terebinthus-tree").1 

The  Honzo  kdmoku  keimo  (Ch.  25,  fol.  24),  written  by  Ono  Ranzan 
/h  ^  lH  ll4,  first  published  in  1804,  revised  in  1847  by  Igu&  Bosi  # 
P  il  /£,,  his  grandson,  mentions  the  same  plant  K  R  j?  -?,  which 
reads  in  Japanese  agetsu-konU.  He  gives  also  in  Kana  the  names 
fusudasiu  or  fusudasu.*  He  states,  "The  plant  is  not  known  in  Japan 
to  grow  wild.  It  used  to  come  from  foreign  countries,  but  not  so  at 
present.  A  book  called  Zokyohi  furoku  Ifc  %.  $L  PH"  £&  mentions  this 
plant,  stating  that  agetsu-kon$i  is  the  fruit  of  the  tree  c*a  mu  ffll  ^C 
(in  Japanese  sakuboku)  ."3 

*A.  JABA,  Dictionnaire  kurde-francais,  p.  333.  Cf.  above  the  kasu-ddn  of 
Kaempfer. 

2  These  terms  are  also  given  by  the  eminent  Japanese  botanist  MATSUMURA 
in  his  Shokubutsu  mei-i  (No.  2386),  accompanied  by  the  identification  Pistacia 
vera. 

8  This  tradition  is  indeed  traceable  to  an  ancient  Chinese  record,  which  will  be 
found  in  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao  of  1108  (Ch.  12,  p.  55,  ed.  of  1583).  Here  the  question 
is  of  the  bark  of  the  san  or  I' a  tree  /{flfl  ^C  $£,  mentioned  as  early  as  the  sixth  century 
in  the  Kwan  li  ^  iS  of  Kwo  Yi-kun  as  growing  in  wild  country  of  Kwan-nan 
Bf  f^J  (the  present  province  of  K  wan-tun  and  part  of  Kwan-si),  and  described  in  a 
commentary  of  the  Er  ya  as  resembling  the  mulberry-tree.  This,  of  course,  is  a  wild 
tree  indigenous  to  a  certain  region  of  southern  China,  but,  as  far  as  I  know,  not  yet 
identified,  presumably  as  the  ancient  name  is  now  obsolete.  The  Nan  lou  ki  by 
Su  Piao  (see  above)  says  that  the  fruits  of  this  tree  are  styled  wu  min  tse  $$  fa  ^ 
(" nameless  fruits");  hence  the  conclusion  is  offered  by  T'an  Sen-wei,  author  of  the 
Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  that  this  is  the  tree  termed  a-yue-hun  by  the  Persians  (that  is,  a  cul- 
tivated Pistacia).  This  inference  is  obviously  erroneous,  as  the  latter  was  introduced 
from  Persia  into  China  either  under  the  T'ang  or  a  few  centuries  earlier,  while  the 
san  or  c'a  tree  pre-existed  spontaneously  in  the  Chinese  flora.  The  only  basis  for  this 
hazardous  identification  is  given  by  the  attribute  "nameless."  A  solution  of  this 
problem  is  possible  if  we  remember  the  fact  that  there  is  a  wild  Pistacia,  Pistacia 
chinensis,  indigenous  to  China,  and  if  we  identify  with  it  the  tree  san  or  Va;  then  it 
is  conceivable  that  the  wild  and  the  imported,  cultivated  species  were  correlated 
and  combined  under  the  same  popular  term  wu  min.  MATSUMURA  (op.  cit.,  No. 
2382)  calls  P.  chinensis  in  Japanese  drenju,  adding  the  characters  JjJ  $£•  The  word 
lien  refers  in  China  to  Melia  azedarach.  The  modern  Chinese  equivalent  for  P. 
chinensis  is  not  known  to  me.  The  peculiar  beauty  of  this  tree,  and  the  great  age  to 
which  it  lives,  have  attracted  the  attention  of  the  indefatigable  workers  of  our 
Department  of  Agriculture,  who  have  already  distributed  thousands  of  young  trees  to 
parks  throughout  the  country  (see  Yearbook  of  the  U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture 
1916,  p.  140,  Washington,  1917).  In  the  English  and  Chinese  Standard  Dictionary, 
the  word  "pistachio"  is  rendered  by  fei  ffi»  which,  however,  denotes  a  quite  dif- 


THE  PISTACHIO  251 

G.  A.  STUART^  has  identified  a-yiie  hun-tsez  with  Pistacia  vera,  and 
this  is  confirmed  by  Matsumura. 

The  Japanese  name  fusudasiu  or  fusudasu  is  doubtless  connected 
with  Persian  pista,  from  Old  Iranian  *pistaka,  Middle  Persian  *pistak,3 
from  which  is  derived  Greek  PHTTCLKIOV,  (^ITTCLKLOV,  TnartLKiov  or  \l/iaro.Kiovy 
Latin  psittacium,  and  our  pistacia  or  pistachio.  It  is  not  known  to  me, 
however,  to  what  date  the  Japanese  word  goes  back,  or  through  what 
channels  it  was  received.  In  all  likelihood  it  is  of  modern  origin,  the 
introduction  into  Japan  being  due  to  Europeans. 

In  Chinese  literature,  the  Persian  word  appears  in  the  Geography 
of  the  Ming  Dynasty,4  in  the  transcription  [ki-]  pi-se-tan  [M]  2£  ®  19, 
stated  to  be  a  product  of  Samarkand,  the  leaves  of  the  tree  resembling 
those  of  the  San  c'a  Ul  ^  (Camellia  oleifera),  and  its  fruit  that  of  the 
yin  hin  18  -3F  (Salisburia  adiantifolia). 

The  Persian  word,  further,  occurs  in  the  new  edition  of  the  Kwan  yii 
ki,  entitled  Tsen  tin  kwan  yii  ki  *§"  ST  R  H  IB.  The  original,  the  Kwan 
yii  ki,  was  written  by  Lu  Yin-yan  1^1  JS  $if,0  and  published  during  the 
Wan-li  period  in  1600.  The  revised  and  enlarged  edition  was  prepared 
by  Ts'ai  Fan-pin  ^  ft  fift  (hao  Kiu-hia  A  ft)  in  1686;  a  reprint  of 
this  text  was  issued  in  1744  by  the  publishing-house  Se-mei  fan  H  H  ^. 
Both  this  edition  and  the  original  are  before  me.  The  latter6  mentions 
only  three  products  under  the  heading  "Samarkand";  namely,  coral, 
amber,  and  ornamented  cloth  (hwa  %ui  pn^L^  'ft* ) .  The  new  edition, 
however,  has  fifteen  additional  items,  the  first  of  these  being  [ki-] 
pi-se-t*an,  written  as  above,7  stated  to  be  a  tree  growing  in  the  region 
of  Samarkand.  "The  leaves  of  the  tree,"  it  is  said,  "resemble  those 
of  the  san  c*a  (Camelia  oleifera) ;  the  fruits  have  the  appearance  of  the 
nut-like  seeds  of  the  yin  hin  (Salisburia  adiantifolia),  but  are  smaller." 
The  word  pi-se-fan  doubtless  represents  the  transcription  of  Persian 

ferent  plant, — Torreya  nucifera.  A  revival  on  the  part  of  the  Chinese,  of  the  good, 
old  terms  of  their  own  language,  would  be  very  desirable,  not  only  in  this  case,  but 
likewise  in  many  others. 

1  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  334. 

2  Wrongly  transcribed  by  him  o-yileh-chun-tzu. 

3  These  reconstructions  logically  result  from  the  phonetic  history  of  Iranian, 
and  are  necessitated  by  the  existence  of  the  Greek  loan-word.  Cf .,  further,  Byzantine 
pustux  and  fustox,  Comanian  pistac,  and  the  forms  given  below  (p.  252).    Persian 
pista  is  identified  with  Pistacia  vera  by  SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  465). 

4  Ta  Min  i  t'un  a,  Ch.  89,  p.  23. 

6  WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  59. 

6  Ch.  24,  p.  6  b. 

7  The  addition  of  ki  surely  rests  on  an  error  (ScHOTT  also  reads  pi-sc-t'an,  which 
he  presumably  found  in  his  text;  see  the  following  note). 


2$2  SlNO-lRANICA 

pistdn  ("a  place  abounding  with  pistachio-nuts").1  Again,  the  Persian 
word  in  the  transcription  pi-se-ta  >&  S  ^  appears  in  the  Pen  ts*ao 
kan  mu  U  i2  by  Cao  Hio-min,  who  states  that  the  habitat  of  the  plant 
is  in  the  land  of  the  Mohammedans,  and  refers  to  the  work  Yin  san 
ten  yao3  of  1331,  ascribed  by  him  to  Hu-pi-lie  M.  >&  3$;  that  is,  the 
Emperor  Kubilai  of  the  Yuan  dynasty.  We  know,  however,  that  this 
book  was  written  in  1331  by  Ho  Se-hwi.4  Not  having  access  to  this, 
I  am  unable  to  state  whether  it  contains  a  reference  to  pi-se-ta,  nor  do 
I  know  whether  the  text  of  Cao  Hio-min,  as  printed  in  the  second 
edition  of  1765,  was  thus  contained  in  the  first  edition  of  his  work,  which 
was  published  in  1650.  It  would  not  be  impossible  that  the  tran- 
scription pi-se-tat  accurately  corresponding  to  Persian  pista,  was 
made  in  the  Mongol  period;  for  it  bears  the  ear-marks  of  the  Yuan  style 
of  transcription. 

The  Persian  word  pista  (also  pasta)  has  been  widely  disseminated: 
we  find  it  in  Kurd  fystiq,  Armenian  fesdux  and  fstoiil,  Arabic  fistaq  or 
fustaq,  Osmanli  fistiq?  and  Russian  fistaSka. 

In  the  Yuan  period  the  Chinese  also  made  the  acquaintance  of 
mastic,  the  resinous  product  of  Pistacia  lentiscus*  It  is  mentioned  in 
the  Yin  San  Zen  yao,  written  in  1331,  under  its  Arabic  name  mastaki, 
in  the  transcription  $1  &  %£  l!f  ma-se-ta-ki.7  Li  Si-£en  knew  only  the 
medical  properties  of  the  product,  but  confessed  his  ignorance  regarding 
the  nature  of  the  plant;  hence  he  placed  his  notice  of  it  as  an  appendix 
to  cummin  (&i-lo).  The  Wu  tsa  tsu  3L  H  3EL,  written  in  1610,  says  that 
mastaki  is  produced  in  Turkistan  and  resembles  the  tsiao  W  (Zanth- 
oxylumy  the  fruit  yielding  a  pepper-like  condiment) ;  its  odor  is  very 
strong;  it  takes  the  place  there  pjE  a  condiment  like  pepper,  and  is 
beneficial  to  digestion.8  The  Persian  word  for  "mastic"  is  kundurak 
(from  kundur,  "incense"),  besides  the  Arabic  loan-word  mastaki  or 

1  As  already  recognized  by  W.  SCHOTT  (Topographic  der  Producte  des  chinesi- 
schen  Reiches,  Abh.  Berl.Akad.,  1842,  p.  371),  who  made  use  only  of  the  new  edition. 

2  Ch.  8,  p.  19;  ed.  of  1765  (see  above,  p.  229). 
8  Cf.  above,  p.  236. 

4  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  213. 

6  Hence  Pegoletti's  fistuchi  (YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed.  by  CORDIER,   Vol.   Ill, 
p.  167). 

•Greek  axlvm  (Herodotus,  iv,  177). 

7  The  Arabic  word  itself  is  derived  from  Greek  tiaarlxn  (from   /uaorTafeu',  "to 
chew"),  because  the  resin  was  used  as  a  masticatory.    Hence  also  Armenian  maz- 
tak'e.    Spanish  oLmdciga  is  derived  from  the  Arabic,  as  indicated  by  the  Arabic 
article  a/,  while  the  Spanish  form  mdsticis  is  based  on  Latin  mastix. 

8  Quoted  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  Si  i,  Ch.  6,  p.  12  b.    The  digestive  property 
is  already  emphasized  by  Dioscorides  (i,  90). 


THE  PISTACHIO  253 

mastaki.1  The  Persianized  form  is  masdax;  in  Kurd  it  is  mstekki.  "On 
these  mountains  the  Mastich  Tree  brings  forth  plenty  of  that  gum,  of 
which  the  country  people  make  good  profit.  ...  As  for  the  Mastick 
Trees,  they  bore  red  berries,  and  if  wounded  would  spew  out  the  liquid 
resin  from  the  branches;  they  are  not  very  tall,  of  the  bigness  of  our 
Bully  Trees :  Whether  they  bring  forth  a  cod  or  not,  this  season  would 
not  inform  me,  nor  can  I  say  it  agrees  in  all  respects  with  the  Lentisk 
Tree  of  Clusius."2  The  resin  (mastic)  occurs  in  small,  irregular,  yellowish 
tears,  brittle,  and  of  a  vitreous  fracture,  but  soft  and  ductile  when 
chewed.  It  is  used  as  a  masticatory  by  people  of  high  rank  in  India  to 
preserve  the  teeth  and  sweeten  the  breath,  and  also  in  the  preparation 
of  a  perfume.8  It  is  still  known  in  India  as  the  "gum  mastic  of  Rum."4 
The  case  of  the  pistachio  (and  there  are  several  others)  is  interesting 
in  showing  that  the  Chinese  closely  followed  the  development  of  Iranian 
speech,  and  in  course  of  time  replaced  the  Middle-Persian  terms  by  the 
corresponding  New-Persian  words. 

1  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  pp.  137,  267. 

2  JOHN  FRYER,  New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia,  Vol.  II,  p.  202  (Hakluyt 
Soc.,  1912). 

8  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  902. 

4  D.  C.  PHILLOTT,  Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  Vol.  VI,  1910,  p.  81. 


THE  WALNUT 

4.  The  Buddhist  dictionary  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi  H8  a?  £  i&  3fe, 
compiled  by  Fa  Yun  £fe  8,1  contains  a  Chinese-Sanskrit  name  for  the 
walnut  (hu  t*ao  iK  $6,  Juglans  regia)  in  the  transcription  po-lo-$i 
M  !SI  6$,  which,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  not  yet  been  identified  with  its 
Sanskrit  equivalent.2  According  to  the  laws  established  for  the  Buddhist 
transcriptions,  this  formation  is  to  be  restored  to  Sanskrit  paras*, 
which  I  regard  as  the  feminine  form  of  the  adjective  parasa,  meaning 
"Persian"  (derived  from  Parsa,  "Persia").  The  walnut,  accordingly, 
as  expressed  by  this  term,  was  regarded  in  India  as  a  tree  or  fruit  sus- 
pected of  Persian  provenience.  The  designation  parasi  for  the  walnut 
is  not  recorded  in  Boehtlingk's  Sanskrit  Dictionary,  which,  by  the  way, 
contains  many  other  lacunes.  The  common  Sanskrit  word  for  "walnut " 
is  dkhota,  aksoja,  ak$osa*  which  for  a  long  time  has  been  regarded  as 
a  loan-word  received  from  Iranian.4 

Pliny  has  invoked  the  Greek  names  bestowed  on  this  fruit  as  testi- 
mony for  the  fact  that  it  was  originally  introduced  from  Persia,  the 


1  Ch.  24,  p.  27  (edition  of  Nanking). — BUNYIU  NANJIO  (Catalogue  of  the 
Buddhist  Tripitaka,  No.  1640)  sets  the  date  of  the  work  at  1151.  WYLIE  (Notes  on 
Chinese  Literature,  p.  210)  and  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  94)  say  that  it 
was  completed  in  1143.  According  to  S.  JULIEN  (Me"thode,  p.  13),  it  was  compiled 
from  1143  to  1157. 

1  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Study  and  Value  of  Chinese  Botanical  Works,  Chinese 
Recorder,  Vol.  Ill,  1871,  p.  222)  has  given  the  name  after  the  Pen  ts'aokan  mu,  but 
has  left  it  without  explanation. 

3  The  last-named  form  occurs  twice  in  the  Bower  Manuscript  (HOERNLE'S 
edition,  pp.  32,  90,  121).   In  Hindustani  we  have  axrot  or  akrot. 

4  F.  SPIEGEL,  Arische  Periode,  p.  40.  The  fact  that  the  ancient  Iranian  name  for 
the  walnut  is  still  unknown  does  not  allow  us  to  explain  the  Sanskrit  word  satisfac- 
torily.  Its  relation  to  Hebrew  egoz,  and  Persian  koz,  goz  (see  below),  is  perspicuous. 
Among  the  Hindu-Kush  languages,  we  meet  in  Yidgha  the  word  oghuzoh  (J.  BIDDULPH, 
Tribes  of  the  Hindoo  Koosh,  Appendices,  p.  CLXVII),  which  appears  as  a  missing 
link  between  Sanskrit  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Semitic-Armenian  forms  on  the  other 
hand:  hence  we  may  conjecture  that  the  ancient  Iranian  word  was  something  like 
*agoza,  angoza;  and  this  supposition  is  fully  confirmed  by  the  Chinese  transcription 
a-yiie  (above,  p.  248).    Large  walnuts  of  India  are  mentioned  by  the  traveller  C'an 
Te  toward  the  middle  of   the  thirteenth   century    (BRETSCHNEIDER,    Mediaeval 
Researches,  Vol.  I,  p.  146).  The  walnuts  of  the  province  of  Kusistan  in  Persia,  which 
are  much  esteemed,  are  sent  in  great  quantities  to  India  (W.  AINSLIE,  Materia 
Indica,  Vol.  I,  p.  464). 

254 


THE  WALNUT  255 

best  kinds  being  styled  in  Greek  Persicum  and  basilicon,1  and  these  being 
the  actual  names  by  which  they  first  became  known  in  Italy.2  Pliny 
himself  employs  the  name  nuces  iuglandes.  Although  Juglans  regia  is 
indigenous  to  the  Mediterranean  region,  the  Greeks  seem  to  have 
received  better  varieties  from  anterior  Asia,  hence  Greek  names  like 
Kapva  irepcriKCL  or  Kapva  (nvwirLKa.3 

In  fact,  Juglans  regia  grows  spontaneously  in  northern  Persia  and 
in  Baluchistan;  it  has  been  found  in  the  valleys  of  the  Pskem  and 
Ablatun  at  altitudes  varying  from  1000  to  1500  m.  Another  species 
(Juglans  pterocarpa,  (( Juglans  with  winged  fruits")  is  met  in  the  prov- 
inces of  Ghilan  and  Mazanderan  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Astrabad.4 
A.  ENGLERS  states  that  the  walnut  occurs  wild  also  in  eastern  Afghanis- 
tan at  altitudes  of  from  2200  to  2800  m.  Ibn  Haukal  extols  the  walnuts 
of  Arrajan,  Muqaddasl  those  of  Kirman,  and  Istaxri  those  of  the 
province  of  Jlruft.6 

In  Fergana,  Russian  Turkistan,  the  walnut  is  cultivated  in  gardens; 
but  the  nuts  offered  for  sale  are  usually  derived  from  wild-growing  trees 
which  form  complete  forests  in  the  mountains.7  According  to  A.  STEIN,* 
walnuts  abound  at  Khotan.  The  same  explorer  found  them  at  Yiil-arik 
and  neighboring  villages.9 

1  That  is,  "Persian  nut"  and  "nut  of  the  king,"  respectively,  the  king  being 
the  Basileus  of  Persia.  These  two  designations  are  also  given  by  Dioscorides  (i,  178). 

2  Et  has  e  Perside  regibus  translatas  indicio  sunt  Graeca  nomina:    optimum 
quippe  genus  earum  Persicum  atque  basilicon  vocant,  et  haec  fuere  prima  nomina 
(Nat.  hist.,  xv,  22,  §  87). 

3  J.  HOOPS,  Waldbaume  und  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  553.  The  Romans  transplanted 
the  walnut  into  Gallia  and  Germania  during  the  first  centuries  of  our  era.   Numerous 
walnuts  have  been  brought  to  light  from  the  wells  of  the  Saalburg,  testifying  to 
the  favor  in  which  they  were  held  by  the  Romans.    The  cultivation  of  the  tree  is 
commended  in  Charles  the  Great's  Capitulare  de  villis  and  Garden  Inventories. 
Its  planting  in  Gaul  is  shown  by  the  late  Latin  term  nux  gallica,  Old  French  nois 
gauge,  which  survives  in  our  "walnut"  (German  walnuss,  Danish  valnod,  Old  Norse 
valhnot,  Anglo-Saxon  wealh-hnutu) ;  walk,  wal,  was  the  Germanic  designation  of  the 
Celts  (derived  from  the  Celtic  tribe  Volcae),  subsequently  transferred  to  the  Romanic 
peoples  of  France  and  Italy. 

4  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  I'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  44.   Joret  (p.  92)  states  that  the 
Persians  cultivated  nut-trees  and  consumed  the  nuts,  both  fresh  and  dried.    The 
walnut  is  twice  mentioned  in  the  Bundahisn  among  the  fruits  serving  as  food,  and 
among  fruits  the  inside  of  which  is  fit  to  eat,  but  not  the  outside  (WEST,  Pahlavi 
Texts,  Vol.  I,  pp.  101,  103;  cf.  also  p.  275). 

6  Erlauterungen  zu  den  Nutzpflanzen  der  gemassigten  Zonen,  p.  22. 

6  P.  SCHWARZ,  Iran  im  Mittelalter,  pp.  114,  218,  241. 

7  S.  KORZINSKI,  Sketches  of  the  Flora  of  Turkistan,  in  Russian  (Memoirs  Imp. 
Russ.  Ac.,  8th  ser.,  Vol.  IV,  No.  4,  pp.  39,  53). 

8  Ancient  Khotan,  Vol.  I,  p.  131. 

9  Ruins  of  Desert  Cathay,  Vol.  I,  p.  152. 


256  SlNO-lRANICA 

The  New-Persian  name  for  the  walnut  is  koz  and  goz.1  According 
to  HUBSCHMANN,  this  word  comes  from  Armenian.2  The  Armenian  word 
is  8ngoiz;  in  the  same  category  belongs  Hebrew  egoz,3  Ossetic  angoza, 
Yidghal  oyuza,  Kurd  egwz,  Gruzinian  nigozi.*  The  Persian  word  we 
meet  as  a  loan  in  Turkish  koz  and  xoz.b 

The  earliest  designation  in  Chinese  for  the  cultivated  walnut  is  hu 
t*ao  ffl  ft  ("peach  of  the  Hu" :  Hu  being  a  general  term  for  peoples  of 
Central  Asia,  particularly  Iranians) .  As  is  set  forth  in  the  Introduction, 
the  term  hu  ip  prefixed  to  a  large  number  of  names  of  cultivated  plants 
introduced  from  abroad.  The  later  substitution  hu  or  ho  t'ao  t^  $6 
signifies  " peach  containing  a  kernel,"  or  "seed-peach,"  so  called  because, 
while  resembling  a  peach  when  in  the  husk,  only  the  kernel  is  eaten.6 
In  view  of  the  wide  dissemination  of  the  Persian  word,  the  question 
might  be  raised  whether  it  would  not  be  justifiable  to  recognize  it  also 
in  the  Chinese  term  hu  t'ao  fiS  ft,  although,  of  course,  in  the  first  line  it 
means  "peach  of  the  Hu  (Iranians)."  There  are  a  number  of  cases 
on  record  where  Chinese  designations  of  foreign  products  may  simulta- 
neously convey  a  meaning  and  represent  phonetic  transcriptions. 
When  we  consider  that  the  word  hu  SB  was  formerly  possessed  of  an 
initial  guttural  sonant,  being  sounded  *gu  (?u)  or  *go,7  the  possibility 
that  this  word  might  have  been  chosen  in  imitation  of,  or  with  especial 
regard  to,  an  Iranian  form  of  the  type  goz,  cannot  be  denied:  the  two- 
fold thought  that  this  was  the  "peach  styled  go"  and  the  "peach  of  the 
Go  or  Hu  peoples"  may  have  been  present  simultaneously  in  the  minds 
of  those  who  formed  the  novel  term;  but  this  is  merely  an  hypothesis, 
which  cannot  actually  be  proved,  and  to  which  no  great  importance  is 
to  be  attached. 


1  Arabic  joz;  Middle  Persian  joz,  joj.    Kurd  gvnz  (guvnz),  from  govz,  gdz  (SociN, 
Grundr.  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  268).    Sariqoll  ghauz  (SHAW,  Journal  As.  Soc. 
Bengal,  1876^.267).  PuStu  ughz,  waghz.  Another  Persian  designation  for  "  walnut " 
is  girdu  or  girdgan. 

2  Grundr.  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  8;  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  393. 
8  Canticle  vi,  10.   Cf.  Syriac  gauza. 

4  W.  MILLER,  Sprache  der  Osseten,  p.  10;  HUBSCHMANN,  Arm.  Gram.,  p.  393. 

5  RADLOFF,  Worterbuch  der  Turk-Dialecte,  Vol.  II,  col.  628,  1710.    In  Osmanli 
jeviz. 

6  The  term  ho  t*ao  is  of  recent  date.     It  occurs  neither  under  the  T'ang  nor 
under  the  Sung.     It  is  employed  in  the  Kwo  su  ^  £S,  a  work  on  garden-fruits  by 
Wan  Si-mou  EE  tfr  J|£,  who  died  in  1591,  and  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu.     The  latter 
remarks  that  the  word  ho  /^  is  sounded  in  the  north  like  hu  ^ ,  and  that  the  sub- 
stitution thus  took  place,  citing  a  work  Min  wu  ci  &  $}  jfe  as  the  first  to  apply 
this  term. 

7  Compare  Japanese  go-ma  $}  jftc  and  go-fun  j$  %fr . 


THE  WALNUT  257 

There  is  a  tradition  to  the  effect  that  the  walnut  was  introduced 
into  China  by  General  Can  K'ien.1  This  attribution  of  the  walnut  to 
Can  K'ien,  however,  is  a  purely  retrospective  thought,  which  is  not 
contained  in  the  contemporaneous  documents  of  the  Han  Annals.  There 
are,  in  fact,  as  we  have  seen,  only  two  cultivated  plants  which  can 
directly  be  credited  to  the  mission  of  Can  K'ien  to  the  west, —  the 
grape  and  the  alfalfa.  All  others  are  ascribed  to  him  in  subsequent 
books.  BRETSCHNEIDER,  in  his  long  enumeration  of  Can-K'ien  plants,2 
has  been  somewhat  uncritical  in  adopting  the  statements  of  such  a 
recent  work  as  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  without  even  taking  pains  to  ex- 
amine the  sources  there  referred  to.  This  subject  requires  a  renewed 
critical  investigation  for  each  particular  plant.  As  regards  the  walnut, 
Bretschneider  was  exposed  to  singular  errors,  which  should  be  rectified, 
as  they  have  passed  into  and  still  prominently  figure  in  classical  botani- 
cal and  historical  books  of  our  time.  According  to  Bretschneider,  the 
walnut  was  brought  from  K'iang-hu  ^1  W,  and  "K'iang"  was  at  the 
time  of  the  Han  dynasty  the  name  for  Tibet.  There  is,  of  course,  no 
such  geographical  name  as  "K'ian-hu";  but  we  have  here  the  two 
ethnical  terms,  "K'iafi"  and  "Hu,"  joined  into  a  compound.  More- 
over, the  K'iafi  (anciently  *Gian)  of  the  Han  period,  while  they  may 
be  regarded  as  the  forefathers  of  the  subsequent  Tibetan  tribes,  did 
not  inhabit  the  country  which  we  now  designate  as  Tibet;  and  the  term 
"Hu"  as  a  rule  does  not  include  Tibetans.  What  is  said  in  this  respect 
in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu*  is  vague  enough:  it  is  a  single  sentence  culled 
from  the  Tu  kin  pen  ts'ao  •  iK  *  3£  of  Su  Sun  M  ffi  (latter  part  of 
the  eleventh  century)  of  the  Sung  period,  which  reads,  "The  original 
habitat  of  this  fruit  was  in  the  countries  of  the  K'iafi  and  the  Hu" 
(Jib  ^  ^  ffi  ^  fiH).  Any  conclusion  like  an  introduction  of  the  walnut 
from  "Tibet"  cannot  be  based  on  this  statement. 

Bretschneider's  first  victim  was  the  father  of  the  science  of  historical 
and  geographical  botany,  A.  DE  CANDOLLE/  who  stated,  referring  to 
him  as  his  authority,  "Chinese  authors  say  that  the  walnut  was 
introduced  among  them  from  Tibet,  under  the  Han  dynasty,  by  Chang- 


1  The  first  to  reveal  this  tradition  from  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  was  W.  SCHOTT 
(Abh.  Berl.  Akad.,  1842,  p.  270). 

2  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  pp.  221-223;  and  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  I,  p.  25.    Likewise 
Hirth,  Toung  Pao,  Vol.  VI,  1895,  p.  439.  Also  GILES  (Biographical  Dictionary,  p.  12) 
connects  the  walnut  with  Can  K'ien. 

3  Ch.  30,  p.  1 6. 

4  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  427. 


258  SlNO-lRANICA 

kien,  about  the  year  140-150  B.C."1  In  Hehn's  "  Kulturpflanzen  "* 
we  still  read  in  a  postscript  from  the  hand  of  the  botanist  A.  ENGLER, 
"Whether  the  walnut  occurs  wild  in  North  China  may  be  doubted,  as 
according  to  Bretschneider  it  is  said  to  have  been  imported  there  from 
Tibet."  As  will  be  seen  below,  a  wild-growing  species  of  Juglans  is 
indeed  indigenous  to  North  China.  As  to  the  alleged  feat  of  Can  K'ien, 
the  above-mentioned  Su  Sun,  who  lived  during  the  Sung  period  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  eleventh  century,  represents  the  source  of  this  purely 
traditional  opinion  recorded  by  Bretschneider.  Su  Sun,  after  the  above 
statement,  continues,  "At  the  time  of  the  Han,  when  Can  K'ien  was 
sent  on  his  mission  into  the  Western  Regions,  he  first  obtained  the 
seeds  of  this  fruit,  which  was  then  planted  in  Ts'in  (Kan-su) ;  at  a  later 
date  it  gradually  spread  to  the  eastern  parts  of  our  country;  hence  it 
was  named  hu  t* ao."3  Su  Sun's  information  is  principally  based  on  the 
Pen  ts*ao  of  the  Kia-yu  period  (1056-64)  H  Sft  -fit  K  >£  ^;  this  work 
was  preceded  by  the  Pen  ts'ao  of  the  K'ai-pao  period  (968-976)  ?M  S 
^  ^;  and  in  the  latter  we  meet  the  assertion  that  Can  K'ien  should 
have  brought  the  walnut  along  from  the  Western  Regions,  but  cautiously 
preceded  by  an  on  dit  (2*)  .4  The  oldest  text  to  which  I  am  able  to  trace 
this  tradition  is  the  Po  wu  U  fil  %}  ;£  of  Can  Hwa  5i  ^  (A.D.  23 2-300). 5 
The  spurious  character  of  this  work  is  well  known.  The  passage,  at  any 
rate,  existed,  and  was  accepted  in  the  Sung  period,  for  it  is  reproduced 
in  the  T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian.6  We  even  find  it  quoted  in  the  Buddhist  dic- 
tionary Yi  ts'ie  kin  yin  i~~  ty  f£  H  H,7  compiled  by  Yuan  Yin  7C  M 
about  A.D.  649,  so  that  this  tradition  must  have  been  credited  in  the 


1  Besides  Bretschneider's  article  in  the  Chinese  Recorder,  de  Candolle  refers  to 
a  letter  of  his  of  Aug.  23,  1881,  which  shows  that  Bretschneider  had  not  changed 
his  view  during  that  decade.  Needless  to  add,  that  Can  K'ien  never  was  in  Tibet, 
and  that  Tibet  as  a  political  unit  did  not  exist  in  his  time.  Two  distinct  traditions 
are  welded  together  in  Bretschneider's  statement. 

*  Eighth  edition  (1911),  p.  400. 

*  £en  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  23,  p.  45  (edition  of  1521).    G.  A.  STUART  (Chinese 
Materia  Medica,  p.  223)  regards  the  "Tangut  country  about  the  Kukunor"  as  the 
locality  of  the  tree  pointed  out  in  the  Pen  ts'ao. 

4  The  text  of  the  K'ai-pao  pen  ts'ao  is  not  reproduced  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu> 
but  will  be  found  in  the  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  17,  p.  33.  T'an  Sen-wei  |!f  tR  {5&> 
in  his  £en  lei  pen  ts'ao  (Ch.  23,  p.  44  b),  has  reproduced  the  same  text  in  his  own 
name. 

>mm  «  H  ®  it  lb  (or  g)  »  m  m  m  (Ch.  6,  p.  4,  of  the  Wu-c"an 
print). 

*  Ch.  971,  p.  8. 

7  Ch.  6,  p.  8  b  (ed.  of  Nanking).  In  this  text  the  pomegranate  and  grape  are 
added  to  the  walnut.  In  the  same  form,  the  text  of  the  Po  wu  li  is  cited  in  the  modern 
editions  of  the  7V«  min  yao  Su  (Ch.  10,  p.  4). 


THE  WALNUT  259 

beginning  of  the  Tang  dynasty.  It  is  not  impossible,  however,  that 
this  text  was  actually  written  by  Can  Hwa  himself,  or  at  least  that  the 
tradition  underlying  it  was  formed  during  the  fourth  century;  for,  as 
will  be  seen,  it  is  at  that  time  that  the  walnut  is  first  placed  on  record. 
Surely  this  legend  is  not  older  than  that  period,  and  this  means  that 
it  sprang  into  existence  five  centuries  after  Can  K'ien's  lifetime.  It 
should  be  called  to  mind  that  the  Po  wu  ci  entertains  rather  fantastic 
notions  of  this  hero,  and  permits  him  to  cross  the  Western  Sea  and  even 
to  reach  Ta  Ts'in.1  It  is,  moreover,  the  Po  wu  ci  which  also  credits  to 
Can  K'ien  the  introduction  of  the  pomegranate  and  of  ta  or  hu  swan 
^C  (S3  )  IS  or  hu  i§  (Allium  scorodoprasum)  .2  Neither  is  this  tradition 
contained  in  the  texts  of  the  Han  period.  The  notion  that  Can  K'ien 
really  introduced  the  walnut  in  the  second  century  B.C.  must  be  posi- 
tively rejected  as  being  merely  based  on  a  retrospective  and  unauthentic 
account.3 

The  question  now  arises,  Is  there  any  truth  in  Su  Sun's  allegation 
that  the  walnut  was  originally  produced  in  the  country  of  the  K'iaii? 
Or,  in  other  words,  are  we  entitled  to  assume  the  co-existence  of  two 
Chinese  traditions, —  first,  that  the  walnut  was  introduced  into  China 
from  the  regions  of  the  Hu  (Iranians) ;  and,  second,  that  another  intro- 
duction took  place  from  the  land  of  the  K'iaii,  the  forefathers  of  the 
Tibetans?4  There  is  indeed  an  ancient  text  of  the  Tsin  period  from  the 
first  part  of  the  fourth  century,  one  of  the  earliest  datable  references 
to  the  walnut,  in  which  its  origin  from  the  K'ian  is  formally  admitted. 
This  text  is  preserved  in  the  T*ai  p'in  yu  Ian  as  follows: — 

"The  mother  of  Liu  T'ao  f'J  i@,5  in  her  reply  to  the  letter  of  Yu 
SI ,  princess  of  the  country  of  Wu  ^  13,  said,  'In  the  period  Hien-ho 
Jfc  ?P  (A.D.  326-335,  of  the  Tsin  dynasty)  I  escaped  from  the  rebellion 

1  Ch.  i,  p.  3  b. 

2  See  below,  p.  302. 

3  The  tan-K'ien  legend  is  also  known  in  Korea  (Korea  Review,  Vol.  II,  1902, 
P.  393)- 

4  The  term  k'ian  t'ao  ^  $6  for  the  walnut  is  given,  for  instance,  in  the  Hwa 
kin  Jfc  H  ,   "Mirror  of  Flowers"  (Ch.  3,  p.  49),  written  by  C'en  Hao-tse  ffi  f|| 
-J*  in  1688.  He  gives  as  synonyme  also  wan  swi  tse^jjf  He  -J-  ("fruits  of  ten  thousand 
years").   The  term  k'ian  t'ao  is  cited  also  in  the  P'ei  wen  lai  kwan  k'iln  fan  p'u 
(Ch.  58,  p.  24;  regarding  this  work  cf.  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  70),  and  in 
the  P'an  San  li  jj|  [I]  J&  (Ch.is,  p.  2  b;  published  in  1755  by  order  of  K'ien-luh). 

5  The  T'u  su  tsi  e'en  and  Kwan  k'iin  fan  p*u  (Ch.  58,  p.  25)  write  this  name  Niu 
Hfc.  The  Ko  li  kin  yuan  (Ch.  76,  p.  5),  which  ascribes  this  text  to  the  Tsin  su,  gives 
it  as  S.   The  Tan  Sun  pai  k'un  leu  t'ie  Jjf  7JC  &  ft  ^C  iffi  (Ch.  99,  p.  12)  has,  "The 
mother  of  Liu  T'ao  of  the  Tsin  dynasty  said,  in  reply  to  a  state  document,  'walnuts 
were  originally  grown  in  the  country  of  the  Western  K'ian.1" 


260  SlNO-lRANICA 


of  Su  Tsun  Hit  ift1  into  the  Lin-nan  mountains  E!  :£  Ul.  The  country 
of  Wu  sent  a  messenger  with  provisions,  stating  in  the  accompanying 
letter:  'These  fruits  are  walnuts  $)  $fc  and  fei-tah  ^  I8.2  The  latter 
come  from  southern  China.  The  walnuts  were  originally  grown  abroad 
among  the  Western  K'iafi  (fi^tt^^S^^S).  Their  exterior  is  hard, 
while  the  interior  is  soft  and  sweet.  Owing  to  their  durability  I  wish  to 
present  them  to  you  as  a  gift.'  "3  It  is  worthy  of  note,  that,  while  the 
walnut  is  said  in  this  text  to  hail  from  the  Western  K'ian,  the  term 
hu  fao  (not  k'ian  t'ao)  is  employed;  so  that  we  may  infer  that  the  intro- 
duction of  the  fruit  from  the  Hu  preceded  in  time  the  introduction 
from  the  K'ian.  It  is  manifest  also  that  in  this  narrative  the  walnut 
appears  as  a  novelty. 

The  Tibetan  name  of  the  walnut  in  general  corresponds  to  a  type 
tar-ka,  as  pronounced  in  Central  Tibetan,  written  star-ka,  star-ga, 
and  dar-sga*  The  last-named  spelling  is  given  in  the  Polyglot  Dic- 
tionary of  K'ien-lun,5  also  in  Jaschke's  Tibetan  Dictionary.  The  element 
ka  or  ga  is  not  the  well-known  suffix  used  in  connection  with  nouns,6 
but  is  an  independent  base  with  the  meaning  "walnut,"  as  evidenced 
by  Kanaurl  ka  ("  walnut").7  The  various  modes  of  writing  lead  to  a 
restitution  */ar,  dar,  d'ar  (with  aspirate  sonant).  This  word  is  found 
also  in  an  Iranian  dialect  of  the  Pamir:  in  Waxi  the  walnut  is  called 

1  He  died  in  A.D.  328.   His  biography  is  in  the  Tsin  Su,  Ch.  100,  p.  9.   See  also 
L.  WIEGER,  Textes  historiques,  p.  1086. 

2  Literally,  "flying  stalk  of  grain."   Bretschneider  and  Stuart  do  not  mention 
this  plant.   Dr.  T.  Tanaka,  assistant  in  the  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry,  Department 
of  Agriculture,  Washington,  tells  me  that  fei-Zan  is  a  synonyme  of  the  fingered  citrus 
(fu  Sou  kan  $$  ^  iftj",  Citrus  chirocarpus)  .    He  found  this  statement  in  the  Honzo 
komoku  keimd  (Ch.  26,  p.  18,  ed.  1847)  by  Ono  Ranzan,  who  on  his  part  quotes  the 
T'un  ya  $1  $|  by  Fan  I-&. 

3  The  Tai  p'in  yu  Ian  reads  *S  ^  5?  ®C  #  $  M     The  Tan  Sun  pai  k'un 
leu  fie  and  the  Tu  S'u  tsi  ten,  however,   have  ?H£l"&!lflfc^^S'  "tneir 
substance  resembles  the  ancient  sages,  and  I  wish  to  present  them,"  —  apparently  a 
corruption  of  the  text. 

4  W.  W.  ROCKHILL  (Diary  of  a  Journey  through  Mongolia  and  Tibet,  p.  340) 
gives  taga  as  pronunciation  in  eastern  Tibet.    J.  D.  HOOKER  (Himalayan  Journals, 
p.  237)  offers  taga-$in  (Sin,  "tree")  as  Bhutia  name. 

5  Ch.  28,  p.  55. 

6  SCHIEFNER,  Melanges  asiatiques,  Vol.  I,  pp.  380-382. 

7  Given  both  by  T.  R.  JOSHI  (Grammar  and  Dictionary  of  the  Kanawari  Lan- 
guage, p.  80)  and  T.  G.  BAILEY  (Kanauri-English  Vocabulary,  Journal  Royal  As. 
Soc.,  1911,  p.  332).   Bailey  adds  to  the  word  also  the  botanical  term  Juglans  regia. 
The  same  author,  further,  gives  a  word  ge  as  meaning  "kernel  of  walnut;  edible  part 
of  Pinus  gerardiana";  while  Joshi  (p.  67)  explains  the  same  word  as  the  "wild 
chestnut."  Thus  it  seems  that  ge,  ka,  originally  referred  to  an  indigenous  wild-grow- 
ing fruit,  and  subsequently  was  transferred  to  the  cultivated  walnut. 


THE  WALNUT  261 

tar.1  This  apparently  is  a  loan-word  received  from  the  Tibetan,  for  in 
Sariqoll  and  other  Pamir  dialects  we  find  the  Iranian  word  ghoz.2 
Tarka  is  a  genuine  Tibetan  word  relating  to  the  indigenous  walnut, 
wild  and  cultivated,  of  Tibetan  regions.  In  view  of  this  state  of  affairs, 
it  is  certainly  possible  that  the  Chinese,  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth 
century  or  somewhat  earlier,  received  walnuts  and  their  seeds  also 
from  Tibetan  tribes,  which  resulted  in  the  name  K'ian  t*ao.  The 
Lepcha  of  Sikkim  are  acquainted  with  the  walnut,  for  which  they  have 
an  indigenous  term,  kdl-pdt,  and  one  of  their  villages  is  even  called 
"Walnut-Tree  Foundation"  (Kol-ban).3 

G.  WATT4  informs  us  that  the  walnut-tree  occurs  wild  and  cultivated 
in  the  temperate  Himalaya  and  Western  Tibet,  from  Kashmir  and 
Nubra  eastwards.  W.  ROXBURGHB  says  about  Juglans  regia,  "A  native 
of  the  mountainous  countries  immediately  to  the  north  and  north-east 
of  Hindustan,  on  the  plains  of  Bengal  it  grows  pretty  well,  but  is  not 
fruitful  there."  Another  species  of  the  same  genus,  /.  plerococca  Roxb., 
is  indigenous  in  the  vast  forests  which  cover  the  hills  to  the  north  and 
east  of  the  province  of  Silhet,  the  bark  being  employed  for  tanning,  while 
J.  regia  is  enlisted  among  the  oil-yielding  products.6  J.  D.  HOOKER* 
is  authority  for  the  information  that  the  walnut  occurs  wild  in  Sikkim, 
and  is  cultivated  in  Bhutan,  where  also  Captain  TURNERS  found  it 
growing  in  abundance.  KiRKPATRiCK9  met  it  in  Nepal.  In  Burma  it 
grows  in  the  Ava  Hills.  In  the  Shan  states  east  of  Ava  grows  another 
species  of  Juglans,  with  smaller,  almost  globose,  quite  smooth  nuts, 
but  nothing  is  known  about  the  tree  itself.10 

The  Tibetans  certainly  cultivate  the  walnut  and  appreciate  it 

1  R.  B.  SHAW,  On  the  Ghalchah  Languages  (Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  1876, 
p.  267),  writes  the  word  tor.    A.  HUJLER  (The  Languages  Spoken  in  the  Western 
Pamir,  p.  36,  Copenhagen,  1912)  writes  tar,  explaining  the  letter  a  as  a  "dark  deep  a, 
as  in  the  French  pas." 

2  W.  TOMASCHEK  (Pamirdialekte,  p.  790)  has  expressed  the  opinion  that  WaxJ 
tor,  as  he  writes,  is  hardly  related  to  Tibetan  star-ga;  this  is  not  correct. 

3  G.  MAINWARING,  Dictionary  of  the  Lepcha  Language,  p.  30. 

4  Dictionary  of  the  Economic  Products  of  India,  Vol.  IV,  p.  550. 

5  Flora  Indica,  p.  670. 

6  N.  G.  MUKERJI,  Handbook  of  Indian  Agriculture,  p.  233. 

7  Himalayan  Journals,  p.  235;  also  RISLEY,  Gazetteer  of  Sikkim,  p.  92  (compare 
DARWIN,  Variation  of  Animals  and  Plants  under  Domestication,  Vol.  I,  p.  445). 

8  Account  of  an  Embassy  to  the  Court  of  the  Teshoo  Lama,  p.  273.  Also  EDEN 
and  PEMBERTON  (Political  Missions  to  Bootan,  p.  198,  Calcutta,   1895)  mention 
the  walnut  in  Bhutan. 

9  Account  of  Nepaul,  p.  81. 

30  S.  KURZ,  Forest  Flora  of  British  Burma,  Vol.  II,  p.  490  (Calcutta,  1877). 


262  SlNO-lRANICA 

much.  The  tree  is  found  everywhere  in  eastern  Tibet  where  horti- 
culture is  possible,  and  among  the  Tibetan  tribes  settled  on  the  soil 
of  Se-S'wan  Province.  W.  W.  RocKHiLL1  even  mentions  that  in  the 
Ba-t'an  region  barley  and  walnuts  are  used  in  lieu  of  subsidiary  coinage. 
Lieut.-Col.  WADDELL*  makes  two  references  to  cultivated  walnut-trees 
in  Central  Tibet.  The  Chinese  authors  mention  "Tibetan  walnuts" 
as  products  of  the  Lhasa  district.8 

While  the  Cah-K'ien  tradition  is  devoid  of  historical  value,  and 
must  be  discarded  as  an  historical  fact,  yet  it  is  interesting  from  a 
psychological  point  of  view;  for  it  shows  at  least  that,  at  the  time  when 
this  fiction  sprang  into  existence,  the  Chinese  were  under  the  impression 
that  the  walnut  was  not  an  indigenous  tree,  but  imported  from  abroad. 
An  autochthonous  plant  could  not  have  been  made  the  object  of  such  a 
legend.  A  direct  reference  to  the  introduction  of  the  cultivated  walnut 
with  an  exact  date  is  not  extant  in  Chinese  records,  but  the  fact  of  such 
an  introduction  cannot  reasonably  be  called  into  doubt.  It  is  supported 
not  only  by  the  terms  hu  Vao  and  k'ian  fao  (" peach  of  the  Hu,"  "peach 
of  the  K'iah"),  but  also  by  the  circumstantial  evidence  that  in  times 
of  antiquity,  and  even  under  the  Han,  no  mention  is  made  of  the 
walnut.  True  it  is,  it  is  mentioned  in  the  Kin  kwei  yao  lio  of  the  second 
century;  but,  as  stated,  this  may  be  an  interpolation.4  Of  all  the  data 
relating  to  this  fruit,  there  is  only  one  that  may  have  a  faint  chance  to 
be  referred  to  the  Han  period,  but  even  this  possibility  is  very  slight. 
In  the  Si  kin  tsa  ki  S  f£  H  ffi5  it  is  said  that  in  the  gardens  of  the 
Saii-lin  Park  _L  $fc  #B  of  the  Han  emperors  there  were  walnuts  which 
had  come  from  the  Western  Regions  or  Central  Asia.  The  Si  kin  tsa  kit 
however,  is  the  work  of  Wu  Kun  ^1  ^,  who  lived  in  the  sixth  century 
A.D.,8  and  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  pure  source  for  tracing  the  culture 
of  the  Han.  It  is  not  difficult  to  see  how  this  tradition  arose.  When  the 
San-lin  Park  was  established,  the  high  dignitaries  of  the  empire  were 
called  upon  to  contribute  famed  fruits  and  extraordinary  trees  of  distant 
lands.  We  know  that  after  the  conquest  of  Nan-yue  in  in  B.C.  the 
Emperor  Wu  ordered  southern  products,  like  oranges,  areca-nuts, 

1  Diary  of  a  Journey  through  Mongolia  and  Tibet,  p.  347. 

s  Lhasa  and  its  Mysteries,  pp.  307,  315.  See  also  N.  V.  KtiNER,  Description  of 
Tibet  (in  Russian),  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  137. 

1  ROCKHILL,  Journal  Royal  As.  Soc.,  1891,  p.  273. 

4  Above,  p.  205.  Can  Ki  says  or  is  made  to  say,  "Walnuts  must  not  be  eaten  in 
large  quantity,  for  they  rouse  mucus  and  cause  man  to  drink"  (Ch.  c,  p.  27). 

6  Ch.  I,  p.  6  (ed.  of  Han  Wei  ts'un  $u). 

8  WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  189;  and  CHAVANNES,  TOUHI  Pa*, 

1906,  p.  102. 


THE  WALNUT  263 

lun  nan,  li-ti,  etc.,  to  be  brought  to  the  capital  C'an-nan,  and  to  be 
planted  in  the  Fu-li  Palace  $c  H  ST,  founded  in  commemoration  of  the 
conquest  of  Nan-yue,  whereupon  many  gardeners  lost  their  lives  when 
the  crops  of  the  li-ti  proved  a  failure.1  Several  of  his  palaces  were  named 
for  the  fruits  cultivated  around  them:  thus  there  were  a  Grape-Palace 
and  a  Pear-Palace.  Hence  the  thought  that  in  this  exposition  of  foreign 
fruits  the  walnut  should  not  be  wanting,  easily  impressed  itself  on  the 
mind  of  a  subsequent  writer.  Wu  Kun  may  also  have  had  knowledge 
of  the  Can-K'ien  tradition  of  the  Po  wu  ti,  and  thus  believed  himself 
consistent  in  ascribing  walnuts  to  the  Han  palaces.  Despite  his  ana- 
chronism, it  is  interesting  to  note  Wu  Kun's  opinion  that  the  walnut 
came  from  Central  Asia  or  Turkistan. 

It  is  not  probable  that  the  walnut  was  generally  known  in  China 
earlier  than  the  fourth  century  A.D.,  under  the  Eastern  Tsin  3fC  S 
dynasty  (265-41  9).*  In  the  Tsin  kun  ko  min  S  *&  Bl  ^fe,  a  description 
of  the  palaces  of  the  Tsin  emperors,  written  during  that  dynasty,3  it  is 
stated  that  there  were  eighty-four  walnut-trees  in  the  Hwa-lin  Park 


1  The  palace  Fu-li  was  named  for  the  li-li  $&  $£  (see  Sanfu  hwan  t'u  H  $jf  JS 
0  ,  Ch.  3,  p.  9  b,  ed.  of  Han  Wei  ts'un  $u). 

8  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  39)  asserts  that  Juglans  regia  figures 
among  the  plants  mentioned  passingly  in  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  twan  by  Ki  Han 
ff  ^,  a  minister  of  state  under  the  Emperor  Hui  l£  of  the  Tsin  dynasty 
(A.D.  290-306)  .  He  does  not  give  any  particulars.  There  are  only  two  allusions  to  the 
walnut,  that  I  am  able  to  trace  in  this  work:  in  the  description  of  the  coco-nut, 
the  taste  of  this  fruit  is  likened  to  that  of  the  walnut;  and  the  flavor  of  the  "stone 
chestnut"  (5i-li  ^J  JH,  Alcurites  triloba)  is  compared  with  that  of  the  same  fruit. 
We  know  at  present  that  the  book  in  question  contains  interpolations  of  later  date 
(see  L.  AUROUSSEAU,  Bull,  de  l'Ecolefran$aise,  Vol.  XIV,  1914,  p.  10);  but  to  these 
the  incidental  mention  of  the  walnut  does  not  necessarily  belong,  as  Ki  Han  lived 
under  the  Tsin.  It  is  likewise  of  interest  that  the  walnut  is  not  dealt  with  as  a  special 
item  in  the  Ts'i  min  yao  $u,  a  work  on  husbandry  and  economic  botany,  written  by 
Kia  Se-niu  jf  ,§>  $$  of  the  Hou  Wei  dynasty  (A.D.  386-534)  ;  see  the  enumeration 
of  plants  described  in  this  book  in  BRETSCHNEIDER  (op.  cit.,  p.  78).  In  this  case,  the 
omission  does  not  mean  that  the  tree  was  unknown  to  the  author,  but  it  means  only 
that  it  had  then  not  attained  any  large  economic  importance.  It  had  reached  the 
palace-gardens,  but  not  the  people.  In  fact,  Kia  Se-niu,  at  least  in  one  passage 
(Ch.  10,  p.  48  b,  ed.  1896),  incidentally  mentions  the  walnut  in  a  quotation  from  the 
Kiao  lou  ki  $£  #1  ffi  by  Liu  Hin-k'i  24  $£  $J,  where  it  is  said,  "The  white  yuan 
tree  £j  ^fctsj  [  evidently  =  |^fc]  is  ten  feet  high,  its  fruits  being  sweeter  and  finer 
than  walnuts  §j  $6."  As  the  Kiao  lou  ki  is  a  work  relating  to  the  products  of 
Annam,  it  is  curious,  of  course,  that  it  should  allude  to  the  cultivated  walnut,  which 
is  almost  absent  in  southern  China  and  Annam;  thus  it  is  possible  that  this  clause 
may  be  an  interpolation,  but  possibly  it  is  not.  The  fact  that  the  same  work  like- 
wise contains  the  tradition  connecting  the  walnut  with  Can  K'ien  has  been  pointed 
out  above.  The  tree  pai  yuan  is  mentioned  again  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu  3r»  i  (Ch.  8, 
p.  23),  where  elaborate  rules  for  the  medicinal  employment  of  the  fruit  are  given. 

8  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  202,  No.  945. 


264  SlNO-lRANICA 

^  ^  H.1  Another  allusion  to  the  walnut  relative  to  the  period  Hien-ho 
(A.D.  326-335)  has  been  noted  above  (p.  259).  There  is,  further,  a  refer- 
ence to  the  fruit  in  the  history  of  Su  13  ,  when,  after  the  death  of  Li  Hiufi 
^  it  in  A.D.  334,  Han  Pao  $$  15  from  Fu-fun  ^  ft  in  Sen-si 
was  appointed  Grand  Tutor  (t'ai  fu  Jt  fil)  of  his  son  Li  K'i  ^  ffiJ,  and 
asked  the  latter  to  grant  him  seeds  for  the  planting  of  walnut-trees, 
which,  on  account  of  his  advanced  age,  he  was  anxious  to  have  in  his 
garden.2 

During  the  third  or  fourth  century,  the  Chinese  knew  also  that 
walnuts  grew  in  the  Hellenistic  Orient.  "In  Ta  Ts'in  there  are  jujubes, 
jasmine,  and  walnuts,"  it  is  stated  in  the  Wu  Si  wai  kwo  ci  ^  B^  9\> 
@  ;£  ("Memoirs  of  Foreign  Countries  at  the  time  of  the  Wu").3 

The  Kwan  ci  9c  i£  by  Kwo  Yi-kun  §tf  Jl  3^4  contains  the  following 
account:  "The  walnuts  of  C'en-ts'an  Ef  Jt5  have  a  thin  shell  and  a 
large  kernel;  those  of  Yin-p'in  ^  ZP6  are  large,  but  their  shells  are  brittle, 
and,  when  quickly  pinched,  will  break."7 

Coming  to  the  T'ang  period,  we  encounter  a  description  of  the 
walnut  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  It  Bl  H  $&.,  written  about  A.D.  86o,8  from 
which  the  fact  may  be  gleaned  that  the  fruit  was  then  much  cultivated 

1  Tai  p'in  yu  Ian,  I.e. 

2  This  story  is  contained  in  the  Kwan  wu  kin  ki  Hf  3£  ff  IS  (according  to 
BRETSCHNEIDER,  a  work  of  the  Sung  literature).    As  the  text  is  embodied  in  the 
T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian,  it  must  have  been  extant  prior  to  A.D.  983,  the  date  of  Li  Fan's 
cyclopaedia. 

3  Presumably  identical  with  the  Wu  si  wai  kwo  cwan  noted  by  PELLIOT  (Bull,  de 
VEcole  fran^aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  270)  as  containing  information  secured  by  the  mission 
of  K'ari  T'ai  in  the  first  part  of  the  third  century  A.D.    Cf.  also  Journal  asiatique, 
1918,  II,  p.  24.    The  Min  Si  ascribes  walnuts  to  Ormuz  (BRETSCHNEIDER,  Notices 
of  the  Mediaeval  Geography,  p.  294). 

4  This  work  is  anterior  to  the  year  A.D.  527,  as  it  is  cited  in  the  Svri  kin  lu  of 
Li  Tao-yuan,  who  died  in  that  year.    Kwo  Yi-kun  is  supposed  to  have  lived  under 
the  Tsin  (A.D.  265-419).    Cf.  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$ aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  412. 

6  Now  the  district  of  Pao-ki  in  the  prefecture  of  Fun-sian,  Sen-si  Province. 

6  At  the  time  of  the  Han  period,  Yin-p'in  was  the  name  for  the  present  prefec- 
ture of  Lufi-nan  f|  ^  in  the  province  of  Se-2'wan.  There  was  also  a  locality  of  the 
same  name  in  the  prefecture  of  Kiai  in  the  province  of  Kan-su,  inhabited  by  the  Ti, 
a  Tibetan  tribe  (CHAVANNES,  T'oung  Pao,  1905,  p.  525). 

7  Tai  p'in  yu  Ian,  1.  c.;  Ko  ci  kin  yuan,  Ch.  76,  p.  5;  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  I.  c. 
This  text  is  cited  also  by  Su  Sun  in  his  T'u  kin  pen  ts'ao.    The  earliest  quotation 
that  I  can  trace  of  it  occurs  in  the  Pei  hu  lu,  written  by  Twan  Kun-lu  about  A.D. 
875  (Ch.  3,  p.  4  b,  ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan),  where,  however,  only  the  last  clause  in  regard 
to  the  walnuts  of  Yin-p'in  is  given  (see  below,  p.  268). 

8  PELLIOT,  T'oung  Pao,   1912,  p.  375.    The  text  is  in  the  T'u  Su  tsi  I'en  and 
Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao  (I.  c.).   I  cannot  trace  it  in  the  edition  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  in 
the  Tsin  tai  pi  Su  or  Pai  hai. 


THE  WALNUT  265 

in  the  northern  part  of  China  (ft  ~H  &  S  £), —  a  statement  repeated 
in  the  K*ai-pao  pen  ts'ao.  The  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu,  which  is  well  informed 
on  the  cultivated  plants  of  Western  and  Central  Asia,  does  not  contain 
the  tradition  relating  to  Can  K'ien,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  does  not 
speak  of  the  tree  as  a  novel  introduction,  nor  does  it  explain  its  name. 
It  begins  by  saying  that  "the  kernel  of  the  walnut  is  styled  'toad' 
ha-mo  ffilll."1 

Mon  Sen  j£  ffc,  who  in  the  second  half  of  the  seventh  century  wrote 
the  Si  liao  pen  ts*ao?  warns  people  from  excessive  indulgence  in  walnuts 
as  being  injurious  to  health.3  The  T*ai  p'ih  hwan  yu  ki  ;fc  ^  5  ?  IS, 
by  Yo  Si  IB  J&  (published  during  the  period  T'ai-p'in,  A.D.  976-981), 
mentions  the  walnut  as  being  cultivated  in  the  prefecture  of  Fun-sian 
JBL  ¥&  in  Sen-si  Province,  and  in  Kian  6ou  $£  $\  in  San-si  Province.4 

According  to  the  Pen  ts'ao  kah  mu,  the  term  hu  t'ao  first  appears  in 
the  Pen  ts'ao  of  the  K'ai-pao  period  (968-976)  of  the  Sung  dynasty, 
written  by  Ma  Ci  $1  j£;  that  is  to  say,  the  plant  or  its  fruit  was  then 
officially  sanctioned  and  received  into  the  pharmacopoeia  for  the  first 
time.  We  have  seen  that  it  was  certainly  known  prior  to  that  date. 
K'ou  Tsun-si  ?S  ^  I?,  in  his  Pen  ts*ao  yen  i  ^  ^  ffr  SI  of  m6,5  has  a 
notice  on  the  medicinal  application  of  the  fruit. 

It  is  possible  also  to  trace  in  general  the  route  which  the  walnut  has 
taken  in  its  migration  into  China.  It  entered  from  Turkistan  into 
Kan-su  Province,  as  stated  by  Su  Sun  (see  above,  p.  258),  and  gradually 
spread  first  into  Sen-si,  and  thence  into  the  eastern  provinces,  but  always 
remained  restricted  to  the  northern  part  of  the  country.  Su  Sun  ex- 
pressly says  that  walnuts  do  not  occur  in  the  south,  but  only  in  the 
north,  being  plentiful  in  Sen-si  and  Lo-yan  (Ho-nan  Province),  while 
those  grown  in  K'ai-fun  (Pien  Scuff  #1)  were  not  of  good  quality.  In  the 
south  only  a  wild-growing  variety  was  known,  which  is  discussed 
below.  Wan  Si-mou  zE  ifr  S,  a  native  of  Kian-su,  who  died  in  1591, 
states  in  his  Kwo  su  ^  6fi,  a  treatise  on  garden-fruits,  that  "the  walnut 
is  a  northern  fruit  (pei  kwo  ft  5v),  and  thrives  in  mountains;  that  it 
is  but  rarely  planted  in  the  south,  yet  can  be  cultivated  there."6  Almost 

1  This  definition  is  ascribed  to  the  Ts'ao  mu  tse  ^L  ;fC  -J"  in  the  Ko  U  kin  yuan 
(Ch.  76,  p.  5);  that  work  was  written  by  Ye  Tse-k'i  :§|  -J*  isf  in  1378  (WYLIE, 
Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  168). 

2  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  45. 

3  Tan  Sun  pai  k*un  leu  t'ie,  Ch.  99,  p.  12. 

4  Tai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  30,  p.  4;  Ch.  47,  p.  4  (ed.  of  Kin-lin  !w  ku,  1882). 

5  Ch.  1 8,  p.  6  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

6  Also  J.  DE  LOUREIRO  (Flora  cochinchinensis,  p.  702)  states  that  the  habitat  of 
Juglans  regia  is  only  in  the  northern  provinces  of  China. 


266  SlNO-lRANICA 

all  the  district  and  prefectural  gazetteers  of  Sen-si  Province  enumerate 
the  walnut  in  the  lists  of  products.  The  " Gazetteer  of  San-tun"1 
mentions  walnuts  for  the  prefectures  of  Ts'i-nan,  Yen-cou,  and  Ts'in- 
Cou,  the  last-named  being  the  best.  The  Gazetteer  of  the  District  of 
Tun-no  JK  PP  in  the  prefecture  of  Tai-nan  in  San-tun  reports  an 
abundance  of  walnuts  in  the  river- valleys.  An  allusion  to  oil-production 
from  walnuts  is  found  in  the  "  Gazetteer  of  Lu-nan,"  where  it  is  said, 
"Of  all  the  fruits  growing  in  abundance,  there  is  none  comparable  to 
the  walnut.  What  is  left  on  the  markets  is  sufficient  to  supply  the  needs 
for  lamp-oil."3  Also  under  the  heading  "oil,"  walnut-oil  is  mentioned 
as  a  product  of  this  district.4 

Juglans  regia,  in  its  cultivated  state,  has  been  traced  by  our  botanists 
in  San-tun,  Kian-su,  Hu-pei,  Yun-nan,  and  Se-S'wan.6  Wilson  nowhere 
saw  trees  that  could  be  declared  spontaneous,  and  considers  it  highly 
improbable  that  Juglans  regia  is  indigenous  to  China.  His  opinion  is 
certainly  upheld  by  the  results  of  historical  research. 

A  wild  species  (Juglans  mandshurica  or  cathayensis  Dode)  occurs 
in  Manchuria  and  the  Amur  region,  Ci-li,  Hu-pei,  Se-S'wan,  and  Yun- 
nan.6 This  species  is  a  characteristic  tree  of  the  Amur  and  Usuri  val- 
leys.7 It  is  known  to  the  Golde  under  the  name  kocoa  or  ko^oa,  to  the 
Managir  as  korlo,  to  the  Gilyak  as  tiv-alys.  The  Golde  word  is  of 
ancient  date,  for  we  meet  it  in  the  ancient  language  of  the  Jur£i,  Ju£en, 
or  NiuSi  in  the  form  xusu*  and  in  Manchu  as  xosixa.  The  great  antiquity 
of  this  word  is  pointed  out  by  the  allied  Mongol  word  xusiga.  The 
whole  series  originally  applies  to  the  wild  and  indigenous  species, 

1  San  tun  fun  li,  Ch.  9,  p.  15. 

f  Ch.  2,  p.  32  (1829). 

8  Quotation  from  Lu-nan  li  &jt  ^)  ]g,  in  the  San  cou  tsun  U  $)  ^  $|  ,-g 
(General  Gazetteer  of  San-Sou),  1744,  Ch.  8,  p.  3. 

4  Ibid.,  Ch.  8,  p.  9.  Oil  was  formerly  obtained  from  walnuts  in  France  both 
for  use  at  table  and  for  varnishing  and  burning  in  lamps,  also  as  a  medicine  sup- 
posed to  possess  vermifuge  properties  (AINSLIE,  Materia  Indica,  Vol.  I,  p.  464). 

8  See  particularly  C.  S.  SARGENT,  Plantae  Wilsonianae,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  184-185 
(1916).  J.  ANDERSON  (Report  on  the  Expedition  to  Western  Yunan,  p.  93,  Calcutta, 
1871)  mentions  walnuts  as  product  of  Yun-nan.  According  to  the  Tien  hai  yu  hen 
li  (Ch.  10,  p.  i  b;  above,  p.  228),  the  best  walnuts  with  thin  shells  grow  on  the  Yan-pi 
or  Yan-p'ei  River  fi  '/|  fll  of  Yun-nan. 

8  FORBES  and  HEMSLEY,  Journal  of  the  Linnean  Society,  Botany,  Vol.  XXVI, 
p.  493;  SARGENT,  op.  cit.,  pp.  185  et  seq.  J.  DE  LOUREIRO  (Flora  cochinchinensis, 
p.  702),  writing  in  1788,  has  a  species  Juglans  camirium  (Annamese  deau  lai)  "habitat 
agrestis  cultaque  in  Cochinchina;"  and  a  Juglans  catappa  (Annamese  cay  mo  cua) 
''habitat  in  sylvis  Cochinchinae  montanis." 

7  GRUM-GRZIMAILO,  Description  of  the  Amur  Province  (in  Russian),  p.  313. 

1 W.  GRUBE,  Schrift  und  Sprache  der  Juc'en,  p.  93. 


THE  WALNUT  267 

Juglans  mandshurica.  Manchu  xdsixa  designates  the  tree,  while  its 
fruit  is  called  xdwalama  or  xdwalame  usixa  (-ixa  being  a  frequent  ter- 
mination in  the  names  of  plants  and  fruits).  The  cultivated  walnut  is 
styled  mase.1  One  of  the  earliest  explorers  of  the  Amur  territory,  the 
Cossack  chieftain  Poyarkov,  who  reached  the  Amur  in  1644,  reported 
that  walnuts  and  hazel-nuts  were  cultivated  by  the  Daur  or  Dahur  on 
the  Dseya  and  Amur.2 

The  same  species  is  known  to  the  aboriginal  tribes  of  Yun-nan. 
The  Pa-yi  and  San  style  its  fruit  tw ai;z  the  Nyi  Lo-lo,  se-mi-ma-,  the  Ahi 
Lo-lo,  sa-mi.  The  Cun-kia  of  Kwei-£ou  call  it  dsao;  the  Ya-£'io  Miao, 
li  or  &';  the  Hwa  Miao,  klaeo\  while  other  Miao  tribes  have  the  Chinese 
loan-word  he-dao.4 

The  wild  walnut  has  not  remained  unknown  to  the  Chinese,  and  it 
is  curious  that  it  is  designated  San  hu  t'ao  UJ  1$  tftj,  the  term  Ian  ("moun- 
tain") referring  to  wild-growing  plants.  The  "wild  Iranian  peach" 
is  a  sort  of  linguistic  anomaly.  It  is  demonstrated  by  this  term  that 
the  wild  indigenous  species  was  discovered  and  named  by  the  Chinese 
only  in  times  posterior  to  the  introduction  of  the  cultivated  variety;  and 
that  the  latter,  being  introduced  from  abroad,  was  not  derived  from  the 
wild-growing  species.  The  case  is  identical  with  that  of  the  wild  alfalfas 
and  vines.  C'en  Hao-tse,  who  wrote  a  treatise  on  flowers  in  i688,5 
determines  the  difference  between  the  cultivated  and  wild  varieties 
thus:  the  former  has  a  thin  shell,  abundant  meat,  and  is  easy  to  break;6 
the  latter  has  a  thick  and  hard  shell,  which  must  be  cracked  with  a 
hammer,  and  occurs  in  Yen  and  Ts'i  (Ci-li  and  San-tun).  This  observa- 

1  K'ien-lun's  Polyglot  Dictionary,  Ch.  28,  p.  55. 

8  L.  v.  SCHRENCK,  Reisen  und  Forschungen  im  Amur-Lande,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  160. 

3  F.  W.  K.  MULLER,  Toung  Pao,  Vol.  Ill,  1892,  p.  26. 

4  S.  R.  CLARKE,  Tribes  in  South- West  China,  p.  312. 
6  Hwa  kin,  Ch.  3,  p.  49  b. 

8  According  to  the  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao  (Ch.  31,  p.  3  b),  the  walnuts  with  thin 
shells  grow  only  in  the  prefecture  of  Yun-p'in  ^jt  *p  in  Ci-li,  being  styled  lu  Zan 
ho  t'ao  fH  H|  %%  $|y  In  C'an-li,  which  belongs  to  this  prefecture,  these  nuts  have 
been  observed  by  F.  N.  MEYER  (Agricultural  Explorations  in  the  Orchards  of  China, 
p.  51),  who  states,  "Some  trees  produce  small  hard-shelled  nuts  of  poor  flavor,  while 
others  bear  fine  large  nuts,  with  a  really  fine  flavor,  and  having  shells  so  thin  that 
they  can  be  cracked  with  the  fingers  like  peanuts.  Between  these  extremes  one  finds 
many  gradations  in  hardness  of  shell,  size,  and  flavor."  "In  England  the  walnut 
presents  considerable  differences,  in  the  shape  of  the  fruit,  in  the  thickness  of  the 
husk,  and  in  the  thinness  of  the  shell;  this  latter  quality  has  given  rise  to  a  variety 
called  the  thin-shelled,  which  is  valuable,  but  suffers  from  the  attacks  of  titmice" 
(DARWIN,  Variation  of  Animals  and  Plants  under  Domestication,  Vol.  I,  p.  445). 
A  variety  of  walnut  with  thin  shells  grows  on  the  Greek  Island  Pares  (T.  v.  HELD- 
REICH,  Nutzpflanzen  Griechenlands,  p.  59). 


268  SlNO-lRANICA 

tion  is  quite  to  the  point;  the  shell  of  the  walnut  gradually  became  more 
refined  under  the  influence  of  cultivation. 

The  earliest  texts  alluding  to  the  wild  walnut  are  not  older  than 
the  T'ang  period.  The  Pei  hu  lu  At  fi  $fc,  written  by  Twan  Kun-lu 
l§  ^  J&  about  A.D.  87 5, 1  contains  the  following  text  concerning  a  wild 
walnut  growing  in  the  mountains  of  southern  China: — 

"The  wild  walnut  has  a  thick  shell  and  a  flat  bottom  &  ZP.  In 
appearance  it  resembles  the  areca-nut.  As  to  size,  it  is  as  large  as  a 
bundle  of  betel-leaves.2  As  to  taste,  it  comes  near  the  walnuts  of 
Yin-p'in3  and  Lo-yu,  but  is  different  from  these,  inasmuch  as  it  has  a 
fragrance  like  apricot  extract.  This  fragrance,  however,  does  not  last 
long,  but  will  soon  vanish.  The  Kwan  li  says  that  the  walnuts  of  Yin- 
p'in  have  brittle  shells,  and  that,  when  quickly  pinched,  the  back  of 
the  kernel  will  break.  Liu  Si-lun  $P  ifr  1^,  in  his  Sie  lo  yu  yuan  II  SI 
>H  ?S,  remarks,  with  reference  to  the  term  hu  t'ao,  that  the  Hu  take  to 
flight  like  rams,4  and  that  walnuts  therefore  are  prophets  of  auspicious 
omens.  Cen  K'ien  SB  3:5  says  that  the  wild  walnut  has  no  glumelle; 
it  can  be  made  into  a  seal  by  grinding  off  the  nut  for  this  purpose. 
Judging  from  these  data,  it  may  be  stated  that  this  is  not  the  walnut 
occurring  in  the  mountains  of  the  south."6 

The  Lin  piao  lui  $(%.$&=&,  by  Liu  Sun  S'J  1ft  of  the  T'ang  period,7 
who  lived  under  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Cao  Tsun  (A.D.  889-904), 
contains  the  following  information  on  a  wild  walnut: — 

"The  slanting  or  glandular  walnut  (p'ien  ho  t*ao  fi!  t^  $6)  is  pro- 
duced in  the  country  Can-pi  fi  ^.8  Its  kernel  cannot  be  eaten.  The 

1  Cf .  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$aise,  Vol.  IX,  p.  223. 

2  Fu-liu,  usually  written  $C  {§,  is  first  mentioned  in  the  Wu  lu  ti  li  li  ^  gjfc  i& 
3  iS  by  Can  Pu  jJH  ^J  of  the  third  or  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  (see  Ts'i 
min  yao  su,  Ch.  10,  p.  32).  It  refers  to  Piper  betle  (BRETSCHNEIDER,  Chinese  Recorder, 
Vol.  Ill,  1871,  p.  264;  C.  IMBAULT-HUART,  Le  be"tel,  Toung  Pao,  Vol.  V,  1894, 
P-  313).    The  Chinese  name  is  a  transcription  corresponding  to  Old  Annamese 
bldu;  Mi^son,  Uy-16,  and  Hung  plu;  Khmer  m-luw,  Stien  m-lu,  Bahnar  bo-lou,  Kha 
b-lu  ("betel"). 

8  See  above,  p.  264. 

4  A  jocular  interpretation  by  punning  t'ao  $Ij  upon  t'ao  $&  (both  in  the  same 
tone). 

6  Author  of  the  lost  Hu  pen  ts'ao  SB  ^  ^  (BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  I, 
p.  45).  He  appears  to  have  been  the  first  who  drew  attention  to  the  wild  walnut. 
His  work  is  repeatedly  quoted  in  the  Pei  hu  lu. 

6  Pei  hu  lu,  Ch.  3,  p.  4  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

7  Ch.  B,  p.  5  (ed.  of  Wu  yin  lien). 

8  The  two  characters  are  wrongly  inverted  in  the  text  of  the  work.    In  the  text 
of  the  Pei  hu  lu  that  follows,  the  name  of  this  country  is  given  in  the  form  Can-pei 
^  $••    From  the  mention  of  the  Malayan  Po-se  in  the  same  text,  it  follows  that 


THE  WALNUT  269 

Hu  $J  people  gather  these  nuts  in  abundance,  and  send  them  to  the 
Chinese  officials,  designating  them  as  curiosities  3^M.  As  to  their 
shape,  they  are  thin  and  pointed;  the  head  is  slanting  like  a  sparrow's 
beak.  If  broken  and  eaten,  the  kernel  has  a  bitter  taste  resembling  that 
of  the  pine-seeds  of  Sin-ra  if  it  &  -f.1  Being  hot  by  nature,  they  are 
employed  as  medicine,  and  do  not  differ  from  the  kernels  of  northern 
China." 

The  Pei  hu  lu2  likewise  mentions  the  same  variety  of  glandular  wal- 
nut (p*ien  ho-t'ao)  as  growing  in  the  country  Can-pei  fi  $>,  shaped 
like  the  crescent  of  the  moon,  gathered  and  eaten  by  the  Po-se,3  having 
a  very  fine  fragrance,  stronger  than  the  peach-kernels  of  China,  but  of 
the  same  effect  in  the  healing  of  disease. 

The  species  here  described  may  be  identical  with  Juglans  catha- 
yensisy  called  the  Chinese  butternut,  usually  a  bush,  but  in  moist 
woods  forming  a  tree  from  twelve  to  fifteen  metres  tall;  but  I  do  not 
know  that  this  plant  occurs  in  any  Malayan  region.  With  reference  to 
Can-pi,  however,  it  may  be  identical  with  the  fruit  of  Canarium  com- 
mune (family  Burseraceae) ,  called  in  Malayan  kanari,  in  Javanese  kenari. 
J.  CRAWFURD/  who  was  not  yet  able  to  identify  this  tree,  offers  the 
following  remarks:  "Of  all  the  productions  of  the  Archipelago  the  one 
which  yields  the  finest  edible  oil  is  the  kanari.  This  is  a  large  handsome 
tree,  which  yields  a  nut  of  an  oblong  shape  nearly  of  the  size  of  a  walnut. 
The  kernel  is  as  delicate  as  that  of  a  filbert,  and  abounds  in  oil.  This 

Can-pi  is  a  Malayan  territory  probably  to  be  located  on  Sumatra.  For  this  reason 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  Can-pi  £f  JJI  is  identical  with  Can-pei  J|  BjL ;  that  is, 
Jambi,  the  capital  of  eastern  Sumatra  (HiRTH  and  ROCKHILL,  Chau  Ju-kua,  pp.  65, 
66;  see  further  GROENEVELDT,  Notes  on  the  Malay  Archipelago,  pp.  188,  196;  and 
GERINI,  Researches  on  Ptolemy's  Geography,  p.  565;  Lin  wai  tai  ta,  Ch.  2,  p.  12). 
From  a  phonetic  point  of  view,  however,  the  transcription  £3  4fl,  made  in  the 
T'ang  period,  represents  the  ancient  sounds  *can-pit,  and  would  presuppose  an 
original  of  the  form  *2ambit,  fiambir,  or  jambir,  whereas  ^L  is  without  a  final  con- 
sonant. The  country  Can-pei  is  first  mentioned  under  the  year  A.D.  852  (^  4*  sixth 
year),  when  Wu-sie-ho  ^  ffi  J!  and  six  men  from  there  came  to  the  Chinese  Court 
with  a  tribute  of  local  products  (T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  177,  p.  15  b).  A  second 
embassy  is  on  record  in  871  (PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$ aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  347). 

1  Pinus  koraiensis  Sieb.  et  Zucc.  (J.  MATSUMURA,  Shokubutsu  mei-i,  pp.  266-267, 
ed.   1915),  in  Japanese  losen-matsu  ("Korean  pine");  see  also  STUART,  Chinese 
Materia  Medica,  p.  333.   Sin-ra  (Japanese  Sin-ra,  Siraki)  is  the  name  of  the  ancient 
kingdom  of  Silla,  in  the  northern  part  of  Korea. 

2  Ch.  3,  p.  5  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

3  $l  ^T  certainly  is  here  not  Persia,  for  the  Pei  hu  lu  deals  with  the  products 
of  Kwafi-tun,  Annam,  and  the  countries  south  of  China  (PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole 
fran$aise,  Vol.  IX,  p.  223).   See  below,  p.  468.   The  Pei  hu  lu  has  presumably  served 
as  the  source  for  the  text  of  the  Lin  piao  lu  i,  quoted  above. 

4  History  of  the  Indian  Archipelago,  Vol.  I,  p.  383. 


270  SlNO-lRANICA 

is  one  of  the  most  useful  trees  of  the  countries  where  it  grows.  The 
nuts  are  either  smoked  and  dried  for  use,  or  the  oil  is  expressed  from 
them  in  their  recent  state.  The  oil  is  used  for  all  culinary  purposes, 
and  is  more  palatable  and  finer  than  that  of  the  coconut.  The  kernels, 
mixed  up  with  a  little  sago  meal,  are  made  into  cakes  and  eaten  as 
bread.  The  kanari  is  a  native  of  the  same  country  with  the  sago  tree, 
and  is  not  found  to  the  westward.  In  Celebes  and  Java  it  has  been 
introduced  in  modern  times  through  the  medium  of  traffic." 

The  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu1  speaks  of  a  man  hu  t'ao  II  S9  $6  as  "growing 
in  the  kingdom  of  Nan-£ao  ^  IB  in  Yun-nan;  it  is  as  large  as  a  flat 
conch,  and  has  two  shells  of  equal  size;  its  taste  is  like  that  of  the 
cultivated  walnut.  It  is  styled  also  'creeper  in  the  land  of  the  Man* 
(Man  tun  t'en-tse  §8  ^Jl-?)."  It  will  be  remembered  that  Twan 
C'en-si,  the  author  of  this  work,  describes  also  the  cultivated  walnut 

(P.  264). 

The  T'ai  p*ih  yii  Ian  contains  another  text  attributed  to  the  Lin 
piao  lu  i  relating  to  a  wild  walnut,  which,  however,  is  not  extant  in  the 
edition  of  this  work  published  in  the  collection  Wu  yin  tien  in  1775. 
This  text  is  as  follows:  "The  large  walnut  has  a  thick  and  firm  shell. 
It  is  larger  than  that  of  the  areca-nut.2  It  has  much  meat,  but  little 
glumelle.  It  does  not  resemble  the  nuts  found  in  northern  China.  It 
must  be  broken  with  an  axe  or  hammer.  The  shell,  when  evenly 
smoothed  over  the  bottom,  is  occasionally  made  into  a  seal,  for  the 
crooked  structure  of  the  shell  (ko  M)  resembles  the  seal  characters."3 

In  the  Lin  wai  tai  ta  ^  ^  ft  ^,4  written  by  Cou  K'ii-fei  JH  *  # 
in  1178,  mention  is  made,  among  the  plants  of  southern  China  and 
Tonking,  of  a  "stone  walnut  (Si  hu  t'ao  ^  $8  $fc),  which  is  like  stone, 
has  hardly  any  meat,  and  tastes  like  the  walnut  of  the  north."  Again, 
a  wild  species  is  involved  here.  I  have  not  found  the  term  Si  hu  t'ao  in 
any  other  author. 

The  various  names  employed  by  the  T'ang  writers  for  the  wild 

1  Ch.  19,  p.  9  b  (ed.  of  Tsin  tai  pi  $u) ;  or  Ch.  19,  p.  9  a  (ed.  of  Pai  hai). 

*  This  sentence,  as  well  as  the  first,  agrees  with  the  definition  given  by  the  Pei 
hu  lu  with  reference  to  a  wild  walnut  (above,  p.  268). 

1  T'ai  p'in  yii  Ian,  Ch.  971,  p.  8  b.  The  same  text  is  cited  by  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan 
mu  and  the  Ko  li  kin  yuan  (Ch.  76,  p.  5  b),  which  offer  the  reading  San  hu  t'ao  \lj 
SB  $fc  ("wild  walnut")  instead  of  "large  walnut."  The  Kwan  k'iinfan  p'u  (Ch.  58, 
p.  26)  also  has  arranged  this  text  under  the  general  heading  "wild  walnut."  The 
Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  opens  it  with  the  sentence,  "In  the  southern  regions  there  is  a  wild 
walnut."  The  restriction  to  South  China  follows  also  from  the  text  as  given  in  the 
T'ai  p'in  yii  Ian. 

4  Ch.  8,  p.  10  b  (ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  lai  ts'un  $u). 


THE  WALNUT  371 

varieties  (p'ien  hu  fao,  fan  hu  Vao,  man  hu  t'ao,  to  hu  t*ao)y  combined 
with  the  fact  that  two  authors  describe  both  the  varieties  p'ien  and 
fan,  raise  the  question  whether  this  nomenclature  does  not  refer  to 
different  plants,  and  whether,  aside  from  the  wild  walnut,  other  nuts 
may  not  also  be  included  in  this  group.  In  this  respect  it  is  of  interest 
to  note  that  the  hickory,  recently  discovered  in  Ce-kian  by  F.  N. 
MEYER,  and  determined  by  SARGENT1  under  the  name  Carya  cathayensis, 
is  said  by  Meyer  to  be  called  shan-gho-to  in  the  colloquial  language; 
and  this  evidently  is  identical  with  our  fan  hu  t'ao.  This  certainly  does 
not  mean  that  this  term  refers  exclusively  to  the  hickory,  but  only 
that  locally  the  hickory  falls  also  within  the  category  of  fan  hu  t'ao. 
The  distribution  of  the  hickory  over  China  is  not  yet  known,  and  the 
descriptions  we  have  of  fan  hu  t'ao  do  not  refer  to  Ce-kian. 

In  the  P'an  fan  U  18:  Ul  ;£,  a  description  of  the  P'an  mountains,1 
the  term  fan  ho  t'ao  is  given  as  a  synonyme  for  the  bark  of  Catalpa 
bungei  (ts*iu  p'i  Iffc  IJt),  which  is  gathered  on  this  mountain  for 
medicinal  purposes, —  presumably  because  the  structure  of  this  bark 
bears  some  superficial  resemblance  to  that  of  a  walnut.  Wild  walnuts, 
further,  are  mentioned  as  growing  on  Mount  Si  fu  2un  ®  ^5  ^  Uj , 
forming  part  of  the  Ma-ku  Mountains  &  J6  Ul  situated  in  Fu-cou 
Si  J/H  in  the  prefecture  of  Kien-6'aii  ^  B  ffi,  Kian-si  Province.3 

While  the  cultivated  walnut  was  known  in  China  during  the  fourth 
century  under  the  Tsin  dynasty,  the  wild  species  indigenous  to  south- 
ern China  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  scholars  only  several  cen- 
turies later,  toward  the  close  of  the  T'ang  period.  This  case  furnishes 
an  excellent  object-lesson,  in  that  it  reveals  the  fallacies  to  which 
botanists  and  others  are  only  too  frequently  subject  in  drawing  con- 
clusions from  mere  botanical  evidence  as  to  cultivated  plants.  The 
favorite  argumentation  is,  that  if,  in  a  certain  region,  a  wild  and  a 
corresponding  cultivated  species  co-exist,  the  cultivated  species  is  simply 
supposed  to  have  been  derived  from  the  wild  congener.  This  is  a  de- 
ceptive conclusion.  The  walnut  (as  well  as  the  vine)  of  China  offers  a 

1  Plantae  Wilsonianae,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  187. 

*  Ch.  15,  p.  2  b,  of  the  edition  published  in  1755  by  order  of  K'ien-lun.  The 
P'an  §an  is  situated  three  or  four  days'  journey  east  of  Peking,  in  the  province  of 
Ci-li,  the  summit  being  crowned  by  an  interesting  Buddhist  temple,  and  there  being 
an  imperial  travelling-station  at  its  foot.  It  was  visited  by  me  in  September,  1901. 
F.  N.  MEYER  (Agricultural  Explorations  in  the  Orchards  of  China,  p.  52)  says  that 
in  the  Pangshan  district  east  of  Peking  one  may  still  find  a  few  specimens  of  the  real 
wild  walnut  growing  in  ravines  among  large  bowlders  in  the  mountains. 

8  Ma-ku  San  U  (Ch.  3,  p.  6  b),  written  by  members  of  the  family  Hwafi  jf,  and 
published  in  1866  by  the  Tun  t'ien  §u  wu  }pj|  ;£  ^  |g.  These  mountains  contain 
thirty-six  caves  dedicated  to  the  Taoist  goddess  Ma-ku. 


272  SlNO-lRANICA 

specific  case  apt  to  teach  just  the  opposite:  a  wild  walnut  (probably  in 
several  species)  is  indigenous  to  China,  nevertheless  the  species  culti- 
vated in  this  area  did  not  spring  from  domestic  material,  but  from 
seeds  imported  from  Iranian  and  Tibetan  regions  of  Central  Asia. 
The  botanical  dogma  has  been  hurled  against  many  deductions  of 
Hehn:  botanists  proclaimed  that  vine,  fig,  laurel,  and  myrtle  have  been 
indigenous  to  Greece  ana  Italy  in  a  wild  state  since  time  immemorial ; 
likewise  pomegranate,  cypress,  and  plantain  on  the  Aegean  Islands 
and  in  Greece;  hence  it  was  inferred  that  also  the  cultivations  of  these 
plants  must  have  been  indigenous,  and  could  not  have  been  introduced 
from  the  Orient,  as  insisted  on  by  Hehn.  This  is  nothing  but  a  sophism: 
the  botanists  still  owe  us  the  proof  that  the  cultivated  species  were 
really  derived  from  indigenous  stock.  A  species  may  indeed  be  indige- 
nous to  a  certain  locality;  and  yet,  as  brought  about  by  historical 
inter-relations  of  the  peoples,  the  same  or  a  similar  species  in  the 
cultivated  state  may  have  been  introduced  from  an  outside  quarter. 
It  is  only  by  painstaking  historical  research  that  the  history  of  culti- 
vated plants  can  be  exactly  determined.  ENGLER  (above,  p.  258)  doubts 
the  occurrence  of  the  wild  walnut  in  China,  because  a  cultivated  species 
was  introduced  there  from  Tibet !  It  is  plain  now  where  such  logic  will 
lead  us.  Wilson  deserves  a  place  of  honor  among  botanists,  for,  after 
close  study  of  the  subject  in  China,  he  recognized  that  "it  is  highly 
improbable  that  Juglans  regia  is  indigenous  to  China." 

With  reference  to  the  walnut,  conditions  are  the  same  in  China  as 
in  the  Mediterranean  region:  there  also  Juglans  regia  grows  spontane- 
ously; still  better,  cultivated  varieties  reached  the  Greeks  from  Persia; 
the  Greeks  handed  these  on  to  the  Romans;  the  Romans  transplanted 
them  to  Gallia  and  Germania.  Juglans  regia  occupies  an  extensive 
natural  area  throughout  the  temperate  zone,  stretching  from  the 
Mediterranean  through  Iran  and  the  Himalaya  as  far  as  southern  China 
and  the  Chinese  maritime  provinces.  Despite  this  natural  distribution, 
the  fact  remains  that  Iran  has  been  the  home  and  the  centre  of  the 
best-cultivated  varieties,  and  has  transmitted  these  to  Greece,  to  India, 
to  Central  Asia,  and  to  China. 

Dr.  T.  TANAKA  has  been  good  enough  to  furnish  the  following  infor- 
mation, extracted  from  Japanese  literature,  in  regard  to  the  walnut. 

"Translation  of  the  notice  on  ko-to  (kurumi),  'walnut,'  from  a 
Japanese  herbal  Yamato  honzo  ^C  ?P  ^  ^,  by  Kaibara  Ekken  jt  M 
^  ff  (Ch.  10,  p.  23),  published  in  1709. 

"Kurumi  $8  #6  (koto).  There  are  three  sorts  of  walnut.  The  first 
is  called  oni-gurumi  &  SB  $fc  ('devil  walnut').  It  is  round  in  shape, 


THE  WALNUT  273 

and  has  a  thick,  hard  skin  (shell),  difficult  to  break;  it  has  very  little 
meat.  In  the  Homo  (Pen  ts'ao,  usually  referring  to  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan 
mu)  it  is  called  til  tft  $£  (yama-gurumi,  Ian  hu  t'ao).  It  is  customary 
to  open  the  shell  by  first  baking  it  a  little  while  in  a  bed  of  charcoal, 
and  suddenly  plunging  it  in  water  to  cool  off;  then  it  is  taken  out  of  the 
fire,  the  shell  is  struck  at  the  joint  so  that  it  is  crushed,  and  the  meat  can 
be  easily  removed.  The  second  variety  is  called  hime-gurumi  tf&  ? 
J*  ^  ('demoiselle  walnut'),  and  has  a  thin  shell  which  is  somewhat 
flat  in  form;  it  is  very  easily  broken  when  struck  with  an  iron  hammer 
at  the  joint.  It  has  plenty  of  meat,  is  rich  in  oil,  and  has  a  better  taste 
than  the  one  mentioned  before.  The  names  'devil'  and  'demoiselle* 
are  derived  from  the  appearance  of  the  nuts,  the  one  being  rough  and 
ugly,  while  the  other  is  beautiful. 

"The  third  variety,  which  is  believed  to  have  come  from  Korea, 
has  a  thin  shell,  easily  cracked,  with  very  little  meat,  but  of  the  best 
quality.  Mon  Sen  JnL  BSfc  (author  of  the  Si  liao  pen  ts'ao  Jt  Jj£  ^  ^, 
second  half  of  the  seventh  century)  says,  'The  walnut,  when  eaten, 
increases  the  appetite,  stimulates  the  blood-circulation,  and  makes  one 
appear  glossy  and  elegant.  It  may  be  considered  as  a  good  medicine  of 
high  merit.'  For  further  details  refer  to  the  prescriptions  of  the  Pen 
ts'ao. 

"Translation  of  the  notice  on  walnut  from  the  Honzo  komoku  keimd 
(Ch.  25,  pp.  26-27)  by  Ono  Ranzan;  revised  edition  by  Igu&  BOsi 
of  1847  (first  edition  1804). 

"koto,  kurimi  (walnut,  Juglans  regia  L.,  var.  sinensis  Cas.,  ex  MATSU- 
MURA,  Shokubutsu  Mei-i,  ed.  1915,  Vol.  I,  p.  189). 

"Japanese  names:  to-kurimi  ('Chinese  walnut');  cosen-kurimi 
('  Korean  walnut ') . 

"Chinese  synonymes:  kaku-kwa  (Jibutsu  imei);  tins  5  kyoho  (ibid.); 
inpei  cinkwa  (ibid.);  kokaku  (Jibutsu  konsu);  kens' a  (ibid.);  to$u$i 
(Kunmo  jikwai). 

"Names  for  kernels:  kama  (Roy a  taisui-hen). 

"Other  names  for  Ian  hu  t'ao:  sankakuto  (Hokuto-roku);  banzai-Zi 
(Jonan  Ho  si);  su  (Kummo  jikwai). 

"The  real  walnut  originated  in  Korea,  and  is  not  commonly  planted 
in  Japan. 

"The  leaves  are  larger  than  those  of  onigurumi  (giant  walnut, 
Juglans  sieboldiana  Maxim.,  ex  Matsumura,  I.e.).  The  shells  are  also 
larger,  measuring  more  than  i  sun  (1.193  inches)  in  length,  and  having 
more  striations  on  the  surface.  The  kernels  are  also  larger,  and  have 
more  folds. 

"The  variety  commonly  planted  in  our  country  is  onigurumi,  the 


J74  SlNO-lRANICA 

abbreviated  name  of  which  is  kurumi;  local  names  are  ogurumi  (Prov- 
ince of  Kaga),  okkoromi  (eastern  provinces),  and  so  on.  This  giant  wal- 
nut grows  to  a  large  tree.  Its  leaves  are  much  like  those  of  the  lacquer- 
tree  (Rhus  vernificera  DC.)  and  a  little  larger;  they  have  finely  serrated 
margins.  Its  new  leaves  come  out  in  the  spring.  It  flowers  in  the 
autumn. 

"The  flower-clusters  resemble  chestnut-catkins,  but  are  much 
larger,  ranging  in  length  from  six  to  seven  sun;  they  are  yellowish  white 
and  pendulous.  A  single  flower  is  very  small,  like  that  of  a  chestnut. 
The  fruit  is  peach-shaped  and  green,  but  turns  black  when  ripe.  The 
shells  are  very  hard  and  thick,  and  can  be  opened  by  being  put  on  the 
fire  for  a  little  while;  then  insert  a  knife  in  the  slit  or  fissure  between  the 
shells,  which  thus  break.  The  kernels  are  good  for  human  food,  and 
are  also  used  for  feeding  little  birds. 

"One  species  called  hime-gurumi  (' demoiselle  walnut/  Juglans 
cordiformis  Maxim.,  ex  Matsumura,  I.e.),  or  me-gurumi  ('female  wal- 
nut/ from  the  province  of  Kaga),  has  thin  shells  with  fewer  furrows,  and 
the  kernels  can  easily  be  taken  out.  Under  the  heading  $ukai  (ti-kie, 
explanatory  information  in  the  Pen  ts*ao),  this  kind  of  walnut  is  de- 
scribed as  'a  walnut  produced  in  Cinso  (C'en-ts'an,  a  place  in  Fun- 
sian  fu,  Sen-si,  China)  with  thin  shells  and  many  surfaces,'  so  we  call 
it  Zinso-gurumi  (£'en-ts*an  hu-t'ao).1  This  variety  is  considered  the 
best  of  all  yama-gurumi  (San  hu  t'ao,  wild  walnuts),  because  no  other 
variety  has  such  saddle-shaped  kernels  entirely  removable  from  the 
shells. 

"A  species  called  karasu-gurumi  ('crow  walnut')  is  a  product  of  the 
province  of  E&go;  it  has  a  shell  that  opens  by  itself  when  ripe,  and 
looks  like  a  crow's  bill  when  opened,  whence  it  is  called  'crow  walnut.* 

"Another  variety  from  O§io-mura  village  of  the  Aidzu  district  is 
called  gonroku-gurumi  ('Gonroku's  walnut');  it  has  a  very  small  shell 
capable  of  being  used  as  ojime  ('string-fastener  of  a  pouch').  This 
name  is  taken  from  the  personal  name  of  a  man  called  Anazawa  Gon- 
roku,  in  whose  garden  this  variety  originated.  It  is  said  that  the  same 
kind  has  been  found  in  the  province  of  Kai. 

"A  variety  found  at  Nosiro,  province  of  U§Q  (Uzen  and  Ugo), 
is  much  larger  in  size,  and  has  thinner  shells,  easily  crushed  by  hand, 
so  that  the  kernels  may  be  taken  out  without  using  any  tools.  The 
name  of  this  variety  is  therefore  teuci-gurumi  ('hand-crushed  walnut ')." 

The  most  interesting  point  in  these  Japanese  notes  is  presented  by 
1  Compare  above,  p.  264. 


THE  WALNUT  175 

the  tradition  tracing  the  cultivated  walnut  of  Japan  to  Korea.  The 
Koreans  again  have  a  tradition  that  walnuts  reached  them  from  China 
about  fifteen  hundred  years  ago  in  the  days  of  the  Silla  Kingdom.1 
The  Korean  names  for  the  fruit  are  derived  from  the  Chinese:  ho  do 
being  the  equivalent  of  hu  t'ao,  kan  do  corresponding  to  k'ian  t'ao, 
and  ha  do  to  ho  t'ao.  The  Geography  of  the  Ming  Dynasty  states  that 
walnuts  are  a  product  of  Korea.1 

1  Korea  Review,  Vol.  II,  1902,  p.  394. 
1  Ta  Mi*  i  run  £i,  Ch.  89  p.  4  b. 


THE  POMEGRANATE 

5.  A.  DE  CANDOLLE1  sums  up  the  result  of  his  painstaking  investi- 
gation of  the  diffusion  of  the  pomegranate  (Punica  granatum,  the  sole 
genus  with  two  species  only  within  the  family  Punicaceae)  as  follows: 
"To  conclude,  botanical,  historical,  and  philological  data  agree  in  show- 
ing that  the  modern  species  is  a  native  of  Persia  and  some  adjacent 
countries.  Its  cultivation  began  in  prehistoric  time,  and  its  early 
extension,  first  toward  the  west  and  afterwards  into  China,  has  caused 
its  naturalization  in  cases  which  may  give  rise  to  errors  as  to  its  true 
origin,  for  they  are  frequent,  ancient,  and  enduring."  In  fact,  the 
pomegranate  occurs  spontaneously  in  Iran  on  stony  ground,  more 
particularly  in  the  mountains  of  Persian  Kurdistan,  Baluchistan,  and 
Afghanistan.  I  am  in  full  accord  with  A.  de  Candolle's  opinion,  which, 
as  will  be  seen,  is  signally  corroborated  by  the  investigation  that  fol- 
lows, and  am  not  in  the  least  disturbed  by  A.  ENGLER'S  view2  that  the 
pomegranate  occurs  wild  in  Greece  and  on  the  islands  of  the 
Grecian  Archipelago,  and  that,  accordingly,  it  is  indigenous  in  anterior 
Asia  and  part  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula,  while  its  propagation  in  Italy 
and  Spain  presumably  followed  its  cultivation  in  historical  times.  First, 
as  stated  also  by  G.  BuscHAN,3  these  alleged  wild  trees  of  Greece  are 
not  spontaneous,  but  have  reverted  from  cultivation  to  a  wild  state.4 
Second,  be  this  as  it  may,  all  ancient  Greek  accounts  concerning  the 
pomegranate  relate  exclusively  to  the  cultivated,  in  no  case  to  the 
wild  species;  and  it  is  a  gratuitous  speculation  of  O.  ScHRADER,5  who 
follows  suit  with  Engler,  that  the  Greek  word  pod  was  originally 
applied  to  the  indigenous  wild  species,  and  subsequently  transferred 
to  the  cultivated  one.  As  will  be  shown  hereafter,  the  Greek  term  is  a 
loan-word.  The  naturalization  of  the  fruit  in  the  Mediterranean  basin 
is,  as  A.  DE  CANDOLLE  justly  terms  it,  an  extension  of  the  original 

1  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  240. 

2  In  Hehn's  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  246  (8th  ed.). 

3  Vorgeschichtliche  Botanik,  p.  159. 

4  I  am  unable,  however,  to  share  Buschan's  view  that  the  wild  specimens  of  Iran 
and  north-western  India  also  belong  to  this  class;  that  area  is  too  extensive  to 
allow  of  so  narrow  an  interpretation.   In  this  case,  Buschan  is  prejudiced  in  order 
to  establish  his  own  hypothesis  of  an  indigenous  origin  of  the  tree  in  Arabia  (see 
below). 

6  In  Hehn's  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  247. 

276 


THE  POMEGRANATE  277 

area;  and  Hehn  is  quite  right  in  dating  its  cultivation  on  the  part  of 
the  Greeks  to  a  time  after  the  Homeric  epoch,  and  deriving  it  from  Asia 
Minor. 

G.  BuscHAN1  holds  that  Europe  is  out  of  the  question  as  to  the 
indigenous  occurrence  of  the  pomegranate,  and  with  regard  to  Punica 
protopunica,  discovered  by  Balfour  on  the  Island  of  Socotra,  proposes 
Arabia  felix  as  the  home  of  the  tree;  but  he  fails  to  explain  the  diffusion 
of  the  tree  from  this  alleged  centre.  He  opposes  Loret's  conclusions 
with  reference  to  Egypt,  where  he  believes  that  the  tree  was  naturalized 
from  the  time  of  the  Eighteenth  Dynasty;  but  he  overlooks  the  prin- 
cipal point  made  by  Loret,  namely,  that  the  Egyptian  name  is  a  Semitic 
loan-word.2  Buschan's  theory  conflicts  with  all  historical  facts,  and 
has  not  been  accepted  by  any  one. 

The  pomegranate-tree  is  supposed  to  be  mentioned  in  the  Avesta 
under  the  name  haddnaepata*  the  wood  serving  as  fuel,  and  the  juice 
being  employed  in  sacrificial  libations;  but  this  interpretation  is  solely 
given  by  the  present  ParsI  of  India  and  Yezd,  and  is  not  certain.  The 
fruit,  however,  is  mentioned  in  Pahlavi  literature  (above,  p.  193). 

There  are  numerous  allusions  to  the  pomegranate  of  Persia  on 
the  part  of  Mohammedan  authors  and  European  travellers,  and  it 
would  be  of  little  avail  to  cite  all  these  testimonies  on  a  subject  which 
is  perfectly  well  known.  Suffice  it  to  refer  to  the  Fdrs  Ndmah*  and  to 
give  the  following  extract  from  A.  OLEARIUS  :6 — 

"  Pomegranate-trees,  almond-trees,  and  fig-trees  grow  there  with- 
out any  ordering  or  cultivation,  especially  in  the  Province  of  Kilan, 
where  you  have  whole  forests  of  them.  The  wild  pomegranates,  which 
you  find  almost  every  where,  especially  at  Karabag,  are  sharp  or  sowrith. 

1  Vorgeschichtliche  Botanik,  p.  159. 

2  This  fact  was  simultaneously  and  independently  found  by  an  American 
Egyptologist,  CH.  E.  MOLDENKE  (ttber  die  in  altagyptischen  Texten  erwahnten 
Baume,  p.  115,  doctor  dissertation  of  Strassburg,  Leipzig,  1887);  so  that  LORET 
(Flore  pharaonique,  p.  76)  said,  "Moldenke  est  arrive"  presque  en  me"me  temps  que 
moi,  et  par  des  moyens  diffe"rents,  ce  qui  donne  une  entiere  certitude  a  notre  d6- 
couverte  commune,  a  la  determination  du  nom  e'gyptien  de  la  grenade."    See  also 
C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  I'antiquite",  Vol.  I,  p.  117.  Buschan's  book  appeared  in  1895; 
nevertheless  he  used  Loret's  work  in  the  first  edition  of  1887,  instead  of  the  second 
of  1892,  which  is  thoroughly  revised  and  enlarged. 

3  For  instance,  Yasna,  62,  9;  68,  I.    Cf.  also  A.  V.  W.  JACKSON,  Persia  Past 
and  Present,  p.  369. 

4  G.  LE  STRANGE,  Description  of  the  Province  of  Pars  in  Persia,  p.  38  (London, 
1912).  See  also  D'HERBELOT,  Biblioth6que  orientale,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  188;  and  F.  SPIEGEL, 
Eranische  Altertumskunde,  Vol.  I,  p.  252. 

6  Voyages  of  the  Ambassadors  to  the  Great  Duke  of  Muscovy,  and  the  King 
of  Persia  (1633-39),  p.  232  (London,  1669). 


278  SlNO-lRANICA 

They  take  out  of  them  the  seed,  which  they  call  Nardan,  wherewith 
they  drive  a  great  trade,  and  the  Persians  make  use  of  it  in  their 
sawces,  whereto  it  gives  a  colour,  and  a  picquant  tast,  having  been 
steep'd  in  water,  and  strain'd  through  a  cloath.  Sometimes  they  boyl 
the  juyce  of  these  Pomegranates,  and  keep  it  to  give  a  colour  to  the 
rice,  which  they  serve  up  at  their  entertainments,  and  it  gives  it  withall 
a  tast  which  is  not  unpleasant.  .  .  .  The  best  pomegranates  grow  in 
Jescht,  and  at  Caswin,  but  the  biggest,  in  Karabag." 

Mirza  Haidar  mentions  a  kind  of  pomegranate  peculiar  to  Baluris- 
tan  (Kafiristan),  sweet,  pure,  and  full-flavored,  its  seeds  being  white 
and  very  transparent.1 

"Grapes,  melons,  apples,  and  pomegranates,  all  fruits,  indeed,  are 
good  in  Samarkand."2  The  pomegranates  of  Khojand  were  renowned 
for  their  excellence.3  The  Emperor  Jahangir  mentions  in  his  Memoirs 
the  sweet  pomegranates  of  Yazd  and  the  subacid  ones  of  Farrah,  and 
says  of  the  former  that  they  are  celebrated  all  over  the  world.4  J. 
CRAWFURD8  remarks,  "The  only  good  pomegranates  which,  indeed, 
I  have  ever  met  with  are  those  brought  into  upper  India  by  the  cara- 
vans from  eastern  Persia." 

The  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu6  states  that  the  pomegranates  of  Egypt  %J$ft1$. 
(Wu-se-li,  *Mwir-si-li,  Mirsir)7  in  the  country  of  the  Arabs  (Ta-si, 
*Ta-d2ik)  weigh  up  to  five  and  six  catties. 

Also  in  regard  to  the  pomegranate  we  meet  the  tradition  that  its 
introduction  into  China  is  due  to  General  Can  K'ien.  In  the  same 
manner  as  in  the  case  of  the  walnut,  this  notion  looms  up  only  in 
post-Han  authors.  It  is  first  recorded  by  Lu  Ki  Bl  $8,  who  lived  under 
the  Western  Tsin  dynasty  (A.D.  265-313),  in  his  work  Yu  ti  yun  $u 
&  f&  §  llf.  This  text  has  been  handed  down  in  the  Ts'i  min  yao  $u 
of  Kia  Se-niu  of  the  sixth  century.8  There  it  is  said  that  Can  K'ien, 
while  an  envoy  of  the  Han  in  foreign  countries  for  eighteen  years, 
obtained  t*u-lin  ^  W,  this  term  being  identical  with  nan-$i-liu  j£f  15 
VS.  This  tradition  is  repeated  in  the  Po  wu  £i9  of  Can  Hwa  and  in  the 

1  ELIAS  and  Ross,  Tarikh-i-Rashidi,  p.  386. 
a  A.  S.  BEVERIDGE,  Memoirs  of  Babur,  p.  77. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  8.  They  are  also  extolled  by  Ye-lu  C'u-ts'ai  (BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediae- 
val Researches,  Vol.  I,  p.  19). 

4  H.  M.  ELLIOT,  History  of  India  as  told  by  Its  Own  Historians,  Vol.  VI,  p.  348 . 
8  History  of  the  Indian  Archipelago,  Vol.  I,  p.  433. 

8  $8  36  Ch.  10,  p.  4  b  (ed.  of  Tsin  tai  pi  Su). 

7  Old  Persian  Mudraya,  Hebrew  Mizraim,  Syriac  Mezroye. 

8  Ch.  4,  p.  14  b  (new  ed.,  1896). 

9  See  above,  p.  258. 


THE  POMEGRANATE  279 

Tu  i  li  39  M  ;£,  written  by  Li  Yu  ^  %  (or  Li  Yuan  %)  of  the  Tang 
dynasty.  Another  formal  testimony  certifying  to  the  acceptance  of 
this  creed  at  that  period  comes  from  Fun  Yen  3Nf  iSC  of  the  Tang  in 
his  Fun  Si  wen  kien  ki  M  &  ffi  &  12  ,*  who  states  that  Can  K'ien 
obtained  in  the  Western  Countries  the  seeds  of  Si-liu  35  f§  and  alfalfa 
(mu-su),  and  that  at  present  these  are  to  be  found  everywhere  in 
China.  Under  the  Sung  this  tradition  is  repeated  by  Kao  C'en  iti  ^c.2 
C'en  Hao-tse,  in  his  Hwa  kin*  published  in  1688,  states  it  as  a  cold- 
blooded fact  that  the  seeds  of  the  pomegranate  came  from  the  country 
Nan-si  or  An-si  (Parthia),  and  that  Can  K'ien  brought  them  back. 
There  is  nothing  to  this  effect  in  Can  K'ien's  biography,  nor  is  the 
pomegranate  mentioned  in  the  Annals  of  the  Han.4  The  exact  time  of 
its  introduction  cannot  be  ascertained,  but  the  tree  is  on  record  no  earlier 
than  the  third  and  fourth  centuries  A.D.5 

Li  Si-Sen  ascribes  the  term  nan-$i-liu  to  the  Pie  lu  J5!l  ^,  but  he 
cites  no  text  from  this  ancient  work,  so  that  the  case  is  not  clear.6 
The  earliest  author  whom  he  quotes  regarding  the  subject  is  Tao 
Hun-kin  (A.D.  452-536),  who  says,  "The  pomegranate,  particularly  as 
regards  its  blossoms,  is  charming,  hence  the  people  plant  the  tree  in 
large  numbers.  It  is  also  esteemed,  because  it  comes  from  abroad. 
There  are  two  varieties,  the  sweet  and  the  sour  one,  only  the  root  of 
the  latter  being  used  by  physicians."  According  to  the  Ts*i  min  yao  $u, 
Ko  Hun  1§  8£  of  the  fourth  century,  in  his  Pao  p*u  tse  JB  tt  •?,  speaks 
of  the  occurrence  of  bitter  liu  "\5  1S  on  stony  mountains.  These,  indeed, 

1  Ch.  7,  p.  i  b  (ed.  of  Ki  fu  ts'un  Su). 

2  Si  wu  ki  yuan  !j£  %  J6  ]jj(  (ed.  of  Si  yin  Man  ts'un  $u),  Ch.  10,  p.  34  b. 

3  Ch.  3,  p.  37,  edition  of  1783;  see  above,  p.  259. 

4  The  Can-K'ien  legend  is  repeated  without  criticism  by  BRETSCHNEIDER 
(Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  25;  pt.  3,  No.  280),  so  that  A.  DE  CANDOLLE  (Origin  of  Cultivated 
Plants,  p.  238)  was  led  to  the  erroneous  statement  that  the  pomegranate  was  intro- 
duced into  China  from  Samarkand  by  Can  K'ien,  a  century  and  a  half  before  the 
Christian  era.    The  same  is  asserted  by  F.  P.  SMITH  (Contributions  towards  the 
Materia  Medica  of  China,  p.  176),  G.  A.  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  361), 
and  HIRTH  (T*oung  Pao,  Vol.  VI,  1895,  p.  439). 

6  It  is  mentioned  in  the  Kin  kwei  yao  lio  (Ch.  c,  p.  27)  of  the  second  century  A.D., 
"Pomegranates  must  not  be  eaten  in  large  quantity,  for  they  injure  man's  lungs." 
As  stated  (p.  205),  this  may  be  an  interpolation  in  the  original  text. 

6  The  Pie  lu  is  not  quoted  to  this  effect  in  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao  (Ch.  22,  p.  39), 
but  the  Ci  wu  min  Si  t*u  k'ao  (Ch.  15,  p.  102;  and  32,  p.  36  b)  gives  two  different 
extracts  from  this  work  relating  to  our  fruit.  In  one,  its  real  or  alleged  medical  prop- 
erties are  expounded;  in  the  other,  different  varieties  are  enumerated,  while  not  a 
word  is  said  about  foreign  origin.  I  am  convinced  that  in  this  form  these  two  texts 
were  not  contained  in  the  Pie  lu.  The  question  is  of  no  consequence,  as  the  work 
itself  is  lost,  and  cannot  be  dated  exactly.  All  that  can  be  said  with  certainty  is  that 
it  existed  prior  to  the  time  of  T'ao  Hun-kin. 


280  SlNO-lRANICA 

are  the  particular  places  where  the  pomegranate  thrives.  Su  Sun  of 
the  Sung  period  states  that  the  pomegranate  was  originally  grown  in 
the  Western  Countries  (S*  yii  ffi  $S),  and  that  it  now  occurs  everywhere; 
but  neither  he  nor  any  other  author  makes  a  positive  statement  as  to 
the  time  and  exact  place  of  origin.  The  Yao  sin  lun,  Pen  ts'ao  si  i, 
and  Pen  ts'ao  yen  il  give  merely  a  botanical  notice,  but  nothing  of  his- 
torical interest. 

The  pomegranate  (si-liu)  is  mentioned  in  the  "Poem  on  the  Capital 
of  Wu"  ^  U  8R  by  Tso  Se  &  J&,  who  lived  in  the  third  century  under 
the  Wu  dynasty  (A.D.  222-280).  P'an  Yo  iS  -§r,  a  poet  of  the  fourth 
century  A.D.,  says,  "Pomegranates  are  the  most  singular  trees  of  the 
empire  and  famous  fruits  of  the  Nine  Provinces.2  A  thousand  seed- 
cases  are  enclosed  by  the  same  membrane,  and  what  looks  like  a  single 
seed  in  fact  is  ten/' 

The  Tsin  Lun  nan  k'i  ku  lu  W  81  ^  jfi  Jg  &  ("  Annotations  on 
the  Conditions  of  the  period  Lun-nan  [A.D.  397-402]  of  the  Tsin  Dy- 
nasty") contains  the  following  note:3  "The  pomegranates  (nan  si 
liu)  of  the  district  Lin-yuan  IS  Sc  in  Wu-liii  B£  IS4  are  as  large  as  cups; 
they  are  not  sour  to  the  taste.  Each  branch  bears  six  fruits." 

Lu  Hui  l^ftB  of  the  Tsin  dynasty,  in  his  Ye  lun  ki  US  3*  ffi,5  states 
that  in  the  park  of  Si  Hu  ^  fit  there  were  pomegranates  with  seeds  as 
large  as  cups,  and  they  were  not  sour.  Si  Hu  or  Si  Ki-lufi  3?  ^  fl  ruled 
from  A.D.  335  to  349,  under  the  appellation  T'ai  Tsu  ;Jc  IB.  of  the  Hou 
Cao  dynasty,  as  "regent  celestial  king"  (ku-se  t'ien  wan),  and  shifted 
the  capital  to  Ye  ISi$,  the  present  district  of  Lin-fen  B$  f¥,  in  the  pre- 
fecture of  Can-te  ^  IS  in  Ho-nan.6 

The  pomegranate  is  mentioned  in  the  Ku  kin  Zu  "ifr  ^  ft,7  written 
by  Ts'ui  Pao  -S  f5  during  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  with 
reference  to  the  pumelo  W  (Citrus  grandis),  the  fruit  of  which  is  com- 
pared in  shape  with  the  pomegranate.  The  Ts'i  min  yao  Su  (I.e.)  gives 
rules  for  the  planting  of  pomegranates. 

1  Ch.  1 8,  p.  7  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan);  the  other  texts  see  in  Cert  lei  pen  ts'ao,  I.  c. 

2  JL  ^H ,  the  ancient  division  of  China  under  the  Emperor  Yu. 

8  T'ai  p'iA  yii  Ian,  Ch.  970,  p.  4  b.  Regarding  the  department  of  records  styled 
k'i  ku  tu,  see  The  Diamond,  p.  35.  In  the  Yuan  kien  lei  han  (Ch.  402,  p.  2)  the 
same  text  is  credited  to  the  Sun  Su. 

4  In  Hu-nan  Province. 

5  Ed.  of  Wu  yin  tien,  p.  12. 

6  Regarding  his  history,  see  L.  WIEGER,  Textes  historiques,  pp.   1095-1100. 
BRETSCHNEIDER'S  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  I,  p.  211)  note,  that,  besides  the  Ye  lun  ki  of  Lu 
Hui,  there isjanother  work  of  the  same  name  by  Si  Hu,  is  erroneous;  Si  Hu  is  simply 
the  "hero"  of  the  Ye  lun  ki. 

1  Ch.  c,  p.  i  (ed.  of  Han  Wei  ts'un  Su  or  Ki  fu  ts'un  Su).  Cf.  also  below,  p.  283. 


THE  POMEGRANATE  281 

The  Annals  of  the  Liu  Sung  Dynasty,  A.D.  420-477  (SunSu),  contain 
the  following  account:  "At  the  close  of  the  period  Yiian-kia  %  51 
(A.D.  424-453),  when  T'ai  Wu  (A.D.  424-452)  *  ^  of  the  Wei  dynasty 
conquered  the  city  Ku  jtfci^,1  he  issued  orders  to  search  for  sugar- 
cane and  pomegranates  (nan  Si  liu).  Can  C'aii  3fi  H  said  that  pome- 
granates (Si-liu)  come  from  Ye."  This  is  the  same  locality  as  mentioned 
above. 

The  Stan  kwo  ki  H  H  IB2  reports  that  in  the  district  of  Luii-kan 
H  O  /IS3  there  are  good  pomegranates  (Si  liu).  These  various  examples 
illustrate  that  in  the  beginning  the  tree  was  considered  as  peculiar  to 
certain  localities,  and  that  accordingly  a  gradual  dissemination  must 
have  taken  place.  Apparently  no  ancient  Chinese  author  is  informed 
as  to  the  locality  from  which  the  tree  originally  came,  nor  as  to  the  how 
and  when  of  the  transplantation. 

The  Kwan  U  I?  JS,  written  by  Kwo  Yi-kun  SB  il  ^  prior  to  A.D. 
527,  as  quoted  in  the  Ts'i  min  yao  Su,  discriminates  between  two  varie- 
ties of  pomegranate  (nan  Si  liu),  a  sweet  and  a  sour  one,  in  the  same 
manner  as  T'ao  Hun-kin.4  This  distinction  is  already  made  by  Theo- 
phrastus.5  As  stated  above,  there  was  also  a  bitter  variety.6 

It  is  likewise  a  fact  of  great  interest  that  we  have  an  isolated  instance 
of  the  occurrence  of  a  pomegranate-tree  that  reverted  to  the  wild  state. 
The  Lu  San  ki  Jf  Ul  fffi7  contains  this  notice:  "On  the  summit  of  the 
Hian-lu  fun  ?J£^  ('Censer-Top')  there  is  a  huge  rock  on  which 
several  people  can  sit.  There  grows  a  wild  pomegranate  (San  Si-liu 
ill  ~fi  t§)  drooping  from  the  rock.  In  the  third  month  it  produces  blos- 
soms. In  color  these  resemble  the  [cultivated]  pomegranate,  but  they 

1  Modern  Cen-tin  fu  in  Ci-li  Province. 

2  Thus  in  T'ai  p*in  yu  Ian,  Ch.  970,  p.  5  b;  the  Ts'i  min  yao  Su  (Ch.  4,  p.  14) 
ascribes  the  same  text  to  the  Kin  k'ou  ki  JEjl   P  ffS. 

3  At  present  the  district  which  forms  the  prefectural  city  of  Sun-te  in  Ci-li 
Province. 

4  Above,  p.  279. 

5  Historia  plantarum,  II.  II,  7. 

6  Pliny  (XIII,   113)  distinguishes  five  varieties, —  dulcia,  acria,  mixta,  acida, 
vinosa. 

7  T*ai  p*in  yu  Ian,  Ch.  970,  p.  5.    The  Lu  Mountain  is  situated  in  Kian-si  Prov- 
ince, twenty-five  li  south  of  Kiu-kian.  A  work  under  the  title  Lu  San  ki  was  written 
by  C'en  Lin-ku  $ft  &  ^  in  the  eleventh  century  (WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Liter- 
ature, p.  55);  but,  as  the  T'ai  p'in  yil  Ian  was  published  in  A.D.  983,  the  question  here 
must  be  of  an  older  work  of  the  same  title.    In  fact,  there  is  a  Lu  San  ki  by  Kin  Si 
^  y^  of  the  Hou  Cou  dynasty;  and  the  Yuan  kien  lei  nan  (Ch.  402,  p.  2)  ascribes 
the  same  text  to  the  Cou  Kin  Si  Lu  Ian  ki.    The  John  Crerar  Library  of  Chicago 
(No.  156)  possesses  a  Lu  San  siao  ti  in  24  chapters,  written  by  Ts'ai  Yin  ^  ^  and 
published  in  1824. 


282  SlNO-lRANICA 

are  smaller  and  pale  red.  When  they  open,  they  display  a  purple  calyx 
of  bright  and  attractive  hues."  A  poem  of  Li  Te-yu  ^  ^  ffir  (787-849) 
opens  with  the  words,  "In  front  of  the  hut  where  I  live  there  is  a  wild 
pomegranate."1 

Fa  Hien  &  IS,  the  celebrated  Buddhist  traveller,  tells  in  his  Fu  kwo 
ki  ^  H  IE  ("Memoirs  of  Buddhist  Kingdoms"),  written  about  A.D. 
420,  that,  while  travelling  on  the  upper  Indus,  the  flora  differed  from 
that  of  the  land  of  Han,  excepting  only  the  bamboo,  pomegranate,  and 
sugar-cane.2  This  passage  shows  that  Fa  Hien  was  familiar  with  that 
tree  in  China.  Huan  Tsan  observed  in  the  seventh  century  that  pome- 
granates were  grown  everywhere  in  India.3  Soleiman  (or  whoever  may 
be  the  author  of  this  text),  writing  in  A.D.  851,  emphasizes  the  abun- 
dance of  the  fruit  in  India.4  Ibn  Batata  says  that  the  pomegranates  of 
India  bear  fruit  twice  a  year,  and  emphasizes  their  fertility  on  the 
Maldive  Islands.5  Seedless  pomegranates  came  to  the  household  of  the 
Emperor  Akbar  from  Kabul.6 

The  pomegranate  occurred  in  Fu-nan  (Camboja),  according  to  the 
Nan  Ts'i  $u  or  History  of  the  Southern  Ts'i  (A.D.  479-501),  compiled 
by  Siao  Tse-hien  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century.7  It  is  mentioned 
again  by  Cou  Ta-kwanof  the  Yuan  dynasty,  in  his  book  on  the  "Customs 
of  Camboja."8  In  Han-Sou,  large  and  white  pomegranates  were  styled 
yu  liu  3i  IS  ("jade"  liu),  while  the  red  ones  were  regarded  as  inferior  or 
of  second  quality.9 

The  following  ancient  terms  for  the  pomegranate,  accordingly,  are 
on  record: — 

(i)  ^  tt  t'u-lin,  *du-lim.  Aside  from  the  Po  wu  &',  this  term  is 
used  by  the  Emperor  Yuan  of  the  Liang  dynasty  in  a  eulogy  of  the 
fruit.10  HiRTH11  identified  this  word  with  an  alleged  Indian  darim;  and, 
according  to  him,  Can  K'ien  must  have  brought  the  Indian  name  to 

J  Li  wei  kun  pie  tsi,  Ch.  2,  p.  8  (Ki  fu  ts'un  Su,  t'ao  10). 

2  Cf.  J.  LEGGE,  A  Record  of  Buddhistic  Kingdoms,  p.  24. 

3  Ta  Tan  si  yu  ki,  Ch.  2,  p.  8  b  (S.  BEAL,  Buddhist  Records  of  the  Western 
World,  Vol.  I,  p.  88). 

4  M.  RteiNAUD,  Relation  des  voyages,  Vol.  I,  p.  57. 

5  DEFREMERY  and  SANGUINETTI,  Voyages  d'Ibn  Batoutah,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  129. 

6  H.  BLOCHMANN,  Ain  I  Akbari,  Vol.  I,  p.  65. 

7  PELLIOT,  Le  Fou-nan,  Bull,  de  VEcole  frangaise,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  262. 

8  PELLIOT,  ibid.,  Vol.  II,  p.  168. 

9  Mon  Han  lu  ^  *&  $&  by  Wu  Tse-mu  ^  g  $C  of  the  Sung  (Ch.  18,  p.  5  b; 
ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  lai  ts'un  Su). 

10  Yuan  kien  lei  han,  Ch.  402,  p.  3  b.   Further,  in  the  lost  Hu  pen  ts'ao,  as  follows 
from  a  quotation  in  a  note  to  the  Pei  hu  lu  (Ch.  3,  p.  12). 

11  Toung  Pao,  Vol.  VI,  1895,  p.  439. 


THE  POMEGRANATE  283 

China.  How  this  would  have  been  possible,  is  not  explained  by  him. 
The  Sanskrit  term  for  the  pomegranate  (and  this  is  evidently  what 
Hirth  hinted  at)  is  dadima  or  dalima,  also  dddimva,  which  has  passed 
into  Malayan  as  dellma.1  It  is  obvious  that  the  Chinese  transcription 
bears  some  relation  to  this  word;  but  it  is  equally  obvious  that  the 
Chinese  form  cannot  be  fully  explained  from  it,  as  it  leads  only  to 
*du-lim,  not,  however,  to  dalim.  There  are  two  possibilities:  the  Chinese 
transcription  might  be  based  either  on  an  Indian  vernacular  or 
Apabhramca  form  of  a  type  like  *dulim,  *dudim,2  or  on  a  word  of  the 
same  form  belonging  to  some  Iranian  dialect.  The  difficulty  of  the 
problem  is  enhanced  by  the  fact  that  no  ancient  Iranian  word  for  the 
fruit  is  known  to  us.3  It  appears  certain,  however,  that  no  Sanskrit 
word  is  intended  in  the  Chinese  transcription,  otherwise  we  should 
meet  the  latter  in  the  Sanskrit-Chinese  glossaries.  The  fact  remains 
that  these,  above  all  the  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  do  not  contain  the  word 
t'u-lin;  and,  as  far  as  I  know,  Chinese  Buddhist  literature  offers  no 
allusion  to  the  pomegranate.  Nor  do  the  Chinese  say,  as  is  usually 
stated  by  them  in  such  cases,  that  the  word  is  of  Sanskrit  origin;  the 
only  positive  information  given  is  that  it  came  along  with  General 
Can  K'ien,  which  is  to  say  that  the  Chinese  were  under  the  im- 
pression that  it  hailed  from  some  of  the  Iranian  regions  visited  by  him. 
*Dulim,  dulima,  or  *durim,  durima,  accordingly,  must  have  been  a 
designation  of  the  pomegranate  in  some  Iranian  language. 

(2)  fir  3§  tan-Zot  *dan-zak,  dan-yak,  dan-n'iak.  This  word  appears 
in  the  Ku  kin  cu*  and  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu.5  Apparently  it  represents  a 
transcription,  but  it  is  not  stated  from  which  language  it  is  derived.  In 
my  estimation,  the  foundation  is  an  Iranian  word  still  unknown  to  us, 
but  congeners  of  which  we  glean  from  Persian  ddnak  ("small  grain")? 

1  J.  CRAWFURD  (History  of  the  Indian  Archipelago,  Vol.  I,  p.  433)  derives  this 
word  from  the  Malayan  numeral  five,  with  reference  to  the  five  cells  into  which  the 
fruit  is  divided.    This,  of  course,  is  a  mere  popular  etymology.    There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  fruit  was  introduced  into  the  Archipelago  from  India;  it  occurs  there  only 
cultivated,  and  is  of  inferior  quality.    On  the  Philippines  it  was  only  introduced 
by  the  Spaniards  (A.  DE  MORGA,  Philippine  Islands,  p.  275,  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society).. 

2  The  vernacular  forms  known  to  me  have  the  vowel  a;  for  instance,  Hindustani 
darim,  Bengali  ddlim,  dalim  or  darim;  Newari,  dhade.     The  modern  Indo-Aryan 
languages  have  also  adopted  the  Persian  word  anar. 

8  In  my  opinion,  the  Sanskrit  word  is  an  Iranian  loan-word,  as  is  also  Sanskrit 
karaka,  given  as  a  synonyme  for  the  pomegranate  in  the  Amarakosa.  The  earliest 
mention  of  dd^ima  occurs  in  the  Bower  Manuscript;  the  word  is  absent  in  Vedic 
literature. 

4  At  least  it  is  thus  stated  in  cyclopaedias;  but  the  editions  of  the  work,  as 
reprinted  in  the  Han  Wei  ts'un  $u  and  Kifu  ts'un  su,  do  not  contain  this  term. 
6  Ch.  1 8,  p.  3  b  (ed.  of  Pai  hai). 


284  SlNO-lRANICA 

ddna  ("grain,  berry,  stone  of  a  fruit,  seed  of  grain  or  fruit "),  ddngu 
("kind  of  grain"),  Sina  danu  ("pomegranate");1  Sanskrit  dhanika, 
dhanyaka,  or  dhamyaka  ("coriander";  properly  "grains").  The  no- 
tion conveyed  by  this  series  is  the  same  as  that  underlying  Latin 
granatum,  from  granum  ("grain");  cf.  Anglo-Saxon  cornappel  and 
English  pomegranate  ("apple  made  up  of  grains"). 

(3)  3c  ^J  J§  nan  si  liu  or  35  t§  Si  liu.  This  transcription  is  generally 
taken  in  the  sense  "the  plant  liu  of  the  countries  Nan  and  Si,  or  of  the 
country  Nan-§i."  This  view  is  expressed  in  the  Po  wu  £i,  which,  as 
stated,  also  refers  to  the  Can-K'ien  legend,  and  to  the  term  t'u-lin, 
and  continues  that  this  was  the  seed  of  the  liu  of  the  countries  Nan 
and  Si;  hence,  on  the  return  of  Can  K'ien  to  China,  the  name  nan-si-liu 
was  adopted.2  Bretschneider  intimates  that  Nan  and  Si  were  little 
realms  dependent  on  K'an  at  the  time  of  the  Han.  Under  the  T'ang, 
the  name  Nan  referred  to  Bukhara,  and  Si  to  TaSKend;  but  it  is  hardly 
credible  that  these  two  geographical  names  (one  does  not  see  for  what 
reason)  should  have  been  combined  into  one,  in  order  to  designate 
the  place  of  provenience  of  the  pomegranate.  It  is  preferable  to  assume 
that  $  ^5  nan  $i,  *an-sek,  an-sak,  ar-sak,  represents  a  single  name 
and  answers  to  Arsak,  the  name  of  the  Parthian  dynasty,  being  on  a 
par  with  3c  U.  nan-si,  *Ar-sik,  and  j£c  IS  nan-si,  *Ar-sai.  In  fact, 
:£:  35  is  the  best  possible  of  these  transcriptions.  We  should  expect, 
of  course,  to  receive  from  the  Chinese  a  specific  and  interesting  story  as 
to  how  and  when  this  curious  name,  which  is  unique  in  their  botanical 
nomenclature,  was  transmitted;8  but  nothing  of  the  kind  appears  to 
be  on  record,  or  the  record,  if  it  existed,  seems  to  have  been  lost.  It 
is  manifest  that  also  the  plant-name  liu  (*riu,  r'u)  presents  the  tran- 
scription of  an  Iranian  word,  and  that  the  name  in  its  entirety  was 
adopted  by  the  Chinese  from  an  Iranian  community  outside  of  Parthia, 
which  had  received  the  tree  or  shrub  from  a  Parthian  region,  and  there- 
fore styled  it  "Parthian  pomegranate."  It  is  not  likely  that  the  tree 
was  transplanted  to  China  directly  from  Parthia;  we  have  to  assume 
rather  that  the  transplantation  was  a  gradual  process,  in  which  the 

1  W.  LEITNER,  Races  and  Languages  of  Dardistan,  p.  17. 

2  It  is  not  correct,  as  asserted  by  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Chinese  Recorder,   1871, 
p.  222),  to  say  that  this  definition  emanates  from  Li  Si-gen,  who,  in  fact,  quotes 
only  the  Po  wu  £i,  and  presents  no  definition  of  his  own  except  that  the  word  liu 
means ^  liu  ("goitre");  this,  of  course,  is  not  to  be  taken  seriously.    In  Jehol,  a 
variety  of  pomegranate  is  styled  hai  $$  liu  (O.  FRANKE,  Beschreibung  des  Jehol- 
Gebietes,  p.  75);  this  means  literally,  "liu  from  the  sea,"  and  signifies  as  much  as 
"foreign  liu." 

3  Cf .  nan-si  hian  ^C  JS»  ^   ("Parthian  incense")  as  designation  for  styrax 
benzoin  (p.  464). 


THE  POMEGRANATE  285 

Iranian  colonies  outside  of  Iran  proper,  those  of  Sogdiana  and  Turkis- 
tan,  played  a  prominent  part.  We  know  the  Sogdian  word  for  the 
pomegranate,  which  is  written  n'r'kh,  and  the  reading  of  which  has 
been  reconstructed  by  R.  GAUTHiox1  in  the  form  *narak(a),  developed 
from  *anar-aka.  This  we  meet  again  in  Persian  anar,  which  was  adopted 
in  the  same  form  by  the  Mongols,  while  the  Uigur  had  it  as  nara.  At 
all  events,  however,  it  becomes  necessary  to  restore,  on  the  basis  of  the 
Chinese  transcription,  an  ancient  *riu,  *ru,  of  some  Iranian  dialect. 
This  lost  Iranian  word,  in  my  opinion,  presents  also  the  foundation  of 
Greek  /$6a  or  potd, — the  origin  of  which  has  been  hitherto  unexplained  or 
incorrectly  explained,2 — and  the  Semitic  names,  Hebrew  rimmon, 
Arabic  rummdn,  Amharic  riiman,  Syriac  rumond,  Aramaic  rummdna, 
from  which  Egyptian  arhmdni  or  anhmdnl  (Coptic  erman  or  herman) 
is  derived.3 

(4)  3?  $§  %o-liu,  *zak  (yak,  n'iak)-liu  (riu).  This  hybrid  compound, 
formed  of  elements  contained  in  2  and  3,  is  found  in  the  dictionary 
Kwan  ya  K  5S,  written  by  Can  Yi  36  Si  about  A.D.  265. 4  It  is  also 
employed  by  the  poet  P'an  Yo  of  the  fourth  century,  mentioned  above.5 
Eventually  also  this  transcription  might  ultimately  be  traced  to  an 
Iranian  prototype.  Japanese  zakuro  is  based  on  this  Chinese  form.6 

While  the  direct  historical  evidence  is  lacking,  the  Chinese  names  of 
the  tree  point  clearly  to  Iranian  languages.  Moreover,  the  tree  itself 
is  looked  upon  by  the  Chinese  as  a  foreign  product,  and  its  first  intro- 
duction into  China  appears  to  have  taken  place  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  third  century  A.D. 

In  my  opinion,  the  pomegranate-tree  was  transplanted  to  India, 

1  Essai  sur  le  vocalisme  du  sogdien,  p.  49.    Cf.  also  Armenian  nrneni  for  the 
tree  and  nurn  for  the  fruit. 

2  The  etymologies  of  the  Greek  word  enumerated  by  SCHRADER  (in  Hehn, 
Kulturpflanzen,  p.  247)  are  so  inane  and  far-fetched  that  they  do  not  merit  dis- 
cussion.   It  is  not  necessary,  of  course,  to  hold  that  an  immediate  transmission  of 
the  Persian  word  took  place,  but  we  must  look  to  a  gradual  propagation  and  to 
missing  links  by  way  of  Asia  Minor.   According  to  W.  MUSS-ARNOLT  (Transactions 
Am.  Phil.  Assoc.,  Vol.  XXIII,  1892,  p.  no),  the  Cyprian  form  ftvdla  forbids  all 
connection  with  the  Hebrew.   It  is  not  proved,  however,  that  this  dialectic  word 
has  any  connection  with  f>6a ;  it  may  very  well  be  an  independent  local  development. 

3  V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,   p.   76.    Portuguese  roma,  romeira,  from  the 
Arabic;  Anglo-Saxon  read-appel. 

4  This  is  the  date  given  by  WAITERS  (Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  38). 
BRETSCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  164)  fixes  the  date  at  about  227-240. 

5  T'an  lei  han,  Ch.  183,  p.  9. 

6  Written  also  fjj  ^§.    E.  KAEMPFER  (Amoenitates  exoticae,  p.  800)  already 
mentions  this  term  as  dsjakurjo,  vulgo  sakuro,  with  the  remark,  "Rara  est  hoc 
coelo  et  fructu  ingrato." 


286  SlNO-lRANICA 

likewise  from  Iranian  regions,  presumably  in  the  first  centuries  of 
our  era.  The  tree  is  not  mentioned  in  Vedic,  Pali,  or  early  Sanskrit 
literature;  and  the  word  ddlima,  dddima,  etc.,  is  traceable  to  Iranian 
*dulim(a),  which  we  have  to  reconstruct  on  the  basis  of  the  Chinese 
transcription.  The  Tibetans  appear  to  have  received  the  tree  from 
Nepal,  as  shown  by  their  ancient  term  bal-poi  seu-sin  ("seu  tree  of 
Nepal")-1  From  India  the  fruit  spread  to  the  Malayan  Archipelago 
and  Camboja.  Both  Cam  dalim  and  Khmer  iatim2  are  based  on  the 
Sanskrit  word..  The  variety  of  pomegranate  in  the  kingdom  of  Nan-£ao 
in  Yun-nan,  with  a  skin  as  thin  as  paper,  indicated  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa 
tsu?  may  also  have  come  from  India.  J.  ANDERSON4  mentions  pome- 
granates as  products  of  Yun-nan. 

Pomegranate-wine  was  known  throughout  the  anterior  Orient  at 
an  early  date.  It  is  pointed  out  under  the  name  asis  in  Cant.  VIII,  2 
(Vulgata:  mustum)  and  in  the  Egyptian  texts  under  the  name  $edeh-it.6 
Dioscorides8  speaks  of  pomegranate- wine  (poirrjs  olvos).  Ye-lu  C'u- 
ts'ai,  in  his  Siyulu  (account  of  his  journey  to  Persia^  1219-24),  speak- 
ing of  the  pomegranates  of  Khojand,  which  are  "as  large  as  two  fists 
and  of  a  sour-sweet  taste,"  says  that  the  juice  of  three  or  five  fruits  is 
pressed  out  into  a  vessel  and  makes  an  excellent  beverage.7  In  the 
country  Tun-sun  ©21  (Tenasserim)  there  is  a  wine-tree  resembling 
the  pomegranate;  the  juice  of  its  flowers  is  gathered  and  placed  in  jars, 
whereupon  after  several  days  it  turns  into  good  wine.8  The  inhabitants 
of  Hai-nan  made  use  of  pomegranate-flowers  in  fermenting  their  wine.9 
I  have  not  found  any  references  to  pomegranate-wine  prepared  by  the 
Chinese,  nor  is  it  known  to  me  that  they  actually  make  such  wine. 

It  is  known  that  the  pomegranate,  because  of  its  exuberant  seeds, 
is  regarded  in  China  as  an  emblem  alluding  to  numerous  progeny;  it 
has  become  an  anti-race-suicide  symbol.  The  oldest  intimation  of  this 
symbolism  looms  up  in  the  Pei  Si  4t  Jfe,  where  it  is  told  that  two  pome- 
granates were  presented  to  King  Nan-te  5£  ^  of  Ts'i  3£  on  the  occasion 

1  This  matter  has  been  discussed  by  me  in  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  pp.  408-410.    In 
Lo-lo  we  have  sa-bu-se  in  the  A-hi  dialect  and  se-bu-se  in  Nyi.  Sa  or  se  means  "grain  " 
(corresponding  to  Tibetan  sa  in  sa-bon,  "seed").    The  last  element  se  signifies 
"tree."   The  fruit  is  se-bu-ma  (ma,  "fruit"). 

2  AYMONIER  and  CABATON,  Dictionnaire  dam-franfais,  p.  220. 
8  Ch.  18,  p.  3  b. 

4  Report  on  the  Expedition  to  Western  Yunan,  p.  93  (Calcutta,  1871). 

6  V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  pp.  77,  78. 
'  v,  34- 

7  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  I,  p.  19. 

8  Lian  Su,  Ch.  54,  p.  3. 

9  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  177. 


THE  POMEGRANATE  287 

of  his  marriage  to  the  daughter  of  Li  Tsu-sou  ¥  ffi$C.  The  latter 
explained  that  the  pomegranate  encloses  many  seeds,  and  implies  the 
wish  for  many  sons  and  grandsons.  Thus  the  fruit  is  still  a  favorite 
marriage  gift  or  plays  a  r61e  in  the  marriage  feast.1  The  same  is  the 
case  in  modern  Greece.  Among  the  Arabs,  the  bride,  when  dismounting 
before  the  tent  of  the  bridegroom,  receives  a  pomegranate,  which  she 
smashes  on  the  threshold,  and  then  flings  the  seeds  into  the  interior  of 
the  tent.2  The  Arabs  would  have  a  man  like  the  pomegranate, — bitter- 
sweet, mild  and  affectionate  with  his  friends  in  security,  but  tempered 
with  a  just  anger  if  the  time  call  him  to  be  a  defender  in  his  own  or  in 
his  neighbor's  cause.3 

1  See,  for  instance,  H.  DOR£,  Recherches  sur  les  superstitions  en  Chine,  pt.  I , 
Vol.  II,  p.  479- 

2  A.  MUSIL,  Arabia  Petraea,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  191. 

8  C.  M.  DOUGHTY,  Travels  in  Arabia  Deserta,  Vol.  I,  p.  564. 


SESAME  AND  FLAX 

6.  In  A.  DE  CANDOLLE'S  book1  we  read,  "Chinese  works  seem  to 
show  that  sesame  was  not  introduced  into  China  before  the  Christian 
era.  The  first  certain  mention  of  it  occurs  in  a  book  of  the  fifth  or  sixth 
century,  entitled  Ts*i  min  yao  $u.  Before  this  there  is  confusion  between 
the  name  of  this  plant  and  that  of  flax,  of  which  the  seed  also  yields  an 
oil,  and  which  is  not  very  ancient  in  China."  Bretschneider  is  cited  as 
the  source  for  this  information.  It  was  first  stated  by  the  latter  that, 
according  to  the  Pen  ts'ao,  hu  ma  $!  K  (Sesamum  orientate)  was  brought 
by  Can  K'ien  from  Ta-yuan.2  In  his  "Botanicon  Sinicum"3  he  asserts 
positively  that  hu  ma,  or  foreign  hemp,  is  a  plant  introduced  from  west- 
ern Asia  in  the  second  century  B.C.4  The  same  dogma  is  propounded 

by  STUART.5 

All  that  there  is  to  this  theory  amounts  to  this.  T'ao  Hun-kin 
(A.D.  451-536)  is  credited  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  muQ  with  the  statement 
that  "huma  81  jft  ('hemp  of  the  Hu')  originally  grew  in  Ta-yuan 
(Fergana)  ^  ^  3^C  ^E,7  and  that  it  hence  received  the  name  hu  ma 
('Iranian  hemp')."  He  makes  no  reference  to  Can  K'ien  or  to  the  time 
when  the  introduction  must  have  taken  place;  and  to  every  one 
familiar  with  Chinese  records  the  passage  must  evoke  suspicion  through 
its  lack  of  precision  and  chronological  and  other  circumstantial  evi- 
dence. The  records  regarding  Ta-yuan  do  not  mention  hu  ma,  nor 
does  this  term  ever  occur  in  the  Annals.  Now,  T'ao  Hun-kin  was  a 
Taoist  adept,  a  drug-hunter  and  alchemist,  an  immortality  fiend;  he 
never  crossed  the  boundaries  of  his  country,  and  certainly  had  no 
special  information  concerning  Ta-yuan.  He  simply  drew  on  his 
imagination  by  arguing,  that,  because  mu-su  (alfalfa)  and  grape  sprang 

1  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  420. 

2  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  222;  adopted  by  HIRTH,  Toung  Pao,  Vol.  VI,  1895, 
p.  439,  and  maintained  again  in  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  1917,  p.  92. 

3  Pt.  II,  p.  206. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  204,  he  says,  however,  that  the  Pen  ts'ao  does  not  speak  of  flax,  and 
that  its  introduction  must  be  of  more  recent  date.   This  conflicts  with  his  statement 
above. 

5  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  404. 

6  Ch.  22,  p.  i.   Likewise  in  the  earlier  Gen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  24,  p.  I  b. 

7  This  tradition  is  reproduced  without  any  reference  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i  of 
1116  (Ch.  20,  p.  i,  ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

288 


SESAME  AND  FLAX  289 

from  Ta-yuan  (that  is,  a  Hu  country),  hu  ma  also,  being  a  Hu  plant, 
must  likewise  have  emanated  from  that  quarter.  Such  vagaries 
cannot  be  accepted  as  history.  All  that  can  be  inferred  from  the  passage 
in  question  is  that  T'ao  Hun-kin  may  have  been  familiar  with  hu  ma. 
Li  Si-Sen,  quoting  the  Mon  k*i  pi  fan  Or  §S  ¥  Ife  by  Sen  Kwa  $6  ffi1 
of  the  eleventh  century,  says,  "In  times  of  old  there  was  in  China  only 
1  great  hemp'  ta  ma  zJcftfc  (Cannabis  sativa)  growing  in  abundance. 
The  envoy  of  the  Han,  Can  K'ien,  was  the  first  to  obtain  the  seeds  of 
oil-hemp  vft  jft2  from  Ta-yuan;  hence  the  name  hu  ma  in  distinction 
from  the  Chinese  species  ta  ma."  The  Can-K'ien  tradition  is  further 
voiced  in  the  T*un  Zi  of  Cen  Tsiao  (1108-62)  of  the  Sung.3  The  T*ai 
p'in  yil  Ian*  published  in  A.D.  983,  quotes  a  Pen  fc'ao  kin  of  unknown 
date  as  saying  that  Can  K'ien  obtained  from  abroad  hu  ma  and  hu  tou.5 
This  legend,  accordingly,  appears  to  have  arisen  under  the  Sung  (A.D. 
960-1278);  that  is,  over  a  millennium  after  Can  K'ien's  lifetime.  And 
then  there  are  thinking  scholars  who  would  make  us  accept  such  stuff 
as  the  real  history  of  the  Han  dynasty! 

In  the  T'ang  period  this  legend  was  wholly  unknown:  the  T'an  Pen 
ts'ao  does  not  allude  to  any  introduction  of  hu  ma,  nor  does  this  work 
speak  of  Can  K'ien  in  this  connection. 

A  serious  book  like  the  T*u  kin  pen  fc'ao  of  Su  Sun,  which  for  the 
first  time  has  also  introduced  the  name  yu  ma  ("oil  hemp"),  says  only 
that  the  plant  originally  grew  in  the  territory  of  the  Hu,  that  in  appear- 
ance it  is  like  hemp,  and  that  hence  it  receives  the  name  hu  ma. 

Unfortunately  it  is  only  too  true  that  the  Chinese  confound  Sesamum 
indicum  (family  Pedaliaceae)  and  Linum  usitatissimum  (family  Linaceae) 
in  the  single  term  hu  ma  ("Iranian  hemp");  the  only  apparent  reason 
for  this  is  the  fact  that  the  seeds  of  both  plants  yield  an  oil  which  is  put 
to  the  same  medicinal  use.  The  two  are  totally  different  plants,  nor 
do  they  have  any  relation  to  hemp.  Philologically,  the  case  is  somewhat 
analogous  to  that  of  hu  tou  (p.  305).  It  is  most  probable  that  the  two 
are  but  naturalized  in  China  and  introduced  from  Iranian  regions,  for 
both  plants  are  typically  ancient  West- Asiatic  cultivations.  The  alleged 
wild  sesame  of  China6  is  doubtless  an  escape  from  cultivation. 

1  This  is  the  author  wrongly  called  "Ch'en  Ts'ung-chung  "  by  BRETSCHNEIDER 
(Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  p.  377).   Ts'un-c"un  ^  tf*  is  his  hao. 

2  A  synonyme  of  hu  ma. 

3  Ch.  75,  p.  33. 
4Ch.  841,  p.  6b. 

5  See  below,  p.  305. 

6  FORBES  and  HEMSLEY,  Journal  Linnean  Soc.,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  236. 


2QO  SlNO-lRANICA 

Herodotus1  emphasizes  that  the  only  oil  used  by  the  Babylonians 
is  made  from  sesame.  Sesame  is  also  mentioned  among  their  products 
by  the  Babylonian  priest  Berosus  (fourth  century  B.C.).2 

Aelius  Callus,  a  member  of  the  Equestrian  order,  carried  the  Roman 
arms  into  Arabia,  and  brought  back  from  his  expedition  the  report  that 
the  Nomades  (nomads)  live  on  milk  and  the  flesh  of  wild  animals,  and 
that  the  other  peoples,  like  the  Indians,  express  a  wine  from  palms  and 
oil  from  sesame.3  According  to  Pliny,  sesame  comes  from  India,  where 
they  make  an  oil  from  it,  the  color  of  the  seeds  being  white.4  Both  the 
seeds  and  the  oil  were  largely  employed  in  Roman  pharmacology.5 
Megasthenes6  mentions  the  cultivation  of  sesame  in  India.  It  likewise 
occurs  in  the  Atharva  Veda  and  in  the  Institutes  of  Manu  (Sanskrit 
tila)*  A.  DE  CANDOLLE'S  view8  that  it  was  introduced  into  India  from 
the  Sunda  Isles  in  prehistoric  times,  is  untenable.  This  theory  is  based 
on  a  purely  linguistic  argument:  "Rumphius  gives  three  names  for 
the  sesame  in  these  islands,  very  different  one  from  the  other,  and  from 
the  Sanskrit  word,  which  supports  the  theory  of  a  more  ancient  existence 
in  the  archipelago  than  on  the  continent."  This  alleged  evidence  proves 
nothing  whatever  for  the  history  of  the  plant,  but  is  merely  a  fact  of 
language.9  There  can  now  be  no  doubt  that  from  a  botanical  viewpoint 
the  home  of  the  genus  is  in  tropical  Africa,  where  twelve  species  occur, 
while  there  are  only  two  in  India.10 

In  the  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,11  a  Sanskrit  synonyme  of  "sesame"  is  given  as 
PU  $1  @  &  flW  a-t'i-mu-to-k'ie,  *a-di-muk-ta-g'a,  i.e.,  Sanskrit  adhi- 
muktaka,  which  is  identified  with  ku-$en  (see  below)  and  hu-ma.  An 
old  gloss  explains  the  term  as  "the  foreign  flower  of  pious  thoughtful- 
ness"  (San  se  i  hwa  8  &  Jl  U),  an  example  of  which  is  the  lighting  of 
a  lamp  fed  with  the  oil  oC  three  flowers  (sandal,  soma,  and  campaka 
\Michelia  champaca])  and  the  placing  of  this  lamp  on  the  altar  of  the 

1 1,  193- 

2  MULLER,  Fragmenta  historiae  graecae,  Vol.  II,  p.  496.  Regarding  Egypt, 
see  V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  p.  57. 

8  Pliny,  vi,  28,  §161. 

4  Sesama  ab  Indis  venit.  Ex  ea  et  oleum  faciunt;  colos  eius  candidus  (xvin, 
22,  §96). 

8  Pliny,  XXH,  64,  §132. 

•  Strabo,  XV.  i,  13. 

7  JORET,  Plantes  dans  I'antiquit^,  Vol.  II,  p.  269. 

8  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  422. 

9  The  Malayan  languages  possess  a  common  name  for  Sesamum  indicum: 
Javanese  and  Malayan  lena,  Batak  lona,  Cam  lend  or  land;  Khmer  lono. 

10  A.  ENGLER,  Pflanzenfamilien,  Vol.  IV,  pt.  3  b,  p.  262. 

11  Ch.  8,  p.  6  (see  above,  p.  254). 


SESAME  AND  FLAX  291 

Triratna.1  From  the  application  of  adhimuktdka  it  becomes  self-evident 
also  that  sesame-oil  must  be  included  in  this  series.  The  frequent 
mention  of  this  oil  for  sacred  lamps  is  familiar  to  all  readers  of  the 
Buddhist  Jataka.  The  above  Sanskrit-Chinese  Dictionary  adds  the 
following  comment:  "This  plant  is  in  appearance  like  the  'great  hemp* 
(Cannabis  sativa).  It  has  red  flowers  and  green  leaves.  Its  seeds  can 
be  made  into  oil;  also  they  yield  an  aromatic.  According  to  the  Tsun 
kin  yin  nie  lun  §?  H  31  JR  ffe,  sesame  (ku-$en)  is  originally  charcoal, 
and,  while  for  a  long  time  buried  in  the  soil,  will  change  into  sesame. 
In  the  western  countries  (India)  it  is  customary  in  anointing  the  body 
with  fragrant  oil  to  use  first  aromatic  flowers  and  then  to  take  sesame- 
seeds.  These  are  gathered  and  soaked  till  thoroughly  bright;  afterwards 
they  proceed  to  press  the  oil  out  of  the  sesame,  which  henceforth  be- 
comes fragrant." 

Of  greater  importance  for  our  purpose  is  the  antiquity  of  sesame  in 
Iran.  According  to  Herodotus2,  it  was  cultivated  by  the  Chorasmians, 
Hyrcanians,  Parthians,  Sarangians,  and  Thamanaeans.  In  Persia 
sesame-oil  was  known  at  least  from  the  time  of  the  first  Achaemenides.3 
G.  WATT*  even  looks  to  Persia  and  Central  Asia  as  the  home  of  the 
species;  he  suggests  that  it  was  probably  first  cultivated  somewhere 
between  the  Euphrates  valley  and  Bukhara  south  to  Afghanistan  and 
upper  India,  and  was  very  likely  diffused  into  India  proper  and  the 
Archipelago,  before  it  found  its  way  to  Egypt  and  Europe. 

Sesamum  indicum  (var.  subindiwswn  Dl.)  is  cultivated  in  Russian 
Turkistan  and  occupies  there  the  first  place  among  the  oil-producing 
plants.  It  thrives  in  the  warmest  parts  of  the  valley  of  Fergana,  and 
does  not  go  beyond  an  elevation  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  feet. 
It  is  chiefly  cultivated  in  the  districts  of  Namanga  and  Andijan,  though 
not  in  large  quantity.5  Its  Persian  name  is  kunjut. 

While  there  is  no  doubt  that  this  species  was  introduced  into  China 
from  Iranian  regions,  the  time  as  to  when  this  introduction  took  place 
remains  obscure.  First,  there  is  no  historical  and  dependable  record 
of  this  event;  second,  the  confusion  brought  about  by  the  Chinese  in 
treating  this  subject  is  almost  hopeless.  Take  the  earliest  notice  of 
hu  ma  cited  by  the  Pen  ts'ao  and  occurring  in  the  Pie  lu:  "Hu  ma  is 
also  called  ku-$en  E  0.  It  grows  on  the  rivers  and  in  the  marshes  of 

1  Cf .  EITEL,  Handbook  of  Chinese  Buddhism,  p.  4. 

2  HI,  117. 

3  JORET,  op.  cit.t  Vol.  II,  p.  71.    Sesame  is  mentioned  in  Pahlavi  literature 
(above,  p.  193). 

4  Gingelly  or  Sesame  Oil,  p.  n  (Handbooks  of  Commercial  Products,  No.  21). 

5  S.  KORZINSKI,  Vegetation  of  Turkistan  (in  Russian),  p.  50. 


292  SlNO-lRANICA 

San-tan  Ji  J£  (south-eastern  portion  of  San-si),  and  is  gathered  in  the 
autumn.  What  is  called  ts*in  %an  W  j|  are  the  sprouts  of  the  ku-sen. 
They  grow  in  the  river-valleys  of  Gun-yuan  41  $K  (Ho-nan)."  Nothing 
is  said  here  about  a  foreign  introduction  or  a  cultivation;  on  the  con- 
trary, the  question  evidently  is  of  an  indigenous  wild  swamp-plant, 
possibly  Mulgedium  sibiriacum.1  Both  Sesamum  and  Linum  are  thor- 
oughly out  of  the  question,  for  they  grow  in  dry  loam,  and  sesame  espe- 
cially in  sandy  soil.  Thus  suspicion  is  ripe  that  the  terms  hu  ma  and 
ku-sen  originally  applied  to  an  autochthonous  plant  of  San-si  and 
Ho-nan,  and  that  hu  ma  in  this  case  moves  on  the  same  line  as  the  term 
hu  Sen  in  the  Li  sao  (p.  195).  This  suspicion  is  increased  by  the  fact 
that  hu  ma  occurs  in  a  passage  ascribed  to  Hwai-nan-tse,  who  died  in 
122  B.C.,  and  cited  in  the  T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian?  Moreover,  the  Wu  si  (or 
p*u)  pen  ts'ao,  written  in  the  first  half  of  the  third  century  by  Wu  P'u 
^  If,  in  describing  hu  ma,  alludes  to  the  mythical  Emperor  Sen-nun 
and  to  Lei  kun  If  &,  a  sage  employed  by  the  Emperor  Hwan  in  his 
efforts  to  perfect  the  art  of  healing. 

The  meaning  of  kit-Sen  is  "the  great  superior  one."  The  later  authors 
regard  the  term  as  a  variety  of  Sesamum,  but  give  varying  definitions 
of  it:  thus,  T'ao  Hun-kin  states  that  the  kind  with  a  square  stem  is 
called  kit-Sen  (possibly  Mulgedium),  that  with  a  round  stem  hu  ma. 
Su  Kun  of  the  T'ang  says  that  the  plant  with  capsules  (kio  ft )  of  eight 
ridges  or  angles  (pa  len  A  IS)  is  called  kii-$en;  that  with  quadrangular 
capsules,  hu  ma.  The  latter  definition  would  refer  to  Sesamum  indicum, 
the  capsule  of  which  is  oblong  quadrangular,  two-valved  and  two-celled, 
each  cell  containing  numerous  oily  seeds. 

Mori  Sen  J!L  fJfc,  in  his  Si  liao  pen  fsao  (written  in  the  second  half 
of  the  seventh  century),  observes  that  "the  plants  cultivated  in  fertile 
soil  produce  octangular  capsules,  while  those  planted  in  mountainous 
fields  have  the  capsules  quadrangular,  the  distinction  arising  from  the 
difference  of  soil  conditions,  whereas  the  virtues  of  the  two  varieties  are 
identical.  Again,  Lei  Hiao  IS  ¥5C  of  the  fifth  century  asserts  that 
ku-sen  is  genuine,  when  it  has  seven  ridges  or  angles,  a  red  color,  and 
a  sour  taste,  but  that  it  is  erroneous  to  style  hu  ma  the  octangular 
capsules  with  two  pointed  ends,  black  in  color,  and  furnishing  a  black  oil. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  in  these  varying  descriptions  entirely  different 
plants  are  visualized.  Kao  C'en  of  the  Sung,  in  his  Si  wu  ki  yuan? 

1  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  269.    This  identification,  however,  is 
uncertain. 

2  Ch.  989,  p.  6  b. 

3  Ch.  10,  p.  29  b  (see  above,  p.  279). 


SESAME  AND  FLAX  293 

admits  that  it  is  unknown  what  the  hu  ma  spoken  of  in  the  Pen-ts*ao 
literature  really  is. 

I  have  also  prepared  a  translation  of  Li  Si-cen's  text  on  the  subject, 
which  Bretschneider  refrained  from  translating;  but,  as  there  are  several 
difficult  botanical  points  which  I  am  unable  to  elucidate,  I  prefer  to 
leave  this  subject  to  a  competent  botanist.  In  substance  Li  Si-cen 
understands  by  hu  ma  the  sesame,  as  follows  from  his  use  of  the  modern 
term  ci  ma  Bit  $jt.  He  says  that  there  are  two  crops,  an  early  and  a  late 
one,1  with  black,  white,  or  red  seeds;  but  how  he  can  state  that  the 
stems  are  all  square  is  unintelligible.  The  criticism  of  the  statements 
of  his  predecessors  occupies  much  space,  but  I  do  not  see  that  it  enlight- 
ens us  much.  The  best  way  out  of  this  difficulty  seems  to  me  Stuart's 
suggestion  that  the  Chinese  account  confounds  Sesamum,  Linum, 
and  Mulgedium.  The  Japanese  naturalist  Ono  Ranzan2  is  of  the  same 
opinion.  He  says  that  there  is  no  variety  of  sesame  with  red  seed,  as 
asserted  by  Li  Si-£en  (save  that  the  black  seeds  of  sesame  are  reddish 
in  the  immature  stage),  and  infers  that  this  is  a  species  of  Linum  which 
always  produces  red  seeds  exclusively.  Ono  also  states  that  there  is  a 
close  correlation  between  the  color  of  the  seeds  and  the  angles  of  the 
capsules:  a  white  variety  will  always  produce  two  or  four-angled  cap- 
sules, while  hexangular  and  octangular  capsules  invariably  contain  only 
black  seeds.  Whether  or  in  how  far  this  is  correct  I  do  not  know.  The 
confusion  of  Sesamum  and  Linum  arose  from  the  common  name  hu  ma, 
but  unfortunately  proves  that  the  Chinese  botanists,  or  rather  pharma- 
cists, were  bookworms  to  a  much  higher  degree  than  observers;  for  it 
is  almost  beyond  comprehension  how  such  radically  distinct  plants 
can  be  confounded  by  any  one  who  has  even  once  seen  them.  In  view 
of  this  disconsolate  situation,  the  historian  can  only  beg  to  be  excused. 

7.  It  is  a  point  of  great  culture-historical  interest  that  the  Chinese 
have  never  utilized  the  flax-fibre  in  the  manufacture  of  textiles,  but 
that  hemp  has  always  occupied  this  place  from  the  time  of  their 
earliest  antiquity.3  This  is  one  of  the  points  of  fundamental  diversity 
between  East-Asiatic  and  Mediterranean  civilizations, —  there  hemp, 
and  here  flax,  as  material  for  clothing.  There  are,  further,  two  important 
facts  to  be  considered  in  this  connection, —  first,  that  the  Aryans 

1  In  S.  COULING'S  Encyclopaedia  Sinica  (p.  504)  it  is  stated  that  in  China  there  is 
only  one  crop,  but  late  and  early  varieties  exist. 

2  Honzo  komoku  keimo,  Ch.  18,  p.  2.    . 

3  In  a  subsequent  study  on  the  plants  and  agriculture  of  the  Indo-Chinese,  I 
hope  to  demonstrate  that  the  Indo-Chinese  nations,  especially  the  Chinese  and 
Tibetans,  possess  a  common  designation  for  "hemp,"  and  that  hemp  has  been 
cultivated  by  them  in  a  prehistoric  age.    There  also  the  history  of  hemp  will  be 
discussed. 


294  SlNO-lRANICA 

(Iranians  and  Indo- Aryans)  possess  an  identical  word  for  "hemp"  (Avestan 
bangha,  Sanskrit  bhangd),  while  the  European  languages  have  a  distinct 
designation,  which  is  presumably  a  loan-word  pointing  to  Finno-Ugrian 
and  Turkish;  and,  second,  that  there  is  a  common  Old-Turkish  word 
for  "hemp"  of  the  type  kandir,  which  stands  in  some  relation  to  the 
Finno-Ugrian  appellations.1  It  is  most  likely  that  the  Scythians  brought 
hemp  from  Asia  to  Europe.2  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  well  known  what 
vital  importance  flax  and  linen  claimed  in  the  life  of  the  Egyptians 
and  the  classical  peoples.3  Flax  is  the  typically  European,  hemp  the 
typically  Asiatic  textile.  Surely  Linum  usitatissimum  was  known  in 
ancient  Iran  and  India.  It  was  and  is  still  wild  in  the  districts  included 
between  the  Persian  Gulf,  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  the  Black  Sea.4  It 
was  probably  introduced  into  India  from  Iran,  but  neither  in  India  nor 
in  Iran  was  the  fibre  ever  used  for  garments:  the  plant  was  only  culti- 
vated as  a  source  of  linseed  and  linseed-oil.5  Only  a  relatively  modern 
utilization  of  flax-fibres  for  weaving  is  known  from  a  single  locality  in 
Persia, — Kazirun,  in  the  province  of  Fars.  This  account  dates  from  the 
beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  the  detailed  description 
given  of  the  process  testifies  to  its  novelty  and  exceptional  character.6 
This  exception  confirms  the  rule.  The  naturalization  of  Linum  in  China, 
of  course,  is  far  earlier  than  the  fourteenth  century.  As  regards  the 
utilization  of  Linum,  the  Chinese  fall  in  line  with  Iranians  and  Indo- 
Aryans;  and  it  is  from  Iranians  that  they  received  the  plant.  The 
case  is  a  clear  index  of  the  fact  that  the  Chinese  never  were  in  direct 
contact  with  the  Mediterranean  culture-area,  and  that  even  such  culti- 
vated plants  of  this  area  as  reached  them  were  not  transmitted  from 
there  directly,  but  solely  through  the  medium  of  Iranians.  The  case 
is  further  apt  to  illustrate  how  superficial,  from  the  viewpoint  of  tech- 
nical culture,  the  influence  of  the  Greeks  on  the  Orient  must  have 
been  since  Alexander's  campaign,  as  an  industry  like  flax-weaving 
was  not  promoted  by  them,  although  the  material  was  offered  there 
by  nature. 

For  botanical  reasons  it  is  possible  that  Linum  usitatissimum  was 
introduced  into  China  from  Fergana.  There  it  is  still  cultivated,  and 
only  for  the  exclusive  purpose  of  obtaining  oil  from  the  seeds.7  As  has 

1  Z.  GOMBOCZ,  Bulgarisch-turkische  Lehnworter,  p.  92. 

2  Cf.  for  the  present,  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  148. 
8  Pliny,  xix,  1-3;  H.  BLTJMNER,  Technologic,  Vol.  I,  2d  ed.,  p.  191. 

4  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  130. 

*  See  the  interesting  discussion  of  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  721. 

6  G.  LE  STRANGE,  Description  of  the  Province  of  Fars  in  Persia,  p.  55. 

7  S.  KORZINSKI,  Vegetation  of  Turkistan  (in  Russian),  p.  51. 


SESAME  AND  FLAX  295 

been  pointed  out,  the  plant  is  indigenous  also  in  northern  Persia,  and 
must  have  been  cultivated  there  from  ancient  times,  although  we  have 
no  information  on  this  point  from  either  native  documents  or  Greek 
authors.1 

BRETSCHNEiDER2  says  that  "flax  was  unknown  to  the  ancient 
Chinese;  it  is  nowadays  cultivated  in  the  mountains  of  northern  China 
(probably  also  in  other  parts)  and  in  southern  Mongolia,  but  only  for 
the  oil  of  its  seeds,  not  for  its  fibres;  the  Chinese  call  it  hu  ma  ('foreign 
hemp');  the  Pen  ts'ao  does  not  speak  of  it;  its  introduction  must  be  of 
more  recent  date."  This  is  erroneous.  The  Pen  ts*ao  includes  this 
species  under  the  ambiguous  term  hu  ma;  and,  although  the  date  of  the 
introduction  cannot  be  ascertained,  the  event  seems  to  have  taken 
place  in  the  first  centuries  of  our  era. 

At  present,  the  designation  hu  ma  appears  to  refer  solely  to  flax. 
A,  HENRY*  states  under  this  heading,  "This  is  flax  (Linum  usitatis- 
simum), which  is  cultivated  in  San-si,  Mongolia,  and  the  mountainous 
parts  of  Hu-pei  and  Se-S'wan.  In  the  last  two  provinces,  from  personal 
observation,  flax  would  seem  to  be  entirely  cultivated  for  the  seeds, 
which  are  a  common  article  in  Chinese  drug-shops,  and  are  used  locally 
for  their  oil,  utilized  for  cooking  and  lighting  purposes."  In  another 
paper,4  the  same  author  states  that  Linum  usitatissimum  is  called  at 
Yi-c'afi,  Se-S'wan,  San  Zi  ma  tfj  Ba5  K  ("mountain  sap-hemp"),  and 
that  it  is  cultivated  in  the  mountains  of  the  Patufi  district,  not  for  the 
fibre,  but  for  the  oil  which  the  seed  yields. 

Chinese  hu  ma  has  passed  into  Mongol  as  xuma  (khuma)  with  the 
meaning  "sesame,"6  and  into  Japanese  as  goma,  used  only  in  the  sense 
of  Sesamum  indicum?  while  Linum  usitatissimum  is  in  Japanese  ama 
or  i&nen-ama* 

Yao  Min-hwi  $fc  ^  J¥,  in  his  book  on  Mongolia  (Mon-ku  &'),* 
mentions  hu  ma  among  the  products  of  that  country.  There  are  several 
wild-growing  species  of  Linum  in  northern  China  and  Japan, —  ya  ma 

1  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquitS,  Vol.  II,  p.  69. 

2  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  p.  204. 

8  Chinese  Jute,  p.  6  (publication  of  the  Chinese  Maritime  Customs,  Shanghai, 
1891). 

4  Chinese  Names  of  Plants,  p.  239  (Journal  China  Branch  Royal  As.  Soc.t 
Vol.  XXII,  1887). 

6  The  popular  writing  ^,  according  to  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,  is  incorrect. 

6  KOVALEVSKI,  Dictionnaire  mongol,  p.  934. 

7  MATSUMURA,  No.  2924. 

8  Ibid.,  No.  1839. 

8  Ch.  3,  p.  41  (Shanghai,  1907). 


2Q6  SlNO-lRANICA 

55  Jtt  (Japanese  nume-goma  or  aka-goma),  Linum  perenne,  and  Japanese 
matsuba-ninjin  or  matsuba-nade&ko,  Linum  possarioides.1  FORBES  and 
HEMSLEY,2  moreover,  enumerate  Linum  nutans  for  Kan-su,  and  L. 
stelleroides  for  Ci-li,  San-tun,  Manchuria,  and  the  Korean  Archipelago. 
In  northern  China,  Linum  sativum  (San-si  hu  ma  tfj  15  iK  Jfit )  is 
cultivated  for  the  oil  of  its  seeds.3 

1  MATSUMURA,  Nos.  1837,  1838;  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  242. 

2  Journal  Linnean  Soc.,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  95. 

8  This  species  is  figured  and  described  in  the  £i  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao. 


THE  CORIANDER 

8.  The  Po  wu  &',  faithful  to  its  tendencies  regarding  other  Iranian 
plants,  generously  permits  General  Can  K'ien  to  have  also  brought  back 
from  his  journey  the  coriander,  hu  swi  $J  I?  (Coriandrum  sativnm).1 
Li  Si-£en,  and  likewise  K'an-hi's  Dictionary,  repeat  this  statement 
without  reference  to  the  Po  wu  &';2  and  of  course  the  credulous  com- 
munity of  the  Changkienides  has  religiously  sworn  to  this  dogma.3 
Needless  to  say  that  nothing  of  the  kind  is  contained  in  the  General's 
biography  or  in  the  Han  Annals.4  The  first  indubitable  mention  of  the 
plant  is  not  earlier  than  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  A.D.;  that 
is,  about  six  centuries  after  the  General's  death,  and  this  makes  some 
difference  to  the  historian.5  The  first  Pen  ts'ao  giving  the  name  hu-swi 
is  the  Si  liao  pen  ts'ao,  written  by  Mori  Sen  in  the  seventh  century, 
followed  by  the  Pen  ts'ao  &  i  of  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  in  the  first  half  of  the 
eighth  century.  None  of  these  authors  makes  any  observation  on 
foreign  introduction.  In  the  literature  on  agriculture,  the  cultivation 
of  the  coriander  is  first  described  in  the  Ts*i  min  yao  $u  of  the  sixth 
century,  where,  however,  nothing  is  said  about  the  origin  of  the  plant 
from  abroad. 

An  interesting  reference  to  the  plant  occurs  in  the  Buddhist  dic- 
tionary Yi  ts'ie  kin  yin  i  (I.e.),  where  several  variations  for  writing 

1  This  passage  is  not  a  modern  interpolation,  but  is  of  ancient  date,  as  it  is  cited 
in  the  Yi  ts'ie  kin  yin  i,  Ch.  24,  p.  2  (regarding  this  work,  see  above,  p.  258).  Whether 
it  was  contained  in  the  original  edition  of  the  Po  wu  £i,  remains  doubtful. 

2  Under  ]$}  ("garlic")  K'an-hi  cites  the  dictionary  Tan  yiin,  published  by  Sun 
Mien  in  A.D.  750,  as  saying  that  the  coriander  is  due  to  Can  K'ien. 

3  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  221,  where  the  term  hu-swi  is 
wrongly  identified  with  parsley,  and  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  I,  p.  25;  HIRTH,  T'oung  Pao, 
Vol.  VI,  1895,  p.  439. 

4  The  coriander  is  mentioned  in  several  passages  of  the  Kin  kwei  yao  lio  by 
the  physician  Can  Cun-km  of  the  second  century  A.D.;  but,  as  stated  above  (p.  205), 
there  is  no  guaranty  that  these  passages  belonged  to  the  original  edition  of  the 
work.    "To  eat  pork  together  with  raw  coriander  rots  away  the  navel"  (Ch.  c, 
p.  23  b).   "In  the  fourth  and  eighth  months  do  not  eat  coriander,  for  it  injures  the 
intellect "  (ibid.,  p.  28).   "Coriander  eaten  for  a  long  time  makes  man  very  forgetful; 
a    patient   must   not   eat    coriander    or    hwan-hwa    ts'ai  31  ^£  £f|    (Lampsana 
apogonoides),"  ibid.,  p.  29. 

6  An  incidental  reference  to  hu  swi  is  made  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  in 
the  description  of  the  plant  Man  er  (see  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II, 
No.  438),  and  ascribed  to  Lu  Ki,  who  lived  in  the  latter  part  of  the  third  century 
A.D.  In  my  opinion,  this  reading  is  merely  due  to  a  misprint,  as  there  is  preserved  no 
description  of  the  hu-swi  by  Lu  Ki. 

297 


298  SlNO-lRANICA 

the  character  swi  are  given,  also  the  synonymes  hian  is* at  ^  3£ 
("fragrant  vegetable")  and  hian  sun  ^  H.1  In  Kian-nan  the  plant 
was  styled  hu  swi  ffl  |g,  also  hu  ki  ffi  ||,  the  pronunciation  of  the 
latter  character  being  explained  by  JfiS  k*iy  *gi.  The  coriander  belongs 
to  the  five  vegetables  of  strong  odor  (p.  303)  forbidden  to  the  geomancers 
and  Taoist  monks.2 

I  have  searched  in  vain  for  any  notes  on  the  plant  that  might 
elucidate  its  history  or  introduction;  but  such  do  not  seem  to  exist, 
not  even  in  the  various  Pen  ts'ao.  As  regards  the  Annals,  I  found  only 
a  single  mention  in  the  Wu  Tai  &,3  where  the  coriander  is  enumerated 
among  the  plants  cultivated  by  the  Uigur.  In  tracing  its  foreign  origin, 
we  are  thrown  back  solely  on  the  linguistic  evidence. 

The  coriander  was  known  in  Iran:  it  is  mentioned  in  the  Bundahisn.4 
Its  medical  properties  are  discussed  in  detail  by  Abu  Mansur  in  his 
Persian  pharmacopoeia.5  SCHLIMMER*  observes,  "Se  cultive  presque 
partout  en  Perse  comme  plante  potagere;  les  indigenes  le  croient 
antiaphrodisiaque  et  plus  spe*cialement  aneantissant  les  ejections."  It 
occurs  also  in  Fergana.7  It  was  highly  appreciated  by  the  Arabs  in  their 
pharmacopoeia,  as  shown  by  the  long  extract  devoted  to  it  by  Ibn 
al-Baitar.8  In  India  it  is  cultivated  during  the  cold  season.  The  San- 
skrit names  which  have  been  given  on  p.  284,  mean  simply  "  grain," 
and  are  merely  attributes,9  not  proper  designations  of  the  plant,  for 
which  in  fact  there  is  no  genuine  Sanskrit  word.  As  will  be  seen  below, 
Sanskrit  kustumburu  is  of  Iranian  origin;  and  there  is  no  doubt  in  my 
mind  that  the  plant  came  to  India  from  Iran,  in  the  same  manner  as 
it  appears  to  have  spread  from  Iran  to  China. 

SB  15  or  |g  hu-swi,  *ko(go)-swi  (su),  appears  to  be  the  transcription 
of  an  Iranian  form  *koswi,  koswi,  goswi.  Cf.  Middle  Persian  go$niz; 

1  Two  dictionaries,  the  Tse  yuan  ^  $B  and  Yiin  Ho  ^  Vtfe,  are  quoted  in  this 
text,  but  their  date  is  not  known  to  me.  As  stated  in  the  Pen  ts*  ao  si  i  and  Si  wu  ki  yuan 
(Ch.  10,  p.  30;  above,  p.  279),  the  change  from  hu  swi  to  hian  swi  was  dictated  by  a  taboo 
imposed  by  Si  Lo  ^  Ipj  (A.D.  273-333),  who  was  himself  a  Hu  (cf.  below, 
p.  300) ;  but  we  have  no  contemporaneous  account  to  this  effect,  and  the  attempt 
at  explanation  is  surely  retrospective. 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  26,  p.  6  b;  and  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  28. 

8  Ch.  74,  P-  4- 

4  Above,  p.  192. 

5  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  112. 

6  Terminologie,  p.  156. 

T  S.  KORZINSKI,  Vegetation  of  Turkistan  (in  Russian),  p.  51. 

8  L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  170-174. 

9  Such  are  also  the  synonymes  sukftnapatra,  tikfnapatra,  tikjnaphala  ("with 
leaves  or  fruits  of  sharp  taste"). 


THE  CORTANDER  299 


New  Persian  ki$niz,  ku§niz,  and  gi$niz,  also  Suniz-,1  Kurd  ksnis  or 
Turkish  ki$ni$;  Russian  ktinets;  Aramaic  kusbarta  and  kusbar  (Hebrew 
gad,  Punic  yol5,  are  unconnected),  Arabic  kozbera  or  kosberet;  Sanskrit 
kustumburu  and  kustumbari;  Middle  and  Modern  Greek  Kowfiapas* 
and  KLavvrjT^i. 

According  to  the  Hut  k'ian  a,  the  coriander  is  called  in  Turkistan 
(that  is,  in  Turk!)  yun-ma-su  3K  M  3if  . 

It  is  commonly  said  that  the  coriander  is  indigenous  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  Caucasian  regions  (others  say  southern  Europe,  the  Levant, 
etc.),  but  it  is  shown  by  the  preceding  notes  that  Iran  should  be  included 
in  this  definition.  I  do  not  mean  to  say,  however,  that  Iran  is  the  ex- 
clusive and  original  home  of  the  plant.  Its  antiquity  in  Egypt  and  in 
Palestine  cannot  be  called  into  doubt.  It  has  been  traced  in  tombs  of 
the  twenty-second  dynasty  (960-800  B.C.),8  and  Pliny4  states  that  the 
Egyptian  coriander  is  the  best.  In  Iran  the  cultivation  seems  to  have 
been  developed  to  a  high  degree;  and  the  Iranian  product  was  propa- 
gated in  all  directions,  —  in  China,  India,  anterior  Asia,  and  Russia. 

The  Tibetan  name  for  the  coriander,  M-SU,  may  be  connected  with 
or  derived  from  Chinese  hu-sui.  L.  A.  WADDELLB  saw  the  plant  culti- 
vated in  a  valley  near  Lhasa.  It  is  also  cultivated  in  Siam.6 

Coriander  was  well  known  in  Britain  prior  to  the  Norman  Con- 
quest, and  was  often  employed  in  ancient  Welsh  and  English  medicine 
and  cookery.7  Its  Anglo-Saxon  name  is  cellendre,  coliandre,  going  back 
to  Greek  koridndron,  koriannon. 

1  Another  Persian  word  is  bughunj.   According  to  STEINGASS  (Persian  Diction- 
ary), talki  or  tdlgi  denotes  a  "wild  coriander." 

2  The  second  element  of  the  Arabic,  Sanskrit,  and  Greek  words  seems  to  bear 
some  relation  to  Coptic  bersiu,  beresu  (V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  p.  72).    In 
Greece,  coriander  is  still  cultivated,  but  only  sparsely,  near  TJieben,  Corinth,  and 
Cyparissia  (Tn.  v.  HELDREICH,  Nutzpflanzen  Griechenlands,  p.  41). 

3  V.  LORET,  op.  cit.,  p.  72;  F.  WOENIG,  Pflanzen  im  alten  Aegypten,  p.  225. 

4  xx,  20,  §82. 

5  Lhasa,  p.  316. 

'  PALLEGOIX,  Description  du  royaume  thai,  Vol.  I,  p.  126. 
7  FUteKiGER  and  HANBURY,  Pharmacographia,  p.  329. 


THE  CUCUMBER 

9.  Another  dogma  of  the  Changkienomaniacs  is  that  the  renowned 
General  should  have  also  blessed  his  countrymen  with  the  introduction 
of  the  cucumber  (Cucumis  sativus),  styled  hu  kwa  $3  jR  ("Iranian 
melon")  or  hwan  kwa  !lt  JR  ("yellow  melon").1  The  sole  document 
on  which  this  opinion  is  based  is  presented  by  the  recent  work  of  Li 
Si-6en,2  who  hazards  this  bold  statement  without  reference  to  any  older 
authority.  Indeed,  such  an  earlier  source  does  not  exist:  this  bit  of 
history  is  concocted  ad  hoc,  and  merely  suggested  by  the  name  hu  kwa. 
Any  plants  formed  with  the  attribute  hu  were  ultimately  palmed  off  on 
the  old  General  as  the  easiest  way  out  of  a  difficult  problem,  and  as  a 
comfortable  means  of  saving  further  thought. 

Li  Si-5en  falls  back  upon  two  texts  only  of  the  T'ang  period, —  the 
Pen  ts'ao  Si  i,  which  states  that  the  people  of  the  north,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  name  of  Si  Lo  15  Si  (A.D.  273-333),  who  was  of  Hu  descent,  tabooed 
the  term  hu  kwa,  and  replaced  it  by  hwan  kwa;3  and  the  Si  i  lu  Jn'SLUfc 
by  Tu  Pao  tt  5K,  who  refers  this  taboo  to  the  year  608  (fourth  year 
of  the  period  Ta-ye  of  the  Sui  dynasty).4  If  this  information  be  correct, 
we  gain  a  chronological  clew  as  to  the  terminus  a  quo:  the  cucumber 
appears  to  have  been  in  China  prior  to  the  sixth  century  A.D.  Its  culti- 
vation is  alluded  to  in  the  Ts*i  min  yao  $u  from  the  beginning  of  the 
sixth  century,  provided  this  is  not  an  interpolation  of  later  times.6 

According  to  ENGLER/  the  home  of  the  cucumber  would  most  prob- 

1  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  21  (accordingly  adopted  by 
DE  CANDOLLE,  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  266);  STUART,  Chinese  Materia 
Medica,  p.  135.  In  Japanese,  the  cucumber  is  ki-uri. 

*  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  28,  p.  5  b. 

1  A  number  of  other  plant-names  was  hit  by  this  taboo  (cf .  above,  p.  298) :  thus 
the  plant  lo-lo  jft  1$)  (Ocimum  basilicum),  which  bears  the  same  character  as  Si  Lo's 
personal  name,  as  already  indicated  in  the  Ts'i  min  yao  Su  (see  also  Si  wu  ki  yuan, 
Ch.  10,  p.  30  b;  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  5,  p.  34;  and  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  26, 
p.  22  b).  He  is  said  to  have  also  changed  the  name  of  the  myrobalan  ho-li-lo  (below, 
p.  378)  into  ho-tse  fpf  -J*.  There  is  room  for  doubt,  however,  whether  any  of  these 
plants  existed  in  the  China  of  his  time;  the  taboo  explanations  may  be  makeshifts 
of  later  periods. 

4  This  is  the  Ta  ye  Si  i  lu  (Records  relative  to  the  Ta-ye  period,  605-618), 
mentioned  by  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  195),  The  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu 
(Ch.  22,  p.  i)  quotes  the  same  work  again  on  the  taboo  of  the  term  hu  ma  (p.  288), 
which  in  608  was  changed  into  kiao  ma  ^  jpfrjc. 

6  Cf.  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  5,  p.  43. 

8  In  Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  323. 

300 


THE  CUCUMBER  301 

ably  be  in  India;  and  WATT1  observes,  "There  seems  to  be  no  doubt 
that  one  at  least  of  the  original  homes  of  the  cucumber  was  in  North 
India,  and  its  cultivation  can  be  traced  to  the  most  ancient  classic  times 
of  Asia."  DE  CANDOLLE2  traces  the  home  of  the  plant  to  northwestern 
India.  I  am  not  yet  convinced  of  the  correctness  of  this  theory,  as  the 
historical  evidence  in  favor  of  India,  as  usual  in  such  cases,  is  weak;3 
and  the  cultivation  of  the  cucumber  in  Egypt  and  among  the  Semites 
is  doubtless  of  ancient  date.4  At  any  rate,  this  Cucurbitacea  belongs  to 
the  Egypto-West-Asiatic  cujture-sphere,  and  is  not  indigenous  to 
China.  There  is,  however,  no  trace  of  evidence  for  the  gratuitous 
speculation  that  its  introduction  is  due  to  General  Can  K'ien.  The 
theory  that  it  was  transmitted  from  Iranian  territory  is  probable,  but 
there  is  thus  far  no  historical  document  to  support  it.  The  only  trace 
of  evidence  thereof  appears  from  the  attribute  Hu. 

Abu  Mansur  mentions  the  cucumber  under  the  name  qittd,  adding 
the  Arabic-Persian  xiydr  and  kawanda  in  the  language  of  Khorasan.5 
The  word  xiydr  has  been  adopted  into  Osmanli  and  into  Hindustani  in 
the  form  xlrd.  Persian  xdwuf  or  xdwa$  denotes  a  cucumber  kept  for 
seed;  it  means  literally  "ox-eye"  (gdv-a$;  Avestan  a$i,  Middle  Persian 
o£,  Sanskrit  aksi,  "eye"),  corresponding  to  Sanskrit  gavdk$i  ("a  kind 
of  cucumber").  A  Pahlavi  word  for  "cucumber"  is  vdtrah,  which 
developed  into  New  Persian  bddran,  bdlan,  or  varan  (Afghan  bddran).6 

1  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  439.   In  Sanskrit  the  cucumber  is  trapu$a. 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  265. 

3  Such  a  positive  assertion  as  that  of  de  Candolle,  that  the  cucumber  was 
cultivated  in  India  for  at  least  three  thousand  years,  cannot  be  accepted  by  any 
serious  historian. 

4  V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  p.  75;  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  I'antiquite*, 
Vol.  I,  p.  61. 

5  ACHUNDOW,  Abu'Mansur,  p.  106. 

6  This  series  is  said  to  mean  also  "citron."    The  proper  Persian  word  for  the 
latter  fruit  is  turunj  (Afghan  turanj,  Baluc"i  trunj).   The  origin  of  this  word,  as  far 
as  I  know,  has  not  yet  been  correctly  explained,  not  even  by  HUBSCHMANN  (Armen . 
Gram.,  p.  266).    VULLERS  (Lexicon  persico-latinum,  Vol.  I,  p.  439)  tentatively 
suggests  derivation  from  Sanskrit  suranga,  which  is  surely  impossible.    The  real 
source  is  presented  by  Sanskrit  matulurtga  ("citron,"  Citrus  medico). 


CHIVE,  ONION,  AND  SHALLOT 

10.  Although  a  number  of  alliaceous  plants  are  indigenous  to  China,1 
there  is  one  species,  the  chive  (Allium  scorodoprasum;  French  rocambole], 
to  which,  as  already  indicated  by  its  name  hu  swan  fi9  %&  or  hu  $J 
("garlic  of  the  Hu,  Iranian  garlic"),  a  foreign  origin  is  ascribed  by  the 
Chinese.  Again,  the  worn-out  tradition  that  also  this  introduction 
is  due  to  Can  K'ien,  is  of  late  origin,  and  is  first  met  with  in  the 
spurious  work  Po  wu  ci,  and  then  in  the  dictionary  T'an  yun  of  the  middle 
of  the  eighth  century.2  Even  Li  Si-Sen3  says  no  more  than  that  "people 
of  the  Han  dynasty  obtained  the  hu  swan  from  Central  Asia."  It  seems 
difficult,  however,  to  eradicate  a  long-established  prejudice  or  an  error 
even  from  the  minds  of  scholars.  In  1915  I  endeavored  to  rectify  it, 
especially  with  reference  to  the  wrong  opinion  expressed  by  Hirth  in 
1895,  that  garlic  in  general  must  have  been  introduced  into  China 
for  the  first  time  by  Can  K'ien.  Nevertheless  the  same  misconception 
is  repeated  by  him  in  191  7,  4  while  a  glance  at  the  Botanicon  Sinicum8 
would  have  convinced  him  that  at  least  four  species  of  Allium  are  of 
a  prehistoric  antiquity  in  China.  The  first  mention  of  this  Central- 
Asiatic  or  Iranian  species  of  Allium  is  made  by  T'ao  Hun-kin 
(A.D.  45  1-536)  ,  provided  the  statement  attributed  to  him  in  the  Cen  lei  pen 
ts*ao  and  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  really  emanates  from  him.6  When  the  new 
A  Ilium  was  introduced,  the  necessity  was  felt  of  distinguishing  it  from  the 
old,  indigenous  Allium  sativum,  that  was  designated  by  the  plain  root- 
word  swan.  The  former,  accordingly,  was  characterized  as  ta  swan 
Jtijfr  ("large  Allium");  the  latter,  as  siao  /J^  swan  ("small  Allium"). 
This  distinction  is  said  to  have  first  been  recorded  by  T'ao  Hun-kin. 
Also  the  Ku  kin  Zu  is  credited  with  the  mention  of  hu  swan;  this,  how- 
ever, is  not  the  older  Ku  kin  £u  by  Ts'ui  Pao  of  the  fourth  century,  but, 
as  expressly  stated  in  the  Pen  ts'ao,  the  later  re-edition  by  Fu  Hou 


1  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  96-99. 

2  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  No.  244. 
1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  26,  p.  6  b. 

4  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXVII,  p.  92. 

1  Pt.  II,  Nos.  1-4,  63,  357-360,  and  III,  Nos.  240-243. 

•  The  Kin  kwei  yao  Ho  (Ch.  c,  p.  24  b)  of  the  second  century  A.D.  mentions  hu 
swan,  but  this  in  all  probability  is  a  later  interpolation  (above,  p.  205). 

302 


CHIVE,  ONION,  AND  SHALLOT  303 

of  the  tenth  century.   However,  this  text  is  now  inserted  in  the 
older  Ku  kin  £u, l  which  teems  with  interpolations. 

Ta  swan  is  mentioned  also  as  the  first  among  the  five  vegetables  of 
strong  odor  tabooed  for  the  Buddhist  clergy,  the  so-called  wu  hun 
3£  $.2  This  series  occurs  in  the  Brahmajala-sutra,  translated  in 
A.D.  406  by  Kumarajlva.3  If  the  term  ta  swan  was  contained  in  the 
original  edition  of  this  work,  we  should  have  good  evidence  for  carry- 
ing the  date  of  the  chive  into  the  Eastern  Tsin  dynasty  (A.D.  317-419). 

11.  There  is  another  cultivated  species  of  Allium  (probably  A. 
fistulosum)  derived  from  the  West.   This  is  first  mentioned  by  Sun  Se- 
miao  ii  &  jH,4  in  his  Ts'ien  kin  Si  U  f  &  &  ?p  (written  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventh  century),  under  the  name  hu  ts'un  ^  M.,  because 

,j»-      « t^ 

the  root  of  this  plant  resembles  the  hu  swan  m  #3>.  It  was  usually  styled 
swan-ts'un  m  %H  or  hu  $1  ts'un  (the  latter  designation  in  the  K'ai  pao 
pen  ts'ao  of  the  Sung).  In  the  Yin  san  len  yao  (p.  236),  written  in  1331 
under  the  Yuan,  it  is  called  hui-hui  ts'un  0  @  1£  ("  Mohammedan 
onion").8  This  does  not  mean,  however,  that  it  was  only  introduced 
by  Mohammedans;  but  this  is  simply  one  of  the  many  favorite  alter- 
ations of  ancient  names,  as  they  were  in  vogue  during  the  Mongol 
epoch.  This  Allium  was  cultivated  in  Se-c'wan  under  the  T'ang,  as 
stated  by  Mon  Sen  "£  I5fc  in  his  Si  liao  pen  ts'ao,  written  in  the  second 
half  of  the  seventh  century.  Particulars  in  regard  to  the  introduction 
are  not  on  record. 

12.  There  is  a  third  species  of  Allium,  which  reached  China  under 
the  T'ang,  and  which,  on  excellent  evidence,  may  be  attributed  to 
Persia.   In  A.D.  647  the  Emperor  T'ai  Tsun  solicited  from  all  his  tribu- 
tary nations  their  choicest  vegetable  products,6  and  their  response  to 
the  imperial  call  secured  a  number  of  vegetables  hitherto  unknown  in 
China.   One  of  these  is  described  as  follows:   "Hun-t*i  onion  W  SI  M 
resembles  in  appearance  the  onion  (ts'un,  Allium  fistulosum),  but  is 
whiter  and  more  bitter.   On  account  of  its  smell,  it  serves  as  a  remedy. 

1  Ch.  c,  p.  3  b. 

2  This  subject  is  treated  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu  (Ch.  26,  p.  6  b)  under  the 
article  swan,  and  summed  up  by  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  28)     See, 
further,  DE  GROOT,  Le  Code   du  Mahayana  en  Chine,  p.  42,  where  the  five  plant- 
names  are  unfortunately  translated  wrongly  (hin-k'u,  "asafoetida"  [seep.  361],  is 
given  an  alleged  literal  translation  as  'Me  lys  d'eau  montant"!),  and  CHAVANNES 
and  PELLIOT,  Traite"  maniche'en,  pp.  233-235. 

3  BUNYIU  NANJIO,  Catalogue  of  the  Buddhist  Tripi^aka,  No.  1087. 

4  Cf.  below,  p.  306. 

6  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  26,  p.  5. 

6  We  shall  come  back  to  this  important  event  in  dealing  with  the  history  of  the 
spinach. 


304  SlNO-lRANICA 

In  its  appearance  it  is  like  lan-lin-tun  10  §1  %.,1  but  greener.  When 
dried  and  powdered,  it  tastes  like  cinnamon  and  pepper.  The  root  is 
capable  of  relieving  colds."2  The  Fun  Si  wen  kien  ki*  adds  that  hun-t'i 
came  from  the  Western  Countries  (5*  yu). 

Hun-t'i  is  a  transcription  answering  to  ancient  *gwun-de,  and 
corresponds  to  Middle  Persian  gandena,  New  Persian  gandand,  Hindi 
gandand,  Bengali  gundina  (Sanskrit  mleccha-kanda,  "bulb  of  the  bar- 
barians")? possibly  the  shallot  (Allium  ascalonicum;  French  echalotte, 
ciboule)  or  A.  porrum,  which  occurs  in  western  Asia  and  Persia,  but  not 
in  China.4 

Among  the  vegetables  of  India,  Huan  Tsan5  mentions  $  fi£  hun-t'o 
(*hun-da)  ts'ai.  JULIEN  left  this  term  untranslated;  SEAL  did  not  know, 
either,  what  to  make  of  it,  and  added  in  parentheses  kandu  with  an 
interrogation-mark.  WATTERSG  explained  it  as  "kunda  (properly  the 
olibanum-tree)."  This  is  absurd,  as  the  question  is  of  a  vegetable  culti- 
vated for  food,  while  the  olibanum  is  a  wild  tree  offering  no  food.  More- 
over, hun  cannot  answer  to  kun;  and  the  Sanskrit  word  is  not  kunda, 
but  kundu  or  kunduru.  The  mode  of  writing,  hun,  possibly  is  intended 
to  allude  to  a  species  of  Allium.  Huan  Tsan  certainly  transcribed  a 
Sanskrit  word,  but  a  Sanskrit  plant-name  of  the  form  hunda  or  gunda 
is  not  known.  Perhaps  his  prototype  is  related  to  the  Iranian  word 
previously  discussed. 

1  The  parallel  text  in  the  Ts'efu  yuan  kwei  (Ch.  970,  p.  12)  writes  only  lin-tun. 
This  plant  is  unidentified. 

2  T'an  hut  yao,  Ch.  100,  p.  3  b;  and  Ch.  200,  p.  14  b. 

3  Ch.  7,  p.  i  b  (above,  p.  232). 

4  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  pp.  68-71;  LECLERC,  Traite" 
des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  69-71;  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  pp.  113,  258.    Other 
Persian  names  are  tdrd  and  kawar.    They  correspond  to  Greek    vp&crov,  Turkish 
prdsa,  Arabic  kurdt.   The  question  as  to  whether  the  species  ascalonicum  or  porrum 
should  be  understood  by  the  Persian  term  gdnddnd,  I  have  to  leave  in  suspense  and 
to  refer  to  the  decision  of  competent  botanists.    SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  21) 
identifies  Persian  gdnddnd  with  Allium  porrum;  while,  according  to  him,  A.  ascalon- 
icum should  be  musir  in  Persian.  VULLERS  (Lexicon  persico-latinum,  Vol.  II,  p.  1036) 
translates  the  word  by  "porrum."    On  the  other  hand,  STUART  (Chinese  Materia 
Medica,  p.  25),  following  F.  P.  Smith,  has  labelled  Chinese  hiai  $J£,  an  Allium 
anciently  indigenous  to  China,  as  A.  ascalonicum.    If  this  be  correct,  the  Chinese 
would  certainly  have  recognized  the  identity  of  the  foreign  hun-t'i  with  hiai,  provided 
both  should  represent  the  same  species,  ascalonicum.    Maybe  also  the  two  were 
identical  species,  but  differentiated  by  cultivation. 

6  Ta  T'an  si  yu  ki,  Ch.  2,  p.  8  b. 

6  On  Yuan  Chwang's  Travels,  Vol.  I,  p.  178. 


GARDEN  PEA  AND  BROAD  BEAN 

13.  Among  the  many  species  of  pulse  cultivated  by  the  Chinese, 
there  are  at  least  two  to  which  a  foreign  origin  must  be  assigned.  Both 
are  comprised  under  the  generic  term  hu  ton  fi9  -9.  ("bean  of  the  Hu," 
or  "Iranian  bean"),  but  each  has  also  its  specific  nomenclature.  It 
is  generally  known  that,  on  account  of  the  bewildering  number  of  species 
and  variations  and  the  great  antiquity  of  their  cultivation,  the  history 
of  beans  is  fraught  with  graver  difficulties  than  that  of  any  other  group 
of  plants. 

The^cpmmon  or  garden  pea  (Pisum  sativum)  is  usually  styled  wan 
tou  !$5  5L  (Japanese  $iro-endo),  more  rarely  ts'in  siao  ton  W  /J*  S 
("green  small  pulse"),  ts'in  pan  tou  W  §E  _5L  ("green  streaked  pulse"), 
and  ma  lei  fK  ^ .  A  term  ^  J9.  pi  tou,  *pit  (pir)  tou,  is  regarded  as 
characteristic  of  the  T'ang  period;  while  such  names  as  hu  touy  Zun  $u 
3ft  it  ("pulse  of  the  Zufi"),1  and  hui-hu  tou  0  IS  S  ("pulse  of  the 
Uigur;"  in  the  YinjSan  Zen  yao  of  the  Mongol  period  changed  also  into 
hui-hui  tou  0  @  S,  "Mohammedan  pulse")  are  apt  to  bespeak  the 
foreign  origin  of  the  plant.2  Any  document  alluding  to  the  event  of  the 
introduction,  however,  does  not  appear  to  exist  in  Chinese  records. 
The  term  hu  tou  occurs  in  the  present  editions  of  the  Ku  kin  lu?  hu-$a 
fit  &  being  given  as  its  synonyme,  and  described  as  "resembling  the 
li  tou  H  .2.,  but  larger,  the  fruit  of  the  size  of  a  child's  fist  and  eatable." 
The  term  li  tou  is  doubtfully  identified  with  Mucuna  capitata;*  but  the 
species  of  the  Ku  kin  £u  defies  exact  identification;  and,  as  is  well  known, 
this  book,  in  its  present  form,  is  very  far  from  being  able  to  claim  abso- 
lute credence  or  authenticity.  Also  the  Kwan  &',  written  prior  to 
A.D.  5  2  7,  contains  the  term  hu  tou;5  but  this  name,  unfortunately,  is  ambig- 
uous. Li  Si-Sen  acquiesces  in  the  general  statement  that  the  pea  has 
come  from  the  Hu  and  Zun  or  from  the  Western  Hu  (Iranians) ;  he  cites, 
however,  a  few  texts,  which,  if  they  be  authentic,  would  permit  us  to 

1  This  term  is  ambiguous,  for  originally  it  applies  to  the  soy-bean  (Glycine 
hispida),  which  is  indigenous  to  China. 

2  Cf.  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  24,  p.  7;  and  Kwan  k'unfan  p'u,  Ch.  4,  p.  u.   The 
list  of  the  names  for  the  pea  given  by  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Chinese  Recorder,  1871, 
p.  223)  is  rather  incomplete. 

3  Ch.  B,  p.  i  b. 

4  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  269.  The  word  li  is  also  written  J|. 

5  Tai  p'in  yu  Ian,  Ch.  841,  p.  6  b. 

305 


306  SlNO-lRANICA 

fix  approximately  the  date  as  to  when  the  pea  became  known  to  the 
Chinese.  Thus  he  quotes  the  Ts'ien  kin  Jan  ^f*  4£  ~}j  of  the  Taoist 
adept  Sun  Se-miao  3&  &  i&,1  of  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century,  as 
mentioning  the  term  hu  tou  with  the  synonymes  ts'in  siao  tou  and  ma-lei. 
The  Ye  lun  ki2  of  the  fourth  century  A.D.  is  credited  with  the  statement 
that,  when  Si  Hu^  tabooed  the  word  hu  $J,  the  term  hu  tou  was  altered 
into  kwo  tou  H5  a  ("bean  of  the  country,"  "national  bean").  Accord- 
ing to  Li  Si-cen,  these  passages  allude  to  the  pea,  for  anciently  the 
term  hu  tou  was  in  general  use  instead  of  wan  tou.  He  further  refers  to 
the  T*an  Si  8f  $,  as  saying  that  the  pi  tou  comes  from  the  Westerta 
2un  and  the  land  of  the  Uigur,  and  to  the  dictionary  Kwan  ya  by  Can 
Yi  (third  century  A.D.)  as  containing  the  terms  pi  tou,  wan  tou,  and  liu 
tou  "S  -9..  It  would  be  difficult  to  vouchsafe  for  the  fact  that  these 
were  really  embodied  in  the  editio  princeps  of  that  work;  yet  it  would 
not  be  impossible,  after  all,  that,  like  the  walnut  and  the  pomegranate, 
so  also  the  pea  made  its  appearance  on  Chinese  soil  during  the  fourth 
century  A.D.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  it  was  cultivated  in 
China  under  the  T'ang,  and  even  under  the  Sui  (A.D.  590-617).  In  the 
account  of  Liu-kiu  (Formosa)  it  is  stated  that  the  soil  of  the  island  is 
advantageous  for  the  cultivation  of  hu  tou?  Wu  K'i-tsiin4  contradicts 
Li  Si-Sen's  opinion,  stating  that  the  terms  hu  tou  and  wan  tou  apply  to 
different  species. 

None  of  the  Chinese  names  can  be  regarded  as  the  transcription  of 
an  Iranian  word.  Pulse  played  a  predominant  part  in  the  nutrition  of 
Iranian  peoples.  The  country  Si  (Tashkend)  had  all  sorts  of  pulse.8 
Abu  Mansur  discusses  the  pea  under  the  Persian  name  xullar  and  the 
Arabic  julban*  Other  Persian  words  for  the  pea  are  nujud  and  gergeru 
or  xereghan.7 

A  wild  plant  indigenous  to  China  is  likewise  styled  hu  tou.  It  is 
first  disclosed  by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  of  the  T'ang  period,  in  his  Pen  ts'ao  $ii, 
as  growing  wild  everywhere  in  rice-fields,  its  sprouts  resembling  the 
bean.  In  the  Ci  wu  min  Si  t*u  k'ao8  we  meet  illustrations  of  two  wild 

1  Regarding  this  author,  see  WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  pp.  97,  99; 
BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  I,  p.  43;  L.  WIEGER,  Taoisme,  le  canon,  pp.  142,  143, 
182;  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  I'Ecolefranfaise,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  435-438. 

1  See  above,  p.  280. 

1  Sui  Su,  Ch.  81,  p.  5  b. 

4  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  2,  p.  150. 

8  T*ai  p'ift  hwan  yii  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  7  b. 

6  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  pp.  41,  223. 

7  The  latter  is  given  by  SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  464). 
«Ch.  2,  pp.  II,  15. 


GARDEN  PEA  AND  BROAD  BEAN  307 

plants.  One  is  termed  hui-hui  tou  ("Mohammedan  bean"),  first  men- 
tioned in  the  Kin  hwan  pen  ts'ao  of  the  fourteenth  century,  called  also 
na-ho  tou  M  fe  -2.,  the  bean  being  roasted  and  eaten.  The  other, 
named  hu  tou,  is  identified  with  the  wild  hu  tou  of  C'en  Ts'an-k'i;  and 
Wu  K'i-tsiin,  author  of  the  Ci  wu  mih  H  t'u  k*ao,  adds  the  remark, 
"What  is  now  called  hu  tou  grows  wild,  and  is  not  the  hu  tou  [that  is, 
the  pea]  of  ancient  times." 

14.  On  the  other  hand,  the  term  hu  tou  {$  SL  refers  also  to  Faba 
sativa  (F.  vulgaris,  the  vetch  or  common  bean),  according  to  BRET- 
SCHNEIDER,1  "one  of  the  cultivated  plants  introduced  from  western 
Asia  into  China,  in  the  second  century  B.C.,  by  the  famous  general 
Chang  K'ien."  This  is  an  anachronism  and  a  wild  statement,  which  he 
has  not  even  supported  by  any  Chinese  text.2  The  history  of  the  species 
in  China  is  lost,  or  was  never  recorded.    The  supposition  that  it  was 
introduced  from  Iran  is  probable.    It  is  mentioned  under  the  name 
pag  (gdvirs)  in  the  Bundahisn  as  the  chief  of  small-seeded  grains.8 
Abu  Mansur  has  it  under  the  Persian  name  bdqild  or  bdqld.*    Its  culti- 
vation in  Egypt  is  of  ancient  date.5 

15.  Ts'an  tou  H  5    ("silkworm  bean,"  so  called  because  in  its 
shape  it  resembles  an  old  silkworm),  Japanese  soramame,  the  kidney- 
bean  or  horse-bean  (Viciafaba),  is  also  erroneously  counted  by  BRET- 
SCHNEIDER8  among  the  Caii-K'ien  plants,  without  any  evidence  being 
produced.  It  is  likewise  called  hu  tou  ffl  5,  but  no  historical  documents 
touching  on  the  introduction  of  this  species  are  on  record.    It  is  not 
mentioned  in  T'ang  or  Sung  literature,  and  seems  to  have  been  intro- 
duced not  earlier  than  the  Yuan  period  (1260-1367).    It  is  spoken  of 
in  the  Nun  Su  It  S  ("Book  on  Agriculture")  of  Wan  Cen  3:  M  of 
that  period,  and  in  the  Kiu  hwan  pen  ts'ao  ?8fc  5E  ^  &  of  the  early 


1  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  No.  29. 

2  The  only  text  to  this  effect  that  I  know  of  is  the  Pen  ts'ao  kin,  quoted  in  the 
T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian  (Ch.  841,  p.  6  b),  which  ascribes  to  Can  K'ien  the  introduction  of 
sesame  and  hu  tou;  but  which  species  is  meant  (Pisum  sativum,  Faba  sativa,  or 
Viciafaba)  cannot  be  guessed.    The  work  in  question  certainly  is  not  the  Pen  ts%ao 
kin  of  Sen- nun,  but  it  must  have  existed  prior  to  A.D.  983,  the  date  of  the  publication 
of  the  T*ai  p'in  yu  Ian. 

1  WEST,  Pahlavi  Texts,  Vol.  I,  p.  90. 
4  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  20. 
*  V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  p.  94. 

6  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  221  (thus  again  reiterated  by  DE  CANDOLLE,  Origin 
of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  318).  The  Kwan  k'iin  fan  p'u  (Ch.  4,  p.  12  b)  refers  the 
above  text  from  the  T'ai  p'in  yii  Ian  to  this  species,  but  also  to  the  pea.  This  con- 
fusion is  hopeless. 


308  SlNO-lRANICA 

Ming,1  which  states  that  "now  it  occurs  everywhere."  Li  Si-Sen  says 
that  it  is  cultivated  in  southern  China  and  to  a  larger  extent  in  Se- 
£'wan.  Wan  Si-mou  3:  ifr  S£,  who  died  in  1591,  in  his  Hio  pu  tsa  $u 
^  HI  $1  0S,  a  work  on  horticulture  in  one  chapter,2  mentions  an  espe- 
cially large  and  excellent  variety  of  this  bean  from  Yun-nan.  This  is 
also  referred  to  in  the  old  edition  of  the  Gazetteer  of  Yun-nan  Province 
(Kiu  Yun-nan  fun  Si)  and  in  the  Gazetteer  of  the  Prefecture  of  Mun- 
hwa  in  Yun-nan,  where  the  synonyme  nan  tou  1M  fit  ("southern  bean") 
is  added,  as  the  flower  turns  its  face  toward  the  south.  The  New-Persian 
name  of  the  plant  is  bageld* 

1  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  2,  p.  142.   BRETSCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  52) 
has  recognized  Vicia  faba  among  the  illustrations  of  this  work. 

2  Cf.  the  Imperial  Catalogue,  Ch.  116,  p.  37  b. 

3  SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  562.  Arabic  bdqild.  Finally,  the  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi 
(section  27)  offers  a  Sanskrit  term  $fl  fjfl  wu-kia,  "mwut-g'a,  translated  by  hu  tou 
and  explained  as  "a  green  bean."    The  corresponding  Sanskrit  word  is  mudga 
(Phaseolus  mungo),  which  the  Tibetans  have  rendered  as  mon  sran  rdeu,  the  term 
Mon  alluding  to  the  origin  from  northern  India  or  Himalayan  regions  (Mem.  Soc. 
finno-ougrienne,  Vol.  XI,  p.  96).  The  Persians  have  borrowed  the  Indian  word  in  the 
form  mung,  which  is  based  on  the  Indian  vernacular  munga  or  mungu  (as  in  Singha- 
lese; Pali  mugga).   Phaseolus  mungo  is  peculiar  to  India,  and  is  mentioned  in  Vedic 
literature  (MACDONELL  and  KEITH,  Vedic  Index,  Vol.  II,  p.  166). 


SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC 

1 6.  Saffron  is  prepared  from  the  deep  orange-colored  stigmas, 
with  a  portion  of  the  style,  of  the  flowers  of  Crocus  sativus  (family 
Irideae).  The  dried  stigmas  are  nearly  3  cm  long,  dark  red,  and  aro- 
matic, about  twenty  thousand  of  them  making  a  pound,  or  a  grain 
containing  the  stigmas  and  styles  of  nine  flowers.  It  is  a  small  plant 
with  a  fleshy  bulb-like  corm  and  grassy  leaves  with  a  beautiful  purple 
flower  blossoming  in  the  autumn.  As  a  dye,  condiment,  perfume,  and 
medicine,  saffron  has  always  been  highly  prized,  and  has  played  an 
important  part  in  the  history  of  commerce.  It  has  been  cultivated  in 
western  Asia  from  remote  ages,  so  much  so  that  it  is  unknown  in  a 
wild  state.  It  was  always  an  expensive  article,  restricted  mostly  to  the 
use  of  kings  and  the  upper  classes,  and  therefore  subject  to  adulteration 
and  substitutes.1  In  India  it  is  adulterated  with  safflower  (Carihamus 
tinctorius} ,  which  yields  a  coloring-agent  of  the  same  deep-orange  color, 
and  in  Oriental  records  these  products  are  frequently  confused.  Still 
greater  confusion  prevails  between  Crocus  and  Curcuma  (a  genus  of 
Zingiberaceae) ,  plants  with  perennial  root-stocks,  the  dried  tubers  of 
which  yield  the  turmeric  of  commerce,  largely  used  in  the  composition 
of  curry-powder  and  as  a  yellow  dye.  It  appears  also  that  the  flowers 
of  Memecylon  tinctorium  were  substituted  for  saffron  as  early  as  the 
seventh  century.  The  matter  as  a  subject  of  historical  research  is  there- 
fore somewhat  complex. 

Orientalists  have  added  to  the  confusion  of  Orientals,  chiefly  being 
led  astray  by  the  application  of  our  botanical  term  Curcuma,  which  is 
derived  from  an  Oriental  word  originally  relating  to  Crocus,  but  also 
confounded  by  the  Arabs  with  our  Curcuma.  It  cannot  be  too  strongly 
emphasized  that  Sanskrit  kunkuma  strictly  denotes  Crocus  sativus, 
but  never  our  Curcuma  or  turmeric  (which  is  Sanskrit  haridra)*  and 

1  Pliny  already  knew  that  there  is  nothing  so  much  adulterated   as  saffron 
(adulteratur  nihil  aeque. — xxi,    17,    §31).     E.    WIEDEMANN    (Sitzber.    Phys.-med. 
Soz.  Erl.,  1914,  pp.  182,  197)  has  dealt  with  the  adulteration  of  saffron  from  Arabic 
sources.    According  to  WATT  (Commercial  Products  of  India,  p,  430),  it  is  too 
expensive  to  be  extensively  employed  in  India,  but  is  in  request  at  princely  marriages, 
and  for  the  caste  markings  of  the  wealthy. 

2  This  is  not  superfluous  to  add,  in  view  of  the  wrong  definition  of  kunkuma 
given  by  EITEL  (Handbook  of  Chinese  Buddhism,  p.  80).  Sanskrit  kdvera  ("saffron") 
and  kaveri  ("turmeric")  do  not  present  a  confusion  of  names,  as  the  two  words 
are  derived  from  the  name  of  the  trading-place  Kavera,  Chaveris  of  Ptolemy  and 
Caber  of  Cosmas  (see  MACCRINDLE,  Christian  Topography  of  Cosmas,  p.  367). 

309 


310  SlNO-lRANICA 

that  our  genus  Curcuma  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  Crocus  or 
saffron. 

As  regards  Chinese  knowledge  of  saffron,  we  must  distinguish  two 
long  periods, —  first,  from  the  third  century  to  the  T'ang  dynasty 
inclusive,  in  which  the  Chinese  received  some  information  about  the 
plant  and  its  product,  and  occasionally  tribute-gifts  of  it;  and,  second, 
the  Mongol  period  (1260-1367),  when  saffron  as  a  product  was  actually 
imported  into  China  by  Mohammedan  peoples  and  commonly  used. 
This  second  period  is  here  considered  first. 

Of  no  foreign  product  are  the  notions  of  the  Chinese  vaguer  than 
of  saffron.  This  is  chiefly  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  Crocus  sativus 
was  hardly  ever  transplanted  into  their  country,1  and  that,  although 
the  early  Buddhist  travellers  to  India  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  plant 
in  Kashmir,  their  knowledge  of  it  always  remained  rather  imperfect. 
First  of  all,  they  confounded  saffron  with  safiflower  (Carthamus  tinctori- 
us),  as  the  products  of  both  plants  were  colloquially  styled  "red 
flower"  (huh  hwa  SC^tE).  Li  Si-cen2  annotates,  "The  foreign  (fan  HI) 
or  Tibetan  red  flower  [saffron]  comes  from  Tibet  (Si-fan),  the  places  of 
the  Mohammedans,  and  from  Arabia  (T'ien-fan  5^  if).  It  is  the 
hun-lan  [Carthamus]  of  those  localities.  At  the  time  of  the  Yuan 
(1260-1367)  it  was  used  as  an  ingredient  in  food-stuffs.  According  to 
the  Po  wu  ci  of  Can  Hwa,  Can  K'ien  obtained  the  seeds  of  the  hun-lan 
[Carthamus]  in  the  Western  Countries  (Siyii),  which  is  the  same  species 
as  that  in  question  [saffron],  although,  of  course,  there  is  some  difference 
caused  by  the  different  climatic  conditions. ' '  It  is  hence  erroneous  to  state, 
as  asserted  by  F.  P.  SMITH, 3  that  "the  story  of  Can  K'ien  is  repeated  for 
the  saffron  as  well  as  for  the  safflower;"  and  it  is  due  to  the  utmost  con- 
fusion that  STUART4  writes,  "According  to  the  Pen-ts'ao,  Crocus  was 
brought  from  Arabia  by  Can  K'ien  at  the  same  time  that  he  brought  the 
safflower  and  other  Western  plants  and  drugs."  Can  K'ien  in  Arabia! 
The  Po  wu  li  speaks  merely  of  safflower  (Carthamus) ,  not  of  saffron 
(Crocus), — two  absolutely  distinct  plants,  which  even  belong  to  different 
families;  and  there  is  no  Chinese  text  whatever  that  would  link  the 
saffron  with  Can  K'ien.  In  fact,  the  Chinese  have  nothing  to  say  re- 

1  It  is  curious  that  the  Armenian  historian  Moses  of  Khorene,  who  wrote  about 
the  middle  of  the  fifth  century,  attributes  to  China  musk,  saffron,  and  cotton  (YuLE, 
Cathay,  Vol.  I,  p.  93).    Cotton  was  then  not  manufactured  in  China;  likewise  is 
saffron  cultivation  out  of  the  question  for  the  China  of  that  period. 

2  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  15,  p.  14  b. 

8  Contributions  towards  the  Materia  Medica  of  China,  p.  189. 
4  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  131. 


SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC  311 

garding  the  introduction  or  cultivation  of  saffron.1  The  confusion  of 
Li  Si-Sen  is  simply  due  to  an  association  of  the  two  plants  known  as 
"red  flower."  Safflower  is  thus  designated  in  the  TW  min  yao  $u, 
further  by  Li  Gun  ^  41  of  the  T'ang  and  in  the  Sun  &',  where  the  yen-ci 
red  flower  is  stated  to  have  been  sent  as  tribute  by  the  prefecture  of 
Hin-yuan  J^  7C  in  Sen-si.2 

The  fact  that  Li  Si-cen  in  the  above  passage  was  thinking  of 
saffron  becomes  evident  from  two  foreign  words  added  to  his  nomen- 
clature of  the  product:  namely,  V§  ffe  !fi  ki-fu-lan  and  8fc  £fc  IP  sa-fa- 
tsi.  The  first  character  in  the  former  transcription  is  a  misprint  for  && 
tsa  (*tsap,  dzap);  the  last  character  in  the  latter  form  must  be  emen- 
dated into  &P  /aw.3  Tsa-fu-lan  and  sa-fa-lan  (Japanese  sqfuran,  Siamese 
faran),  as  was  recognized  long  ago,  represent  transcriptions  of 
Arabic  za'ferdn  or  za'faran,  which,  on  its  part,  has  resulted  in  our  "saf- 

1  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  222)  asserts  that  saffron  is  not 
cultivated  in  Peking,  but  that  it  is  known  that  it  is  extensively  cultivated  in  other 
parts  of  China.    I  know  nothing  about  this,  and  have  never  seen  or  heard  of  any 
saffron  cultivation  in  China,  nor  is  any  Chinese  account  to  that  effect  known  to  me. 
Crocus  sativus  is  not  listed  in  the  great  work  of  F.  B.  FORBES  and  W.  B.  HEMSLEY 
(An  Enumeration  of  All  the  Plants  known  from  China  Proper,  comprising  Vols. 
23,  26,  and  36  of  the  Journal  of  the  Linnean  Society},  the  most  comprehensive  syste- 
matic botany  of  China.   ENGLER  (in  Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  270)  says  that  Crocus 
is  cultivated  in  China.   WATT  (Dictionary,  Vol.  II,  p.  593)  speaks  of  Chinese  saffron 
imported  into  India.    It  is  of  especial  interest  that  Marco  Polo  did  not  find  saffron 
in  China,  but  he  reports  that  in  the  province  of  Fu-kien  they  have  "a  kind  of  fruit, 
resembling  saffron,  and  which  serves  the  purpose  of  saffron  just  as  well"  (YULE, 
Marco  Polo,  Vol.  II,  p.  225).    It  may  be,  as  suggested  by  Yule  after  Fliickiger,  that 
this  is  Gardenia  florida,  the  fruits  of  which  are  indeed  used  in  China  for  dyeing-pur- 
poses, producing  a  beautiful  yellow  color.    On  the  other  hand,  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu 
Si  i  (Ch.  4,  p.  14  b)  contains  the  description  of  a  "native  saffron"  (t'u  hun  hwa  -fc 
j|t  ^£,  in  opposition  to  the  "Tibetan  red  flower"  or  genuine  saffron)  after  the  Con- 
tinued Gazetteer  of  Fu-kien  jj)§  jjjt  |J[  ;§,  as  follows:    "As  regards  the  native 
saffron,  the  largest  specimens  are  seven  or  eight  feet  high.   The  leaves  are  like  those 
of  the  p'i-p'a  $£  |£  (Eriobotrya  japonicd),  but  smaller  and  without  hair.    In  the 
autumn  it  produces  a  white  flower  like  a  grain  of  maize  (su-mi  5H  7^,  Zea  mays). 
It  grows  in  Fu-cou  and  Nan-nen-cou  ffj  JlH  >}\\  [now  Yan-kian  |j|  ££  in  K  wan-tun] 
in  the  mountain  wilderness.    That  of  Fu-cou  makes  a  fine  creeper,  resembling  the 
fu-yun  (Hibiscus  mutabilis),  green  above  and  white  below,  the  root  being  like  that  of 
the  ko  Ifij  (Pachyrhizus  thunbergianus).   It  is  employed  in  the  pharmacopoeia,  being 
finely  chopped  for  this  purpose  and  soaked  overnight  in  water  in  which  rice  has  been 
scoured;  then  it  is  soaked  for  another  night  in  pure  water  and  pounded:  thus  it  is 
ready  for  prescriptions."    This  species  has  not  been  identified,  but  may  well  be 
Marco  Polo's  pseudo-saffron  of  Fu-kien. 

2  Tu  Su  tsi  Fen,  XX,  Ch.  158. 

3  Cf.  WATTERS,  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  348.    This  transcription, 
however,  does  not  prove,  as  intimated  by  Watters,  that  "this  product  was  first 
imported  into  China  from  Persia  direct  or  at  least  obtained  immediately  from 
Persian  traders."    The  word  zafardn  is  an  Arabic  loan-word  in  Persian,  and  may 
have  been  brought  to  China  by  Arabic  traders  as  well. 


312  SlNO-lRANICA 

fron."1  It  is  borne  out  by  the  very  form  of  these  transcriptions  that 
they  cannot  be  older  than  the  Mongol  period  when  the  final  consonants 
had  disappeared.  Under  the  T'ang  we  should  have  *dzap-fu-lam  and 
*sat-fap-lan.  This  conclusion  agrees  with  Li  Si-Sen's  testimony  that 
saffron  was  mixed  with  food  at  the  time  of  the  Yuan, —  an  Indo-Persian 
custom.  Indeed,  it  seems  as  if  not  until  then  was  it  imported  and  used 
in  China;  at  least,  we  have  no  earlier  document  to  this  effect. 

Saffron  is  not  cultivated  in  Tibet.  There  is  no  Crocus  tibetan  us,  as 
tentatively  introduced  by  PERROT  and  HuRRiER2  on  the  basis  of  the 
Chinese  term  "Tibetan  red  flower."  This  only  means  that  saffron  is 
exported  from  Tibet  to  China,  chiefly  to  Peking;  but  Tibet  does  not 
produce  any  saffron,  and  imports  it  solely  from  Kashmir.  STUART  3 
says  that  "Ts*an  hun  hwa  W>  itt  ~fe  ('Red  flower  from  Tsan,'  that  is, 
Central  Tibet)  is  given  by  some  foreign  writers  as  another  name  for 
saffron,  but  this  has  not  been  found  mentioned  by  any  Chinese  writer." 
In  fact,  that  term  is  given  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu  Si  *4  and  the  Ci  wu 
min  Si  t'u  k*ao  of  i848,B  where  it  is  said  to  come  from  Tibet  (Si-tsan) 
and  to  be  the  equivalent  of  the  Fan  hun  hwa  of  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu. 
Ts*an  hwa  is  still  a  colloquial  name  for  saffron  in  Peking;  it  is  also  called 
simply  hun  hwa  ("red  flower").8  By  Tibetans  in  Peking  I  heard  it 
designated  gur-kum,  sa-ka-ma,  and  dri-bzah  ("of  good  fragrance"). 
Saffron  is  looked  upon  by  the  Chinese  as  the  most  valuable  drug  sent 
by  Tibet,  ts'an  hian  ("Tibetan  incense")  ranking  next. 

Li  Si-£en7  holds  that  there  are  two  yii-kin  flit  4£, — the  yii-kin  aromatic, 
the  flowers  of  which  only  are  used;  and  the  yii-kin  the  root  of  which  is 
employed.  The  former  is  the  saffron  (Crocus  sativus);  the  latter,  a 
Curcuma.  As  will  be  seen,  however,  there  are  at  least  three  yii-kin. 

Of  the  genus  Curcuma,  there  are  several  species  in  China  and 
Indo-China, — C.  leucorrhiza  (yii-kin),  C.  longa  (kian  hwan  H  or  :§c  3f, 

1  The  Arabs  first  brought  saffron  to  Spain;  and  from  Arabic  za'fardn  are  derived 
Spanish  azafran,  Portuguese  agafrao  or  azafrao,  Indo-Portuguese  safrao,  Italian 
zafferano,  French  safran,  RumanAn  sofrdn.  The  same  Arabic  root  (*a$fur,  "yellow") 
has  supplied  also  those  Romance  words  that  correspond  to  our  safflow,  safflower 
(Carthamus  tinctorius),  like  Spanish  azafranillo,  alazor,  Portuguese  agafroa,  Italian 
asforo,   French  safran;  Old  Armenian  zavhran,   New  Armenian  zafran;  Russian 
safran;  Uigur  sakparan. 

2  Mat.  me"d.  et  pharmacope'e  sino-annamites,  p.  94. 
8  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  132. 

4  Ch.  4,  p.  14  b. 

6  Ch.  4,  p.  35  b. 

•  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  name  is  merely  a  modern  colloquialism, 
but  hun  hwa,  when  occurring  in  ancient  texts,  is  not  "saffron,"  but  "safflower" 
(Carthamus  tinctorius) ;  see  below,  p.  324. 

7  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  14,  p.  18. 


SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC  313 

" ginger-yellow"),  C.  pallida,  C.  petiolata,  C.  zedoaria.  Which  particular 
species  was  anciently  known  in  China,  is  difficult  to  decide;  but  it 
appears  that  at  least  one  species  was  utilized  in  times  of  antiquity. 
Curcuma  longa  and  C.  leucorrhiza  are  described  not  earlier  than  theT'ang 
period,  and  the  probability  is  that  either  they  were  introduced  from  the 
West;  or,  if  on  good  botanical  evidence  it  can  be  demonstrated  that 
these  species  are  autochthonous,1  we  are  compelled  to  assume  that 
superior  cultivated  varieties  were  imported  in  the  T'ang  era.  In  regard 
to  yil-kin  (C.  leucorrhiza),  Su  Kun  of  the  seventh  century  observes 
that  it  grows  in  Su  (Se-£'wan)  and  Si-z"un,  and  that  the  Hu  call  it 
$1  £§  ma-$M,  *mo-dzut  (dzut),2  while  he  states  with  reference  to  kian- 
hwan  (C.  longa)  that  the  Zun  3JG  A  call  it  |§  $u,  *d2ut  (dzut,  dzur) ; 
he  also  insists  on  the  close  resemblance  of  the  two  species.  Likewise 
C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  who  wrote  in  the  first  part  of  the  eighth  century,  states 
concerning  kian-hwan  that  the  kind  coming  from  the  Western  Bar- 
barians (Si  Fan)  is  similar  to  yu-kin  and  $u  yao  H  IS.3  Su  Sun  of  the 
Sung  remarks  that  yil-kin  now  occurs  in  all  districts  of  Kwan-tuii  and 
Kwan-si,  but  does  not  equal  that  of  Se-c'wan,  where  it  had  previously 
existed.  K'ou  Tsun-sl4  states  that  yu-kin  is  not  aromatic,  and  that  in 
his  time  it  was  used  for  the  dyeing  of  woman's  clothes.  Li  Si-cen  re- 
minds us  of  the  fact  that  yu-kin  was  a  product  of  the  Hellenistic  Orient 
(Ta  Ts'in) :  this  is  stated  in  the  Wei  lio  of  the  third  century,5  and  the 
Lion  $u6  enumerates  yu-kin  among  the  articles  traded  from  Ta  Ts'in 
to  western  India.7 

The  preceding  observations,  in  connection  with  the  foreign  names 

1  According   to   LOUREIRO    (Flora   Cochin-Chinensis,   p.   9),    Curcuma    longa 
grows  wild  in  Indo-China. 

2  This  foreign  name  has  not  been  pointed  out  by  Bretschneider  or  Stuart  or 
any  previous  author. 

3  This  term  is   referred    (whether  correctly,   I  do  not  know)   to  K&mpferia 
pundurata   (STUART,  Chinese   Materia  Medica,  p.  227).    Another  name  for   this 
plant  is  J|g  ^  j$c  p'un-no  su  (not  mou),  *bun-na.    Now,  Ta  Min  states  that  the 
Curcuma  growing  on  Hai-nan  is  ^fr  ^  £Jt  p*un-no  su,  while  that  growing  in  Kian-nan 
is  kian-hwan  (Curcuma  longa}.    K&mpferia  belongs  to  the  same  order  as  Curcuma, 
— Scitamineae.   According  to  Ma  Ci  of  the  Sung,  this  plant  grows  in  Si-zun  and  in 
all  districts  of  Kwan-nan;  it  is  poisonous,  and  the  people  of  the  West  first  test  it 
on  sheep:  if  these  refuse  to  eat  it,  it  is  discarded.   Chinese  p'un-no,  *bun-na,  looks  like 
a  transcription  of  Tibetan  bon-na,  which,  however,  applies  to  aconite. 

4  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i,  Ch.  10,  p.  3. 

5  San  kwo  ci,  Ch.  30,  p.  13. 

6  Ch.  78,  p.  7. 

7  The  question  whether  in  this  case  Curcuma  or  Crocus  is  meant,  cannot  be 
decided;  both  products  were  known  in  western  Asia.     C'en  Ts'an-k'i  holds  that  the 
yu-kin  of  Ta  Ts'in  was  safflower  (see  below). 


314  SlNO-lRANICA 

£u  and  ma-$u,  are  sufficient  to  raise  serious  doubts  of  the  indigenous 
character  of  Curcuma;  and  for  my  part,  I  am  strongly  inclined  to  believe 
that  at  least  two  species  of  this  genus  were  first  introduced  into  Se-c'wan 
by  way  of  Central  Asia.  This  certainly  would  not  exclude  the  possi- 
bility that  other  species  of  this  genus,  or  even  other  varieties  of  the 
imported  species,  pre-existed  in  China  long  before  that  time;  and  this 
is  even  probable,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  a  fragrant  plant  yii  %H,  which 
was  mixed  with  sacrificial  wine,  is  mentioned  in  the  ancient  Cou  li, 
the  State  Ceremonial  of  the  Cou  Dynasty,  and  in  the  Li  ki.  The  com- 
mentators, with  a  few  exceptions,  agree  on  the  point  that  this  ancient 
yil  was  a  yu-kin;  that  is,  a  Curcuma.1 

In  India,  Curcuma  longa  is  extensively  cultivated  all  over  the  coun- 
try, and  probably  so  from  ancient  times.  The  plant  (Sanskrit  haridrd) 
is  already  listed  in  the  Bower  Manuscript.  From  India  the  rhizome  is 
exported  to  Tibet,  where  it  is  known  as  yun-ba  or  skyer-pa,  the  latter 
name  originally  applying  to  the  barberry,  the  wood  and  root  of  which, 
like  Curcuma,  yield  a  yellow  dye. 

Ibn  al-Baitar  understands  by  kurkum  the  genus  Curcuma,  not  Cro- 
cus, as  is  obvious  from  his  definition  that  it  is  the  great  species  of  the 
tinctorial  roots.  These  roots  come  from  India,  being  styled  hard  in 
Persian;  this  is  derived  from  Sanskrit  haridrd  (Curcuma  longa).  Ibn 
Hassan,  however,  observes  that  the  people  of  Basra  bestow  on  hard 
the  name  kurkum,  which  is  the  designation  of  saffron,  and  to  which  it 
is  assimilated;  but  then  he  goes  on  to  confound  saffron  with  the  root  of 
wars,  which  is  a  Memecylon  (see  below).2  Turmeric  is  called  in  Persian 
zird-cube  or  darzard  (" yellow  wood").  According  to  GARCIA  DA  ORTA, 
it  was  much  exported  from  India  to  Arabia  and  Persia;  and  there  was 
unanimous  opinion  that  it  did  not  grow  in  Persia,  Arabia,  or  Turkey, 
but  that  all  comes  from  India.3 

The  name  yil-kin,  or  with  the  addition  hian  (" aromatic"),4  is  fre- 
quently referred  in  ancient  documents  to  two  different  plants  of  Indian 
and  Iranian  countries, —  Memecylon  tinctorium  and  Crocus  sativus,  the 

1  Cf.  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  No.  408. 

2  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  167. 
8  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  163. 

4  As  a  matter  of  principle,  the  term  yu-kin  hian  strictly  refers  to  saffron.  It  is 
this  term  which  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  No.  408)  was  unable  to  identify, 
and  of  which  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  140)  was  compelled  to  admit, 
"The  plant  is  not  yet  identified,  but  is  probably  not  Curcuma.1'  The  latter  remark 
is  to  the  point.  The  descriptions  we  have  of  yu-kin  hian,  and  which  are  given  below, 
exclude  any  idea  of  a  Curcuma.  The  modern  Japanese  botanists  apply  the  term  yu-kin 
hian  (Japanese  ukkonko)  to  Tulipa  gesneriana,  a  flower  of  Japan  (MATSUMURA, 
No.  3193)- 


SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC  315 

latter  possibly  confounded  again  with  Curcuma.1  It  is  curious  that 
in  the  entire  Pen-ts'ao  literature  the  fact  has  been  overlooked  that  under 
the  same  name  there  is  also  preserved  the  ancient  description  of  a  tree. 
This  fact  has  escaped  all  European  writers,  with  the  sole  exception  of 
PALLADIUS.  In  his  admirable  Chinese-Russian  Dictionary2  he  gives 
the  following  explanation  of  the  term  yu-kin:  "Designation  of  a  tree 
in  Ki-pin;  yellow  blossoms,  which  are  gathered,  and  when  they  begin 
to  wither,  are  pressed,  the  sap  being  mixed  with  other  odorous  sub- 
stances; it  is  found  likewise  in  Ta  Ts'in,  the  blossoms  being  like  those 
of  saffron,  and  is  utilized  in  the  coloration  of  wine." 

A  description  of  this  tree  yii-kin  is  given  in  the  Buddhist  dictionary 
Yi  ts'ie  kin  yin  is  of  A.D.  649  as  follows:  "This  is  the  name  of  a  tree, 
the  habitat  of  which  is  in  the  country  Ki-pin  B  9.  (Kashmir).  Its 
flowers  are  of  yellow  color.  The  trees  are  planted  from  the  flowers. 
One  waits  till  they  are  faded;  the  sap  is  then  pressed  out  of  them  and 
mixed  with  other  substances.  It  serves  as  an  aromatic.  The  grains 
of  the  flowers  also  are  odoriferous,  and  are  likewise  employed  as  aro- 
matics." 

I  am  inclined  to  identify  this  tree  with  Memecylon  tinctorium,  M. 
edule,  or  M.  capitellatum  (Melastomaceae),  a  very  common,  small  tree 
or  large  shrub  in  the  east  and  south  of  India,  Ceylon,  Tenasserim,  and 
the  Andamans.  The  leaves  are  employed  in  southern  India  for  dyeing 
a  "  delicate  yellow  lake."  The  flowers  produce  an  evanescent  yellow.4 
In  restricting  the  habitat  of  the  tree  to  Kashmir,  Hiian  Yin  is  doubtless 
influenced  by  the  notion  that  saffron  (yu-kin)  was  an  exclusive  product 
of  Kashmir  (see  below). 

The  same  tree  is  described  by  Abu  Mansur  under  the  name  wars 
as  a  saffron-like  plant  of  yellow  color  and  fragrant,  and  employed  by 
Arabic  women  for  dyeing  garments.5  The  ancients  were  not  acquainted 

1  A  third  identification  has  been  given  by  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Chinese  Recorder, 
1871,  p.  222),  who  thought  that  probably  the  sumbul  (Sumbulus  moschatus)  is  meant. 
This  is  a  mistaken  botanical  name,  but  he  evidently  had  in  mind  the  so-called  musk- 
root  of  Euryangium  or  Ferula  sumbul,  of  musk-like  odor  and  acrid  taste.  The  only 
basis  for  this  identification  might  be  sought  in  the  fact  that  one  of  the  synonym es 
given  for  yu-kin  hian  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  is  ts'ao  se  hian  J=pL  jff  ^  ("vegetable  musk"); 
this  name  itself,  however,  is  not  explained.  Saffron,  of  course,  has  no  musk  odor; 
and  the  term  ts'ao  se  hian  surely  does  not  relate  to  saffron,  but  is  smuggled  in  here 
by  mistake.  The  Tien  hai  yii  hen  ci  (Ch.  3,  p.  I  b,  see  above,  p.  228)  also  equates  yu- 
kin  hian  with  ts*ao  se  hian,  adding  that  the  root  is  like  ginger  and  colors  wine  yel- 
low. This  would  decidedly  hint  at  a  Curcuma. 

Z  Vol.  II,  p.  202. 

3  Ch.  24,  p.  8  (cf.  Beginnings  of  Porcelain,  p.  115;  and  above,  p.  258). 

4  WATT,  Dictionary  of  the  Economic  Products  of  India,  Vol.  V,  p.  227. 
6  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  145. 


316  SlNO-lRANICA 

with  this  dye.  Abu  Hanifa  has  a  long  discourse  on  it.1  Ibn  Hassan 
knew  the  root  of  wars,  and  confounded  it  with  saffron.2  Ibn  al-Baitar 
offers  a  lengthy  notice  of  it.3  Two  species  are  distinguished, —  one  from 
Ethiopia,  black,  and  of  inferior  quality;  and  another  from  India,  of  a 
brilliant  red,  yielding  a  dye  of  a  pure  yellow.  A  variety  called  barida 
dyes  red.  It  is  cultivated  in  Yemen.  Also  the  association  with  Cur- 
cuma and  Crocus  is  indicated.  Isak  Ibn  Amran  remarks,  "It  is  said 
that  wars  represents  roots  of  Curcuma,  which  come  from  China  and 
Yemen";  and  Ibn  Massa  el-Basri  says,  "It  is  a  substance  of  a  brilliant 
red  which  resembles  pounded  saffron."  This  explains  why  the  Chinese 
included  it  in  the  term  yu-kin.  LECLERC  also  has  identified  the  wars 
of  the  Arabs  with  Memecylon  tinctorium,  and  adds,  "L'ouars  n'est  pas 
le  produit  exclusif  de  1'Arabie.  On  le  rencontre  abondamment  dans 
1'Inde,  notamment  aux  environs  de  Pondiche*ry  qui  en  a  envoye*  en 
Europe,  aux  dernieres  expositions.  II  s'appelle  kana  dans  le  pays."4 
The  Yamato  honzo  speaks  of  yu-kin  as  a  dye-stuff  coming  from  Siam; 
this  seems  to  be  also  Memecylon. 

The  fact  that  the  Chinese  included  the  product  of  Memecylon  in 
the  term  yu-kin  appears  to  indicate  that  this  cheap  coloring-matter 
was  substituted  in  trade  for  the  precious  saffron. 

While  the  Chinese  writers  on  botany  and  pharmacology  have  over- 
looked yu-kin  as  the  name  of  a  tree,  they  have  clearly  recognized  that 
the  term  principally  serves  for  the  designation  of  the  saffron,  the  product 
of  the  Crocus  sativus.  This  fact  is  well  borne  out  by  the  descriptions 
and  names  of  the  plant,  as  well  as  by  other  evidence. 

The  account  given  of  Central  India  in  the  Annals  of  the  Liang 
Dynasty5  expressly  states  that  yu-kin  is  produced  solely  in  Kashmir 
(Ki-pin),  that  its  flower  is  perfectly  yellow  and  fine,  resembling  the 
flower  fu-yun  (Hibiscus  mutabilis) .  Kashmir  was  always  the  classical 
land  famed  for  the  cultivation  of  saffron,  which  was  (and  is)  thence 
exported  to  India,  Tibet,  Mongolia,  and  China.  In  Kashmir,  Uddiyana, 

1  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  272. 

2  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  167. 
8  Ibid.,  p.  409, 

4  Arabic  wars  has  also  been  identified  with  Flemingia  congesta  (WATT,  Diction- 
ary, Vol.  Ill,  p.  400)  and  Mallotus  philippinensis  (ibid.,  Vol.  V,  p.  114).  The  whole 
subject  is  much  confused,  particularly  by  FLUCKIGER  and  H ANBURY  (Pharma- 
cographia,  p.  573;  cf.  also  G.  JACOB,  Beduinenleben,  p.  15,  and  Arab.  Geographen, 
p.  166),  but  this  is  not  the  place  to  discuss  it.  The  Chinese  description  of  the  yu-kin 
tree  does  not  correspond  to  any  of  these  plants. 

6  Lian  $u,  Ch.  54,  p.  7  b.  This  work  was  compiled  by  Yao  Se-lien  in  the  first 
half  of  the  seventh  century  from  documents  of  the  Liang  dynasty,  which  ruled  from 

A.D.  502  tO  556. 


SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC  317 

and  Jaguda  (Zabulistan)  it  was  observed  by  the  famous  pilgrim  Huan 
Tsan  in  the  seventh  century.1  The  Buddhist  traveller  Yi  Tsiii  (671-695) 
attributes  it  to  northern  India.2 

The  earliest  description  of  the  plant  is  preserved  in  the  Nan  cou  i 
wu  ci,  written  by  Wan  Cen  in  the  third  century  A.D.,3  who  says,  "The 
habitat  of  yu-kin  is  in  the  country  Ki-pin  (Kashmir),  where  it  is  culti- 
vated by  men,  first  of  all,  for  the  purpose  of  being  offered  to  the  Buddha. 
After  a  few  days  the  flower  fades  away,  and  then  it  is  utilized  on 
account  of  its  color,  which  is  uniformly  yellow.  It  resembles  the  fu-yun 
(Hibiscus)  and  a  young  lotus  (Nelumbium  speciosum),  and  can  render 
wine  aromatic."  This  characteristic  is  fairly  correct,  and  unequivocally 
applies  to  the  Crocus,  which  indeed  has  the  appearance  of  a  liliaceous 
plant,  and  therefore  belongs  to  the  family  Irideae  and  to  the  order 
Liliiflorae.  The  observation  in  regard  to  the  short  duration  of  the 
flowers  is  to  the  point.4 

In  A.D.  647  the  country  Kia-p'i  f8U  iJt  in  India  offered  to  the  Court 
yu-kin  hian,  which  is  described  on  this  occasion  as  follows:  "Its  leaves 
are  like  those  of  the  mai-men-tun  ££  P9  %•  (Ophiopogon  spicatus).  It 
blooms  in  the  ninth  month.  In  appearance  it  is  similar  to  fu-yun 
(Hibiscus  mutabilis) .  It  is  purple-blue  •$?  §1  in  color.  Its  odor  may  be 
perceived  at  a  distance  of  several  tens  of  paces.  It  flowers,  but 
does  not  bear  fruit.  In  order  to  propagate  it,  the  root  must  be 
taken."5 

1  S.  JULIEN,  Me"moires  sur  les  centimes  occidentales,  Vol.  I,  pp.  40,  131;  Vol. 
II,  p.  187  (s^ory  of  the  Saffron-Stupa,  ibid.,  Vol.  I,  p.  474;  or  S.  BEAL,  Buddhist 
Records,  Vol.  TI,  p.  125);  W.  W.  ROCKHILL,  Life  of  the  Buddha,  p.  169;  S.  L£vi, 
Journal  asiatiquc   1915,  I,  pp.  83-85. 

2  TAKAKUSU'S  Tanslation,  p.  128;  he  adds  erroneously,  "species  of  Curcuma." 

3  Pen  ts'ao  kan  v«,  Ch.  14,  p.  22. 

4  Compare  Pliny's  (xxi,  17,  §34)  description  of  Crocus:    "Floret  vergiliarum 
occasu  paucis  diebus  folioque  florem  expellit.    Viret  bruma  et  colligitur;  siccatur 
umbra,  melius  etiam  hiberna." 

5  T'an  hui  yao,  Ch.  200,  pp.  14  a-b.    This  text  was  adopted  by  the  Pen  ts'ao 
kan  mu  (Ch.  14,  p.  22),  which  quotes  it  from  the  T'ang  Annals.   Li  Si-Sen  comments 
that  this  description  agrees  with  that  of  the  Nan  cou  i  wu  U,  except  in  the  colors  of 
the  flower,  which  may  be  explained  by  assuming  that  there  are  several  varieties;  in 
this  he  is  quite  correct.    The  flower,  indeed,  occurs  in  a  great  variation  of  colors, — 
purple,  yellow,  white,  and  others.  W.  WOODVILLE  (Medical  Botany,  Vol.  IV,  p.  763) 
gives  the  following  description  of  Crocus:  "The  root  is  bulbous,  perennial:  the  flower 
appears  after  the  leaves,  rising  very  little  above  the  ground  upon  a  slender  succulent 
tube:    the  leaves  rise  higher  than  the  flower,  are  linear,  simple,  radical,  of  a  rich 
green  colour,  with  a  white  line  running  in  the  centre,  and  all  at  the  base  inclosed 
along  with  the  tube  of  the  flower  in  a  membranous  sheath.   The  flower  is  large,  of  a 
bluish  purple,  or  lilac  colour:    the  corolla  consists  of  six  petals,  which  are  nearly 
elliptical,  equal,  and  turned  inwards  at  the  edges.    The  filaments  are  three,  short, 
tapering,  and  support  long  erect  yellow  antherae.    The  germen  is  roundish,  from 


318  SlNO-lRANICA 

The  last  clause  means  that  the  plant  i£  propagated  from 
bulbs.  There  is  a  much  earlier  tribute-gift  of  saffron  on  record.  In 
A.D.  519,  King  Jayavarman  of  Fu-nan  (Camboja)  offered  saffron  with 
storax  and  other  aromatics  to  the  Chinese  Court.1  Accordingly  we  have 
to  assume  that  in  the  sixth  century  saffron  was  traded  from  India  to 
Camboja.  In  fact  we  know  from  the  T'ang  Annals  that  India,  in  her 
trade  with  Camboja  and  the  anterior  Orient,  exported  to  these  coun- 
tries diamonds,  sandal-wood,  and  saffron.2  The  T'ang  Annals,  further, 
mention  saffron  as  a  product  of  India,  Kashmir,  Uddiyana,  Jaguda, 
and  Baltistan.3  In  A.D.  719  the  king  of  Nan  (Bukhara)  presented 
thirty  pounds  of  saffron  to  the  Chinese  Emperor.4 

Li  Si-cen  has  added  to  his  notice  of  yii-kin  hian  a  Sanskrit  name 
3K  &  If  £'a-ku-mo,  *d2a-gu-ma,  which  he  reveals  from  the  Suvar- 
naprabhasa-sutra.5  This  term  is  likewise  given,  with  the  translation 
yii-kin ,  in  the  Chinese-Sanskrit  Dictionary  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi.6  This  name 
has  been  discussed  by  me  and  identified  with  Sanskrit  jaguda  through 
the  medium  of  a  vernacular  form  *jaguma,  the  ending  -ma  corresponding 
to  that  of  Tibetan  Sa-ka-ma.1 

A  singular  position  is  taken  by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  who  reports,  "  Yii-kin 
aromatic  grows  in  the  country  Ta  Ts'in.  It  flowers  in  the  second  or 
third  month,  and  has  the  appearance  of  the  hun-lan  (safflower,  Car- 
thamus  tinctorius)  .8  In  the  fourth  or  fifth  month  the  flowers  are  gathered 
and  make  an  aromatic."  This,  of  course,  cannot  refer  to  the  saffron 
which  blooms  in  September  or  October.  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  has  created 
confusion,  and  has  led  astray  Li  Si-cen,  who  wrongly  enumerates  hun- 
lan  hwa  among  the  synonymes  of  yii-kin  hian. 

The  inhabitants  of  Ku-lin  (Quilon)  ®C  KH  rubbed  their  bodies  with 

which  issues  a  slender  style,  terminated  by  three  long  convoluted  stigmata,  of  a 
deep  yellow  colour.  The  capsule  is  roundish,  three-lobed,  three-celled,  three-valved, 
and  contains  several  round  seeds.  It  flowers  in  September  and  October." 

1  According  to  the  Lian  $u;  cf.  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcolefran$aise,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  270. 

2  Tan  $u,  Ch.  221  A,  p.  10  b. 

3  Kiu  Tan  su,  Ch.  221  B,  p.  6;  198,  pp.  8  b,  9;  Tan  $u,  Ch.  221  A,  p.  10  b;  cf. 
CHAVANNES  (Documents  sur  les  Tou-kiue  occidentaux,  pp.  128,  150,  160,  166), 
whose  identification  with  Curcuma  longa  is  not  correct. 

4  CHAVANNES,  ibid.,  p.  203. 

6  The  passage  in  which  Li  Si-Sen  cites  this  term  demonstrates  clearly  that  he 
discriminated  well  between  Crocus  and  Curcuma;  for  he  adds  that  "6'a-ku-mo  is 
the  aromatic  of  the  yii-kin  flower  (Crocus),  but  that,  while  it  is  identical  in  name 
with  the  yii-kin  root  (Curcuma)  utilized  at  the  present  time,  the  two  plants  are 
different." 

6  Ch.  8,  p.  10  b. 

7  Toung  Pao,  1916,  p.  458. 

8  See  below,  p.  324. 


SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC  319 

yu-kin  after  every  bath,  with  the  intention  of  making  it  resemble  the 
"gold  body"  of  a  Buddha.1  Certainly  they  did  not  smear  their  bodies 
with  " turmeric,"2  which  is  used  only  as  a  dye-stuff,  but  with  saffron. 
Annamese  mothers  rub  the  bodies  of  their  infants  with  saffron-powder 
as  a  tonic  to  their  skin.3 

The  Ain-i  Akbari,  written  1597  in  Persian  by  Abul  Fazl  'Allami 
(1551-1602),  gives  detailed  information  on  the  saffron  cultivation  in 
Kashmir,4  from  which  the  following  extract  may  be  quoted:  "In  the 
village  of  Pampur,  one  of  the  dependencies  of  Vlhi  (in  Kashmir),  there 
are  fields  of  saffron  to  the  extent  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand  bighas,  a 
sight  that  would  enchant  the  most  fastidious.  At  the  close  of  the 
month  of  March  and  during  all  April,  which  is  the  season  of  cultivation, 
the  land  is  plowed  up  and  rendered  soft,  and  each  portion  is  prepared 
with  the  spade  for  planting,  and  the  saffron  bulbs  are  hard  in  the  ground. 
In  a  month's  time  they  sprout,  and  at  the  close  of  September,  it  is  at 
its  full  growth,  shooting  up  somewhat  over  a  span.  The  stalk  is  white, 
and  when  it  has  sprouted  to  the  height  of  a  finger,  one  bud  after  another 
begins  to  flower  till  there  are  eight  flowers.  It  has  six  lilac-tinted  petals. 
Usually  among  six  filaments,  three  are  yellow  and  three  ruddy.  The 
last  three  yield  the  saffron.  [There  are  three  stamens  and  three  stigmas 
in  each  flower,  the  latter  yielding  the  saffron.]  When  the  flowers  are 
past,  leaves  appear  upon  the  stalk.  Once  planted  it  will  flower  for  six 
years  in  succession.  The  first  year,  the  yield  is  small :  in  the  second  as 
thirty  to  ten.  In  the  third  year  it  reaches  its  highest  point,  and  the 
bulbs  are  dug  up.  If  left  in  the  same  soil,  they  gradually  deteriorate, 
but  if  taken  up,  they  may  be  profitably  transplanted." 

The  Emperor  Jahangir  was  deeply  impressed  by  the  saffron  planta- 
tions of  Kashmir,  and  left  the  following  notes  in  his  Memoirs:5 — 

"As  the  saffron  was  in  blossom,  his  Majesty  left  the  city  to  go  to 
Pampur,  which  is  the  only  place  in  Kashmir  where  it  flourishes.  Every 
parterre,  every  field,  was,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  covered  with 
flowers.  The  stem  inclines  toward  the  ground.  The  flower  has  five 
petals  of  a  violet  color,  and  three  stigmas  producing  saffron  are  found 
within  it,  and  that  is  the  purest  saffron.  In  an  ordinary  year,  400 

1  Lin  wai  tai  ta,  Ch.  2,  p.  13. 

2  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  91. 

3  PERROT  and  HURRIER,  Mat.  me"d.  et  pharmacope*e  sino-annamites,  p.  94. 
Cf.  also  MARCO  POLO'S  observation  (YULE'S  edition,  Vol.  II,  p.  286)  that  the  faces 
of  stuffed  monkeys  on  Java  are  daubed  with  saffron,  in  order  to  give  them  a  manlike 
appearance. 

4  Translation  of  H.  BLOCHMANN,  Vol.  I,  p.  84;  Vol.  II,  p.  357. 

6  H.  M.  ELLIOT,  History  of  India  as  told  by  Its  Own  Historians,  Vol.  VI,  p.  375 


320  SlNO-lRANICA 

maunds,  or  3200  Khurasan!  maunds,  are  produced.  Half  belongs  to 
the  Government,  half  to  the  cultivators,  and  a  sir  sells  for  ten  rupees; 
but  the  price  sometimes  varies  a  little.  It  is  the  established  custom  to 
weigh  the  flowers,  and  give  them  to  the  manufacturers,  who  take  them 
home  and  extract  the  saffron  from  them,  and  upon  giving  the  extract, 
which  amounts  to  about  one-fourth  weight  of  the  flower,  to  the  public 
officers,  they  receive  in  return  an  equal  weight  of  salt,  in  lieu  of  money 
wages." 

The  ancient  Chinese  attribute  saffron  not  only  to  Kashmir,  but  also 
to  Sasanian  Persia.  The  Cou  $ul  enumerates  yu-kin  among  the  products 
of  Po-se  (Persia) ;  so  does  the  Sui  $u.2  In  fact,  Crocus  occurs  in  Persia 
spontaneously,  and  its  cultivation  must  date  from  an  early  period. 
Aeschylus  alludes  to  the  saffron-yellow  footgear  of  King  Darius.3 
Saffron  is  mentioned  in  Pahlavi  literature  (above,  p.  193).  The  plant  is 
well  attested  for  Derbend,  Ispahan,  and  Transoxania  in  the  tenth 
century  by  Istaxri  and  Edrisi.4  Yaqut  mentions  saffron  as  the  principal 
production  of  Rud-Derawer  in  the  province  Jebal,  the  ancient  Media, 
whence  it  was  largely  exported.5  Abu  Mansur  describes  it  under  the 
Arabic  name  zafardn.6  The  Armenian  consumers  esteem  most  highly 
the  saffron  of  Khorasan,  which,  however,  is  marketed  in  such  small 
quantities  that  the  Persians  themselves  must  fill  the  demand  with 
exportations  from  the  Caucasus.7  According  to  SCHLIMMER,S  part  of 
the  Persian  saffron  comes  from  Baku  in  Russia,  another  part  is  culti- 
vated in  Persia  in  the  district  of  Kain,  but  in  quantity  insufficient  to 
fill  the  demand.  In  two  places, — Rudzabar  (identical  with  the  above 
Rud-Derawer),  a  mountainous  tract  near  Hamadan,  and  Mount 
Derbend,  where  saffron  cultivation  had  been  indicated  by  previous 
writers, — he  was  unable  to  find  a  trace  of  it. 

It  is  most  probable  that  it  was  from  Persia  that  the  saffron-plant 
was  propagated  to  Kashmir.  A  reminiscence  of  this  event  is  preserved 
in  the  Sanskrit  term  vdhtika,  a  synonyme  of  "saffron,"  which  means 
"originating  from  the  Pahlava."g  The  Buddhists  have  a  legend  to  the 

1  Ch.  50,  p.  6. 

2  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b;  also  Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  p.  5  b. 
8  HEHN,  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  264. 

4  A.  JAUBERT,  Geographic,  pp.  168,  192. 

6  B.  DE  MEYNARD,  Dictionnaire  ge"ogr.  de  la  Perse,  p.  267.  See  also  G.  FER- 
RAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  rExtreTne-Orient,  Vol.  II,  pp.  618,  622. 

6  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  76. 

7  E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  151.     CHARDIN  (Voyages  en  Perse,  Vol.  II,  p.  14) 
even  says  that  the  saffron  of  Persia  is  the  best  of  the  world. 

8  Terminologie,  p.  165. 

9  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  459. 


\ 


SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC  321 

effect  that  Madhyantika,  the  first  apostle  of  Buddha's  word  in  Kashmir, 
planted  the  saffron  there.1  If  nothing  else,  this  shows  at  least  that  the 
plant  was  regarded  as  an  introduction.  The  share  of  the  Persians  in  the 
distribution  of  the  product  is  vividly  demonstrated  by  the  Tibetan 
word  for  "saffron,  "kur-kum,  gur-kum,gur-gum,  which  is  directly  traceable 
to  Persian  kurkum  or  karkam,  but  not  to  Sanskrit  kunkuma.2  The 
Tibetans  carried  the  word  to  Mongolia,  and  it  is  still  heard  among  the 
Kalmuk  on  the  Wolga.  By  some,  the  Persian  word  (Pahlavi  kulkem) 
is  traced  to  Semitic,  Assyrian  karkuma,  Hebrew  karkom,  Arabic  kurkum; 
while  others  regard  the  Semitic  origin  as  doubtful.3  It  is  beyond  the 
scope  of  this  notice  to  deal  with  the  history  of  saffron  in  the  west  and 
Europe,  on  which  so  much  has  been  written.4 

From  the  preceding  investigation  it  follows  that  the  word  yu-kin 
&  &,  owing  to  its  multiplicity  of  meaning,  offers  some  difficulty  to 
the  translator  of  Chinese  texts.  The  general  rule  may  be  laid  down  that 
yu-kin,  whenever  it  hints  at  a  plant  or  product  of  China,  denotes  a 
species  of  Curcuma,  but  that,  when  used  with  reference  to  India,  Indo- 
China,  and  Iran,  the  greater  probability  is  in  favor  of  Crocus.  The  term 
yu-kin  hian  ("yu-kin  aromatic"),  with  reference  to  foreign  countries, 
almost  invariably  appears  to  refer  to  the  latter  plant,  which  indeed 
served  as  an  aromatic;  while  the  same  term,  as  will  be  seen  below,  with 
reference  to  China,  again  denotes  Curcuma.  The  question  may  now  be 
raised,  What  is  the  origin  of  the  word  yu-kin?  And  what  was  its  original 
meaning?  In  1886  HiRTH5  identified  yu-kin  with  Persian  karkam 
("saffron"),  and  restated  this  opinion  in  19 n,6  by  falling  back  on  an 
ancient  pronunciation  *hat-kam.  Phonetically  this  is  not  very  con- 
vincing, as  the  Chinese  would  hardly  have  employed  an  initial  h  for 

1ScHiEFNER,  Taranatha,  p.  13;  cf.  also  J.  PRZYLUSKI,  Journal  asiatique,  1914 
II,  P-  537- 

2  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  474.     Cf.  also  Sogdian  kurkumba  and  Tokharian  kurkama. 

3  HORN,  Grundriss  der  iranischen  Philologie,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  6.  Besides  kurkum, 
there  are  Persian  kdkbdn  and  kafiSa,  which  denote  "saffron  in  the  flower."    Old 
Armenian  k'rk'um  is  regarded  as  a  loan  from  Syriac  kurkemd  (HUBSCHMANN,  Armen. 
Gram.,  p.  320). 

4  In  regard  to  saffron  among  the  Arabs,  see  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples, 
Vol.  II,  pp.  208-210.    In  general  cf.  J.  BECKMANN,  Beytrage  zur  Geschichte  der 
Erfindungen,  1784,  Vol.  II,  pp.  79-91  (also  in  English  translation);  FLUCKIGER  and 
HANBURY,  Pharmacographia,  pp.  663-669;  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  Geographic  botanique, 
p.  857,  and  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  166;  HEHN,  Kulturpflanzen  (8th  ed.), 
pp.  264-270;  WATT,  Dictionary,  Vol.  II,  p.  592;  W.  HEYD,  Histoire  du  commerce  du 
levant,  Vol.  II,  p.  668,  etc. 

B  Journal  China  Branch  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXI,  p.  221. 
6  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  91. 


322  SlNO-lRANICA 

the  reproduction  of  a  foreign  k;  but  the  character  yu  in  transcriptions 
usually  answers  to  *ut,  ud.  The  whole  theory,  however,  is  exposed  to 
much  graver  objections.  The  Chinese  themselves  do  not  admit  that 
yu-kin  represents  a  foreign  word;  nowhere  do  they  say  that  yii-kin  is 
Persian,  Sanskrit,  or  anything  of  the  sort;  on  the  contrary,  they  regard 
it  as  an  element  of  their  own  language.  Moreover,  if  yu-kin  should 
originally  designate  the  saffron,  how,  then,  did  it  happen  that  this  alleged 
Persian  word  was  transferred  to  the  genus  Curcuma,  some  species  of 
which  are  even  indigenous  to  China,  and  which,  at  any  rate,  has  been 
acclimated  there  for  a  long  period?  The  case,  indeed,  is  not  simple,  and 
requires  closer  study.  Let  us  see  what  the  Chinese  have  to  say  con- 
cerning the  word  yu-kin.  PELLiox1  has  already  clearly,  though  briefly, 
outlined  the  general  situation  by  calling  attention  to  the  fact  that  as 
early  as  the  beginning  of  the  second  century,  yu-kin  is  mentioned  in 
the  dictionary  Swo  wen  as  the  name  of  an  odoriferous  plant,  offered  as 
tribute  by  the  people  of  Yu,  the  present  Yu-lin  in  Kwan-si  Province; 
hence  he  inferred  that  the  sense  of  the  word  should  be  "gold  of  Yu," 
in  allusion  to  the  yellow  color  of  the  product.  We  read  in  the  Sim  kin 
tu  &  K  Sk2  as  follows:  "The  district  Kwei-lin  tie.  tt  %$  of  the  Ts'in 
dynasty  had  its  name  changed  into  the  Yu-lin  district  ®  ^  ^P  in  the 
sixth  year  of  the  period  Yuan-tin  (in  B.C.)  of  the  Emperor  Wu  of  the 
Han  dynasty.  Wan  Man  made  it  into  the  Yu-p'in  district  if  ZP.  Yin 
Sao  JBI  Bft  [second  century  A.D.],  in  his  work  Ti  li  fun  su  ki  $L  SI  R 
f&fti,  says,  'The  Cou  li  speaks  of  the  yu  Zen^HA.  ('officials  in  charge  of 
the  plant  yU'),  who  have  charge  of  the  jars  serving  for  libations;  when- 
ever libations  are  necessary  for  sacrifices  or  for  the  reception  of  guests, 
they  attend  to  the  blending  of  the  plant  yu  with  the  odoriferous  wine 
Fan,  pour  it  into  the  sacred  vases,  and  arrange  them  in  their  place.'3 
Yu  is  a  fragrant  plant.  Flowers  of  manifold  plants  are  boiled  and  mixed 
with  wine  fermented  by  means  of  black  millet  as  an  offering  to  the 
spirits:  this  is  regarded  by  some  as  what  is  now  called  yii-kin  hian 
%H  &  ^  (Curcuma) ;  while  others  contend  that  it  was  brought  as 
tribute  by  the  people  of  Yu,  thus  connecting  the  name  of  the  plant 
with  that  of  the  clan  and  district  of  Yu."  The  latter  is  the  explanation 

1  Butt,  de  VEcole  frangaise,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  270. 

2  This  work  is  a  commentary  to  the  Swi  kin,  a  canonical  book  on  water-courses, 
supposed  to  have  been  written  by  San  K'in  under  the  Later  Han  dynasty,  but  it 
was  elaborated  rather  in  the  third  century.   The  commentary  is  due  to  Li  Tao-yiian 
of  the  Hou  Wei  period,  who  died  in  A.D.  527  (his  biography  is  in  Wei  su,  Ch.  89; 
Pei  si,  Ch.  27).    Regarding  the  various  editions  of  the  work,  see  PELLIOT,  Butt,  de 
V Ecole  franqaise,  Vol.  VI,  p.  364,  note  4. 

3  Cf.  BIOT,  Le  Tcheou-li,  Vol.  I,  p.  465. 


SAFFRON  AND  TURMERIC  323 

favored  by  the  Swo  wen.1  Both  explanations  are  reasonable,  but  only 
one  of  the  two  can  be  correct.2  My  own  opinion  is  this:  yii  is  an  ancient 
Chinese  name  for  an  indigenous  Chinese  aromatic  plant;  whether 
Curcuma  or  another  genus,  can  no  longer  be  decided  with  certainty.3 
The  term  yu-kin  means  literally  "gold  of  the  yu  plant,"  "gold"  re- 
ferring to  the  yellow  rhizome,4  yu  to  the  total  plant-character;  the  con- 
crete significance,  accordingly,  is  "yw-rhizome"  or  "yu-root."  I  do  not 
believe,  however,  that  yu-kin  is  derived  from  the  district  or  clan  of  Yu; 
for  this  is  impossible  to  assume,  since  yu  as  the  name  of  a  plant  existed 
prior  to  the  name  of  that  district.  This  is  clearly  evidenced  by  the 
text  of  the  Swi  kin  Zu:  for  it  was  only  in  in  B.C.  that  the  name  Yii-lin 
("Grove  of  the  Yu  Plant")  came  into  existence,  being  then  substituted 
for  the  earlier  Kwei-lin  ("Grove  of  Cinnamomum  cassia").  It  is  the 
plant,  consequently,  which  lent  its  name  to  the  district,  not  the  dis- 
trict which  named  the  plant.  As  in  so  many  cases,  the  Chinese  con- 
found cause  and  effect.  The  reason  why  the  name  of  this  district  was 
altered  into  Yii-lin  is  now  also  obvious.  It  must  have  been  renowned 
under  the  Hail  for  the  wealth  of  its  yu-kin  plants,  which  was  less  con- 
spicuous under  the  Ts'in,  when  the  cassia  predominated  there.  At 
any  rate,  yu-kin  is  a  perfectly  authentic  and  legitimate  constituent 
of  the  Chinese  language,  and  not  a  foreign  word.  It  denotes  an  indig- 
enous Curcuma;  while  under  the  T'ang,  as  we  have  seen,  additional 
species  of  this  genus  may  have  been  introduced  from  abroad.  The  word 
yu-kin  then  underwent  a  psychological  treatment  similar  to  yen-U: 
as  yen-ci,  "safflower,"  was  transformed  to  any  cosmetic  or  rouge,  so  yu-kin 
' 'turmeric,"  was  grafted  on  any  dyes  producing  similar  tinges  of  yellow. 
Thus  it  was  applied  to  the  saffron  of  Kashmir  and  Persia. 

1  The  early  edition  of  this  work  did  not  contain  the  form  yu-kin,  but  merely  the 
plain,  ancient  yu.   Solely  the  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi  (Ch.  8,  p.  10  b)  attributes  ( I  believe, 
erroneously)  the  term  yu-kin  to  the  Swo  wen. 

2  Li  §i-<5en  says  that  the  district  Yu-lin  of  the  Han  period  comprises  the  territory 
of  the  present  cou  >ft\  of  Sim  Vf|,  Liu  $P,  Yun  f  ,  and  Pin  jj|  of  Kwan-si  and  Kwei- 
6ou,  and  that,  according  to  the  Ta  Min  i  Vun  ci,  only  the  district  of  Lo-c'en  it  ^ 
in  Liu-cou  fu  (Kwan-si)  produces  yu-kin  hian,  which  is  that  here  spoken  of  (that  is, 
Crocus),  while  in  fact  Curcuma  must  be  understood. 

3  There  is  also  the  opinion  that  the  ancient  yu  must  be  a  plant  similar  to  Ian 
H5,  an  orchidaceous  plant  (see  the  P*i  ya  of  Lu  Tien  and  the  T*un  ci  of  Cen  Tsiao). 

4  PALLEGOIX  (Description  du  royaume  Thai  ou  Siam,  Vol.  I,  p.  126)  says,  "Le 
curcurfia  est  une  racine  bulbeuse  et  charnue,  d'un  beau  jaune  d'or." 


SAFFLOWER 

17.  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,1  while  maintaining  that  the  cultivation  of 
safflower2  (Carthamus  tinctorius)  is  of  ancient  date  both  in  Egypt  and 
India,  asserts  on  Bretschneider's  authority  that  the  Chinese  received  it 
only  in  the  second  century  B.C.,  when  Can  K'ien  brought  it  back  from 
Bactriana.  The  same  myth  is  repeated  by  STUART.S  The  biography 
of  the  general  and  the  Han  Annals  contain  nothing  to  this  effect.  Only 
the  Po  wu  Zi  enumerates  hwan  Ian  jK  ii  in  its  series  of  Can-K'ien  plants, 
adding  that  it  can  be  used  as  a  cosmetic  (yen-U  ffi  5i).4  The  Ku  kin 
cu,  while  admitting  the  introduction  of  the  plant  from  the  West,  makes 
no  reference  to  the  General.  The  7sV  min  yao  $u  discusses  the  method 
of  cultivating  the  flower,  but  is  silent  as  to  its  introduction.  The  fact 
of  this  introduction  cannot  be  doubted,  but  it  is  hardly  older  than  the 
third  or  fourth  century  A.D.  under  the  Tsin  dynasty.  The  introduction 
of  safflower  drew  the  attention  of  the  Chinese  to  an  indigenous  wild 
plant  (Basella  rubrd)  which  yielded  a  similar  dye  and  cosmetic,  and 
both  plants  and  their  products  were  combined  or  confounded  under 
the  common  name  yen-H. 

Basella  rubra,  a  climbing  plant  of  the  family  Basellaceae,  is  largely 
cultivated  in  China  (as  well  as  in  India)  on  account  of  its  berries,  which 
contain  a  red  juice  used  as  a  rouge  by  women  and  as  a  purple  dye  for 
making  seal-impressions.  This  dye  was  the  prerogative  of  the  highest 

1  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  164. 

2  Regarding  the  history  of  this  word,  see  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  779. 

8  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  94.  It  is  likewise  an  erroneous  statement  of  Stuart 
that  Tibet  was  regarded  by  the  Chinese  as  the  natural  habitat  of  this  plant.  This  is 
due  to  a  confusion  with  the  term  Si-ts'an  hun  hwa  ("red  flower  of  Tibet "),  which  refers 
to  the  saffron,  and  is  so  called  because  in  modern  times  saffron  is  imported  into 
China  from  Kashmir  by  way  of  Tibet  (see  p.  312).  Neither  Carthamus  nor  saffron  is 
grown  in  the  latter  country. 

4  Some  editions  of  the  Po  wu  li  add,  "At  present  it  has  also  been  planted  in 
the  land  of  Wei  |)|  (China),"  which  might  convey  the  impression  that  it  had  only 
been  introduced  during  the  third  century  A.D.,  the  lifetime  of  Can  Hwa,  author  of 
that  work.  In  the  commentary  to  the  Pei  hu  lu  (Ch.  3,  p.  12),  the  Po  wu  li  is  quoted 
as  saying,  "The  safflower  (hun  hwa  JC  ffi,  'red  flower')  has  its  habitat  in  Persia, 
Su-le  (Kashgar),  and  Ho-lu  $f  jjjfc.  Now  that  of  Lian-han  |j£  g|  is  of  prime  quality, 
a  tribute  of  twenty  thousand  catties  being  annually  sent  to  the  Bureau  of  Weaving 
and  Dyeing."  The  term  hun  hwa  in  the  written  language  does  not  refer  to  "saffron," 
but  to  "safflower."  Java  produced  the  latter  (Javanese  kasumba),  not  saffron,  as 
translated  by  HIRTH  (Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  78).  The  Can-K'ien  story  is  repeated  in  the 
Hwa  kin  of  1688  (Ch.  5,  p.  24  b). 

324 


SAFFLOWER  325 

boards  of  the  capital,  the  prefects  of  Sun-t'ien  and  Mukden,  and  all 
provincial  governors.1  Under  the  name  lo  k'wei  $£  H  it  is  mentioned 
by  T'ao  Hun-kin  (A.D.  451-536),  who  refers  to  its  cultivation,  to  the 
employment  of  the  leaves  as  a  condiment,  and  to  the  use  of  the  berries 
as  a  cosmetic.2  This  probably  came  into  use  after  the  introduction  of 
safflower.  The  Ku  kin  £u*  written  by  Ts'ui  Pao  in  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century,  states,  "The  leaves  of  yen-ci  3§?  ^  resemble  those  of 
the  thistle  (ki  15)  and  the  p'u-kun  $f  &  (Taraxacum  officinalis).  Its 
habitat  is  in  the  Western  Countries  H  Ji,  where  the  natives  avail  them- 
selves of  the  plant  for  dyeing,  and  designate  it  yen-li  %£  1&,  while  the 
Chinese  call  it  hun-lan  ($[  §1  'red  indigo/  Carthamus  tinctorius}  \ 
and  the  powder  obtained  from  it,  and  used  for  painting  the  face,  is 
styled  yen-ci  Jen  f&".  [At  present,  because  people  value  a  deep-red 
color  &,  they  speak  of  the  yen-ti  flower  which  dyes;  the  yen-U  flower, 
however,  is  not  the  dye-plant  yen-Zi,  but  has  its  own  name,  hun-lan 
(Carthamus  tinctorius).  Of  old,  the  color  intermediate  between  Vi  7$ 
and  white  is  termed  hun  itt,  and  this  is  what  is  now  styled  hun-lan.] "  4 
It  would  follow  from  this  text  that  Basella  was  at  an  early  date  con- 
founded with  Carthamus,  but  that  originally  the  term  yen-ci  related  to 
Carthamus  only. 

The  Pei  hu  lu 5  contains  the  following  information  in  regard  to  the 
yen-ti  flower:  "There  is  a  wild  flower  growing  abundantly  in  the 
rugged  mountains  of  Twan-£ou  SS  ffl.6  Its  leaves  resemble  those  of  the 
Ian  §E  (Indigoferd) ;  its  flowers,  those  of  the  liao  0  (Polygonum,  prob- 
ably P.  tinctorium).  The  blossoms  H,  when  pulled  out,  are  from  two 
to  three  inches  long,  and  yield  a  green-white  pigment.  It  blooms  in 
the  first  month.  The  natives  gather  the  bursting  seeds  while  still  in 
their  shells,  in  order  to  sell  them.  They  are  utilized  in  the  preparation 
of  a  cosmetic  iS  ;S  i^,  and  particularly  also  for  dyeing  pongee  and 
other  silks.  Its  red  is  not  inferior  to  that  of  the  Ian  flower.  Si  Ts'o-S'i 

1  P.  HOANG,  Melanges  sur  I'administration,  pp.  80-81. 

2  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  No.  148;  pt.  Ill,  No.  258. 

3  Ch.  c,  p.  5  (ed.  of  Han  Wei  ts'un  sii).     In  regard  to  the  historicity  of  this  work, 
the  critical  remarks  of  the  Imperial  Catalogue  (cf .  WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Litera- 
ture, p.  159)  must  be  kept  in  mind.    Cf.  also  above,  p.  242. 

4  The  passage  enclosed  in  brackets,  though  now  incorporated  in  the  text  of  the 
Ku  kin  £u,  is  without  any  doubt  later  commentatorial  wisdom.    This  is  formally 
corroborated  by  the  Pei  hu  lu  (Ch.  3,  p.  12),  which  omits  all  this  in  quoting  the 
relevant  text  of  the  Ku  kin  lu. 

5  Ch.  3,  p.  ii  (see  above,  p.  268). 

6  Name  of  the  prefecture  of   Cao-k'in  jjl  HI  in  Kwan-tun  Province.    This 
wild  flower  is  Basella,  rubra. 


326  SlNO-lRANICA 

!?  1?  1S,  in  his  Yu  sie  Si  lun  $u  H  IS  f£  *\*  ifr,  says,1  'These  are  hun- 
lan  (Carthamus):2  did  you  know  these  previously,  Sir,  or  not?  The 
people  of  the  north  gather  these  flowers,  and  dye  materials  a  red-yellow 
by  rubbing  their  surface  with  it.  The  fresh  blossoms  are  made  into  a 
cosmetic.3  Women,  when  dressing,  use  this  pigment,  it  being  the  fashion 
to  apply  only  a  piece  the  size  of  a  small  bean.  When  distributed  evenly, 
the  paint  is  pleasing,  as  long  as  it  is  fresh.  In  my  youth  I  observed  this 
cosmetic  again  and  again;  and  to-day  I  have  for  the  first  time  beheld 
the  hun-lan  flower.  Afterwards  I  shall  raise  its  seeds  for  your  benefit, 
Sir.  The  Hiun-nu  styled  a  wife  yen-li  (RJ  &,4  a  word  just  as  pleasing  as 
yen-li  #8  5  ('cosmetic ') .  The  characters  $9  and  #3  have  the  same  sound 
yen-,  the  character  J£  has  the  sound  5i  &'.  I  expect  you  knew  this 
before,  Sir,  or  you  may  read  it  up  in  the  Han  Annals.'  Cen  K'ien  SB  ft 5 
says  that  a  cosmetic  may  be  prepared  from  pomegranate  flowers." 6 

The  curious  word  yen-li  has  stirred  the  imagination  of  Chinese 
scholars.  It  is  not  only  correlated  with  the  Hiuii-nu  word  yen-ti,  as 
was  first  proposed  by  Si  Ts'o-6'i,  but  is  also  connected  with  a  Yen-Si 
mountain.  Lo  Yuan,  in  his  Er  ya  i,  remarks  that  the  Hiun-nu  had  a 
Yen-£i  mountain,  and  goes  on  to  cite  a  song  from  the  Si  ho  kiu  Si  15  W 
iff  ^,7  which  says,  "If  we  lose  our  K'i-lien  mountain  tfP  31  llj,8  we  cause 
our  herds  to  diminish  in  number;  if  we  lose  our  Yen-£i  mountain,  we 
cause  our  women  to  go  without  paint. "J  The  Pei  pien  pei  tui  At  jft 
ifi  f£,  a  work  of  the  Sung  period,  states,  "The  yen-ti  3S  ~&  of  the  Yen-ci 
mountain  ^t  j£  UJ  is  the  yen-U  $5  Ba  of  the  present  time.  This  moun- 

1  This  author  is  stated  to  have  lived  under  the  Tsin  dynasty  (A.D.  265-419) 
in  the  T'u  Su  tsi  t'en,  XX,  Ch.  158,  where  this  passage  is  quoted;  but  his  book  is 
there  entitled  Yu  yen  wan  Su  $L  ^  3£  lip.    The  same  passage  is  inserted  in  the 
Er  ya  i  of  Lo  Yiian  $31  H$l  of  the  twelfth  century,  where  the  title  is  identical  with 
that  given  above. 

2  In  the  text  of  the  T'u  Su:  "At  the  foot  of  the  mountain  there  are  hun  Ian." 
1  Carthamus  was  already  employed  for  the  same  purposes  in  ancient  Egypt. 

4  This  is  the  Hiun-nu  word  for  a  royal  consort,  handed  down  in  the  Han  Annals 
(Ts'ien  Han  $u,  Ch.  94  A,  p.  5).    See  my  Language  of  the  Yue-chi,  p.  10. 
6  Author  of  the  lost  Hu  pen  ts'ao  (above,  p.  268). 

6  Then  follow  a  valueless  anecdote  anent  a  princess  of  the  T'ang  dynasty  pre- 
paring a  cosmetic,  and  the  passage  of  the  Ku  kin  cu  given  above. 

7  Mentioned  in  the  T'ang  literature,  but  seems  to  date  from  an  earlier  period 
(BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  190). 

8  A  mountain-range  south-west  of  Kan  &>u  in  Kan-su  (Si  ki,  Ch.  123,  p.  4). 
The  word  k'i-lien  belongs  to  the  language  of  the  Hiun-nu  and  means  "heaven." 
In  my  opinion,  it  is  related  to  Manchu  kulun,  which  has  the  same  meaning.     The 
interpretations  given  by  WAITERS  (Essays,  p.  362)  and  SHIRATORI  (Sprache  der 
Hiung-nu,  p.  8)  are  not  correct. 

9  The  same  text  is  quoted  in  the  commentary  to  the  Pei  hu  lu  (Ch.  3,  p.  II  b). 


SAFFLOWER  327 

tain  produces  hun-lan  (Carthamus)  which  yields  yen-ti  (' cosmetic ')•" 
All  this,  of  course,  is  pure  fantasy  inspired  by  the  homophony  of  the  two 
words  yen-li  (" cosmetic")  and  Hiun-nu  yen-ci  (" royal  consort"). 
Another  etymology  propounded  by  Fu  Hou  f£  l£  in  his  Cun  hwa  ku 
kin  cu  ^Hiffr^S:  (tenth  century)  is  no  more  fortunate:  he  explains 
that  yen-li  is  produced  in  the  country  Yen  iS,  and  is  hence  styled  J8&  SB 
yen-li  ("sap  of  Yen").  Yen  was  one  of  the  small  feudal  states  at  the 
time  of  the  Cou  dynasty.  This  is  likewise  a  philological  afterthought, 
for  there  is  no  ancient  historical  record  to  the  effect  that  the  state  of 
Yen  should  have  produced  (exclusively  or  pre-eminently)  Basella  or 
Carthamus.  It  is  perfectly  certain  that  yen-Si  is  not  Chinese,  but  the 
transcription  of  a  foreign  word:  this  appears  clearly  from  the  ancient 
form  $£  5:,  which  yields  no  meaning  whatever;  j£,  as  is  well  known, 
being  a  favorite  character  in  the  rendering  of  foreign  words.  This  is 
further  corroborated  by  the  vacillating  modes  of  writing  the  word, 
to  which  Li  Si-Sen  adds  1&  Ififc,1  while  he  rejects  as  erroneous  K  J8 
and  US  ;£,  and  justly  so.  Unfortunately  we  are  not  informed  as  to  the 
country  or  language  from  which  the  word  was  adopted:  the  Ku  kin 
tu  avails  itself  only  of  the  vague  term  Si  fan  (" Western  Countries"), 
where  Carthamus  was  called  yen-Zi;  but  in  no  language  known  to  me  is 
there  any  such  name  for  the  designation  of  this  plant  or  its  product. 
The  Sanskrit  name  for  safflower  is  kusumbha;  and  if  the  plant  had  come 
from  India,  Chinese  writers  would  certainly  not  have  failed  to  express 
this  clearly.  The  supposition  therefore  remains  that  it  was  introduced 
from  some  Iranian  region,  and  that  yen-Si  represents  a  word  from  an 
old  Iranian  dialect  now  extinct,  or  an  Iranian  word  somehow  still 
unknown.  The  New-Persian  name  for  the  plant  is  gawdZlla;  in  Arabic 
it  is  qurtum.2 

Li  Si-Sen  distinguishes  four  kinds  of  yen-Si:  (i)  From  Carthamus 
tinctorius,  the  juice  of  the  flowers  of  which  is  made  into  a  rouge  (the 
information  is  chiefly  drawn  from  the  Ku  kin  £u,  as  cited  above). 
(2)  From  Basella  rubra,  as  described  in  the  Pei  hu  lu.  (3)  From  the 
$an-liu  Uj  IS  flower  [unidentified,  perhaps  a  wild  pomegranate:  above, 
p.  281],  described  in  the  Hu  pen  ts'ao.  (4)  From  the  tree  producing 
gum  lac  (tse-kun  ^  IfJP),3  this  product  being  styled  $!  %£  Ha  hu  yen-Si 
("foreign  cosmetic")  and  described  in  the  Nan  hai  yao  p'u  IS  fS  l?§  IS 
of  Li  Sim  ^  *ij.4  "At  present,"  Li  Si-cen  continues,  "the  southerners 

1  Formed  with  the  classifier  155,  "red." 
-  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  105. 

3  See  below,  p.  476. 

4  He  lived  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century. 


328  SlNO-lRANICA 

make  abundant  use  of  tse-kun  cosmetic,  which  is  commonly  called 
tse-kun.  In  general,  all  these  substances  may  be  used  as  remedies  in 
blood  diseases.1  Also  the  juice  from  the  seeds  of  lo  k'wei  $£  $  (Basella 
rubra)  may  be  taken,  and,  mixed  evenly  with  powder,  may  be  applied 
to  the  face.  Also  this  is  styled  hu  yen-ti"  Now  it  becomes  clear  why 
Basella  rubra,  a  plant  indigenous  to  China,  is  termed  hu  yen-li  in  the 
T'un  ti  of  Ceil  Tsiao  and  by  Ma  Ci  of  the  tenth  century:  this  name 
originally  referred  to  the  cosmetic  furnished  by  Butea  frondosa  or  other 
trees  on  which  the  lac-insect  lives,2 — trees  growing  in  Indo-China,  the 
Archipelago,  and  India.  This  product,  accordingly,  was  foreign,  and 
hence  styled  "foreign  cosmetic"  or  "cosmetic  of  the  barbarians" 
(hu  yen-Zi).  Since  Basella  was  used  in  the  same  manner,  that  name 
was  ultimately  transferred  also  to  the  cosmetic  furnished  by  this 
indigenous  plant. 

What  is  not  stated  by  Li  Si-6en  is  that  yen-ti  is  also  used  with 
reference  to  Mirabilis  jalapa,  because  from  the  flowers  of  this  plant  is 
derived  a  red  coloring-matter  often  substituted  for  carthamine.3  It 
is  obvious  that  the  term  yen-ti  has  no  botanical  value,  and  for  many 
centuries  has  simply  had  the  meaning  "cosmetic." 

Fan  C'eii-ta  (1126-93),  in  his  Kwei  hai  yii  hen  ft,4 mentions  &yen-ti 
K  BH  tree,  strong  and  fine,  with  a  color  like  yen-ci  (that  is,  red),  good 
for  making  arrowheads,  and  growing  in  Yuri  £ou,  also  in  the  caves  of 
this  department,  and  in  the  districts  of  Kwei-lin,  in  Kwan-si  Province. 
A.  HENRY  5  gives  for  Yi-£'aii  in  Se-S'wan  a  plant-name  yen-li  ma  $1  SB 
fit  ("cosmetic  hemp"),  identified  with  Patrinia  villosa. 

1  On  account  of  the  red  color  of  the  berries. 

3  See  p.  478. 

8  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  264;  MATSUMURA,  No.  2040;  PERROT  and 
HURRIER,  Matiere  me"dicale  et  pharmacope'e  sino-annamites,  p.  116,  where  lo-k*wei 
is  erroneously  given  as  Chinese  name  of  the  plant. 

4  Ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  lai  ts*un  $u,  p.  28  b. 

5  Chinese  Names  of  Plants,  p.  239   (Journal   China   Branch   Roy.   As.   Soc., 
Vol.  XXII,  1887). 


JASMINE 

1 8.  The  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  Zwan  &  3t  ^  /fc  JK,  the  oldest  Chinese 
work  devoted  to  the  botany  of  southern  China,  attributed  to  Ki  Han 
H  &,  a  minister  of  the  Emperor  Hwei  8£  (A.D.  290-309),  contains 
the  following  notice:1 — 

"The  ye-si-min  tff>  &  3%  flower  and  the  mo-li  M  M  flower  (Jas- 
minum  officinale,  family  Oleaceae)  were  brought  over  from  western 
countries  by  Hu  people  $5  A,  and  have  been  planted  in  Kwan-tun 
(Nan  hai  Si  $J).  The  southerners  are  fond  of  their  fragrant  odor,  and 
therefore  cultivate  them  .  .  .  The  mo-li  flower  resembles  the  white 
variety  of  ts'ian-mi  ^  H  (Cnidium  monnieri),  and  its  odor  exceeds  that 
of  the  ye-si-min." 

In  another  passage  of  the  same  work2  it  is  stated  that  the  U-kia 
JB  V  flower  (Lawsonia  alba)*  ye-si-min,  and  mo-li  were  introduced  by 
Hu  people  from  the  country  Ta  Ts'in;  that  is,  the  Hellenistic  Orient. 

The  plant  ye-si-min  has  been  identified  with  Jasminum  officinale; 
the  plant  mo-li, wiih  Jasminum  sambac.  Both  species  are  now  cultivated 
in  China  on  account  of  the  fragrancy  of  the  flowers  and  the  oil  that 
they  yield.4 

The  passage  of  the  Nan  fan  ts*ao  mu  Zwan,  first  disclosed  by  BRET- 
SCHNEIDER/  has  given  rise  to  various  misunderstandings.  HiRTH6 
remarked,  "This  foreign  name,  which  is  now  common  to  all  European 
languages,  is  said  to  be  derived  from  Arabic-Persian  jasamm  [read 
ydsmm},  and  the  occurrence  of  the  word  in  a  Chinese  record  written 
about  A.D.  300  shows  that  it  must  have  been  in  early  use."  WAITERS7 
regarded  ydsmm  as  "one  of  the  earliest  Arabian  words  to  be  found  in 
Chinese  literature."  It  seems  never  to  have  occurred  to  these  authors 

1  Ch.  A,  p.  2  (ed.  of  Han  Wei  ts'un  $u). 

2  Ch.  B,  p.  3. 

8  See  below,  p.  334. 

4  The  sambac  is  a  favored  flower  of  the  Chinese.    In  Peking  there  are  special 
gardeners  who  cultivate  it  exclusively.    Every  day  in  summer,  the  flower-buds  are 
gathered  before  sunrise  (without  branches  or  leaves)  and  sold  for  the  purpose  of 
perfuming  tea  and  snuff,  and  to  adorn  the  head-dress  of  Chinese  ladies.    Jasminum 
officinale  is  not  cultivated  in  Peking  (BRETSCHNEIDER,  Chinese  Recorder,  Vol.  Ill, 
1871,  p.  225). 

5  Chinese  Recorder,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  225. 

6  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  270. 

7  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  354. 

329 


330  SlNO-lRANICA 

that  at  this  early  date  we  know  nothing  about  an  Arabic  or  Persian 
language;  and  this  rapprochement  is  wrong,  even  in  view  of  the  Chinese 
work  itself,  which  distinctly  says  that  both  ye-si-min  and  mo-li  were 
introduced  from  Ta  Ts'in,  the  Hellenistic  Orient.  PELLiOT1  observes 
that  the  authenticity  of  the  Chinese  book  has  never  been  called  into 
doubt,  but  expresses  surprise  at  the  fact  that  jasmine  figures  there 
under  its  Arabic  name.  But  Arabic  is  surely  excluded  from  the  languages 
of  Ta  Ts'in.  Moreover,  thanks  to  the  researches  of  L.  AUROUSSEAU,2 
we  now  know  that  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  cwan  is  impaired  by  inter- 
polations. The  passage  in  question  may  therefore  be  a  later  addition, 
and,  at  all  events,  cannot  be  enlisted  to  prove  that  prior  to  the  year  300 
there  were  people  from  western  Asia  in  Canton.3  Still  less  is  it  credible 
that,  as  asserted  in  the  Chinese  work,  the  Nan  yue  kin  ki  S)  1^  fl  fffi 
ascribed  to  Lu  Kia  H  H,  who  lived  in  the  third  and  second  centuries 
B.C.,  should  have  alluded  to  the  two  species  of  Jasminum.*  In  fact, 
this  author  is  made  to  say  only  that  in  the  territory  of  Nan  Yiie  the 
five  cereals  have  no  taste  and  the  flowers  have  no  odor,  and  merely 
that  these  flowers  are  particularly  fragrant.  Their  names  are  not  given, 
and  it  is  Ki  Han  who  refers  them  to  ye-si-min  and  mo-li.  It  is  out  of 
the  question  that  at  the  time  of  Lu  Kia  these  two  foreign  plants  should 
have  been  introduced  over  the  maritime  route  into  southern  China; 
Lu  Kia,  if  he  has  written  this  passage,  may  have  as  well  had  two  other 
flowers  in  mind. 

The  fact  must  not  be  overlooked,  either,  that  the  alleged  introduction 
from  Ta  Ts'in  is  not  contained  in  the  historical  texts  relative  to  that 
country,  nor  is  it  confirmed  by  any  other  coeval  or  subsequent  source. 

The  Pei  hu  lu 5  mentions  the  flower  under  the  names  ye-si-mi  W  S  35 
and  white  mo-li  &  %>  M  ffi  as  having  been  transplanted  to  China  by 
Persians,  like  the  p'i-Si-Sa  or  gold-coin  flower.6  The  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu 
has  furnished  a  brief  description  of  the  plant,7  stating  that  its  habitat 
is  in  Fu-lin  and  in  Po-se  (Persia).  The  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Kwan  k'un 
fan  p*u,8  and  Hwa  kin9  state  that  the  habitat  of  jasmine  (mo-li)  was 

1  Bull,  de  VEcole  franc aise,  Vol.  II,  p.  146. 

2  See  above,  p.  263. 

3  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  6,  note  i. 

4  This  point  is  discussed  neither  by  Bretschneider  nor  by  Hirth,  who  do  not 
at  all  mention  this  reference. 

6  Ch.  3,  p.  1 6  (see  above,  p.  268). 

6  See  below,  p.  335. 

7  Translated  by  HIRTH,  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXX,  1910,  p.  22. 
s  Ch.  22,  p.  8  b. 

•  Ch.  4,  p.  9. 


JASMINE  331 

originally  in  Persia,  and  that  it  was  thence  transplanted  into  Kwari- 
tun.  The  first-named  work  adds  that  it  is  now  (sixteenth  century) 
cultivated  in  Yun-nan  and  Kwan-tun,  but  that  it  cannot  stand  cold, 
and  is  unsuited  to  the  climate  of  China.  The  Tan  k'ien  tsun  lu  fir  ifr 
It  SSk  of  Yan  Sen  il  W  (1488-1559)  is  cited  to  the  effect  that  "the  name 
nai  ^  used  in  the  north  of  China  is  identical  with  what  is  termed  in  the 
Tsin  Annals  §  t  tsan  nai  hwa  3jj  (' hair-pin')  ^  3E.1  As  regards  this 
flower,  it  entered  China  a  long  time  ago." 

Accordingly  we  meet  in  Chinese  records  the  following  names  for 
jasmine:2 — 

(1)  JfP  3§   3?    ye-si-min,    *  ya-sit(siS)-min,    =    Pahlavi     yasmm, 
New  Persian  ydsamln,  ydsmin,  ydsmun,  Arabic  yasmin,  or  !£?  ^  m 
ye -si-mi  y  *ya-sit-mit  (in  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu)=  Middle  Persian  *yasmir  (?).3 
Judging  from  this  philological  evidence,  the  statement  of  the  Yu  yan 
tsa  tsu,  and  Li  Si-cen's  opinion  that  the  original  habitat  of  the  plant  was 
in  Persia,  it  seems  preferable  to  think  that  it  was  really  introduced  from 
that  country  into  China.    The  data  of  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  Iwan  are 
open  to  grave  suspicion;  but  he  who  is  ready  to  accept  them  is  com- 
pelled to  argue,  that,  on  the  one  hand,  the  Persian  term  was  extant  in 
western  Asia  at  least  in  the  third  century  A.D.,  and  that,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Indian  word  mallika  (see  No.  2)  had  reached  Ta  Ts'in  about 
the  same  time.    Either  suggestion  would  be  possible,  but  is  not  con- 
firmed by  any  West-Asiatic  sources.4   The  evidence  presented  by  the 
Chinese  work  is  isolated;  and  its  authority  is  not  weighty  enough,  the 
relation  of  the  modern  text  to  the  original  issue  of  about  A.D.  300  is 
too  obscure,  to  derive  from  it  such  a  far-reaching  conclusion.    The 
Persian- Arabic  word  has  become  the  property  of  the  entire  world:   all 
European  languages  have  adopted  it,  and  the  Arabs  diffused  it  along 
the  east  coast  of  Africa  (Swahili  yasmini,  Madagasy  dzasimini). 

(2)  ^  M  or  ^  ^5  mo-li?  *mwat(mwal)-li=wa//?,  transcription  of 

1  This  is  the  night-blooming  jasmine  (Nyctanthes  arbor  tristis),  the  musk-flower 
of  India  (STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  287). 

2  There  are  numerous  varieties  of  Jasminum, — about  49  to  70  in  India,  about 
39  in  the  Archipelago,  and  about  15  in  China  and  Japan. 

3  From  the  Persian  loan-word  in  Armenian,  yasmik,  HUBSCHMANN  (Armen. 
Gram.,  p.  198)  justly  infers  a  Pahlavi  *yasmlk,  beside  yasmin.    Thus  also  *yasmlt 
or  *yasmlr  may  have  existed  in  Pahlavi. 

4  It  is  noteworthy  also  that  neither  Dioscorides  nor  Galenus  was  acquainted 
with  jasmine. 

5  For  the  expression  of  the  element  li  are  used  various  other  characters  which 
may  be  seen  in  the  Kwan  k'un  fan  p'u  (Ch.  22,  p.  8  b);  they  are  of  no  importance 
for  the  phonetic  side  of  the  case. 


332  SlNO-lRANICA 

Sanskrit  mallika  (Jasminum  sambac),  Tibetan  mal-li-ka,  Siamese  ma-li,1 
Khmer  maly  or  mlih,  Cam  molih.  Malayan  melati  is  derived  from 
Sanskrit  malafi,  which  refers  to  Jasminum  grandiflorum.  Mongol 
melirge  is  independent.  Hirth's  identification  with  Syriac  molo2  must 
be  rejected. 

(3)  ffc  3c  san-moy  *san-mwat  (Fukien  mwak).    This  word  is  given 
in  the  Nan  fan  ts*ao  mu  Zwan*  as  a  synonyme  of  Lawsonia  alba,  furnish- 
ing the  henna;  but  a  confusion  has  here  arisen,  for  the  transcription 
does  not  answer  to  any  foreign  name  of  Lawsonia,  but  apparently  cor- 
responds to  Arabic  zanbaq  ("jasmine"),  from  which  the  botanical  term 
sambac  is  derived.   It  is  out  of  the  question  that  this  word  was  known 
to  Ki  Han:  it  is  clearly  an  interpolation  in  his  text. 

(4)  St^S  man  hwa  ("man  flower")  occurs  in  Buddhist  literature, 
and  is  apparently  an  abridgment  of  Sanskrit  sumana  (Jasminum  grandi- 
florum), which  has  been  adopted  into  Persian  as  suman  or  saman. 

Jasminum  officinale  occurs  in  Kashmir,  Kabul,  Afghanistan,  and 
Persia;  in  the  latter  country  also  in  the  wild  state. 

Jasmine  is  discussed  in  Pahlavi  literature  (above,  p.  192)  and  in  the 
Persian  pharmacopoeia  of  Abu  Mansur.4  C'aii  Te  noticed  the  flower 
in  the  region  of  Samarkand.5  It  grows  abundantly  in  the  province  of 
Pars  in  Persia.8 

Oil  of  jasmine  is  a  famous  product  among  Arabs  and  Persians,  being 
styled  in  Arabic  duhn  az-zanbaq.  Its  manufacture  is  briefly  described  in 
Ibn  al-Baitar's  compilation.7  According  to  Istaxrl,  there  is  in  the 
province  of  Darabejird  in  Persia  an  oil  of  jasmine  that  is  to  be  found 
nowhere  else.  Sabur  and  Slraz  were  renowned  for  the  same  product.8 

The  oil  of  jasmine  manufactured  in  the  West  is  mentioned  in  the 
Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  as  a  tonic.  It  was  imported  into  China  during  the  Sung 
period,  as  we  learn  from  the  Wei  lio  U  S,9  written  by  Kao  Se-sun 
iS  ISt  B£,  who  lived  toward  the  end  of  the  twelfth  and  in  the  beginning 
of  the  thirteenth  century.  Here  it  is  stated,  "The  ye-si-min  flower  is 
a  flower  of  the  western  countries,  snow-white  in  color.  The  Hu  $J 
(Iranians  or  foreigners)  bring  it  to  Kiao-£ou  and  Canton,  and  every  one 

1  PALLEGOIX,  Description  du  royaume  Thai,  Vol.  I,  p.  147. 

2  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXX,  1910,  p.  23. 
8  Ch.  B,  p.  3.   See  below,  p.  334. 
4AcHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  147. 

6  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  I,  p.  131. 

6  G.  LE  STRANGE,  Description  of  the  Province  of  Pars,  p.  51. 

7  L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  in. 

8  P.  SCHWARZ,  Iran,  pp.  52,  94,  97,  165. 
»  Ch.  9,  p.  9. 


JASMINE  333 

is  fond  of  its  fragrance  and  plants  this  flower.  According  to  the  Kwan 
Zou  t'u  kin  IS  >H1  H  S  ('Gazetteer  of  Kwan-tufi  Province7),  oil  of 
jasmine  is  imported  on  ships;  for  the  Hu  gather  the  flowers  to  press 
from  them  oil,  which  is  beneficial  for  leprosy  M  JIL1  When  this  fatty 
substance  is  rubbed  on  the  palm  of  the  hand,  the  odor  penetrates  through 
the  back  of  the  hand." 

1  According  to  the  Arabs,  it  is  useful  as  a  preventive  of  paralysis  and  epilepsy 
(LECLERC,  /.  c.). 


HENNA 

19.  It  is  well  known  that  the  leaves  of  Lawsonia  alba  or  L.  inermis, 
grown  all  over  southern  China,  are  extensively  used  by  women  and 
children  as  a  finger-nail  dye,  and  are  therefore  styled  U  kia  hwa  3&  ¥ 
^E  ("finger-nail  flower").1  This  flower  is  mentioned  in  the  Sanfu  hwan 
t*u,2  of  unknown  authorship  and  date,  as  having  been  transplanted 
from  Nan  Yiie  (South  China)  into  the  Fu-li  Palace  at  the  time  of  the 
Han  Emperor  Wu  (140-87  B.C.).  This  is  doubtless  an  anachronism  or 
a  subsequent  interpolation  in  the  text  of  that  book.  The  earliest  datable 
reference  to  this  plant  is  again  contained  in  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  Iwan  by 
Ki  Han,3  by  whom  it  is  described  as  a  tree  from  five  to  six  feet  in  height, 
with  tender  and  weak  branches  and  leaves  like  those  of  the  young  elm- 
tree  tfe  (Ulmus  campestris),  the  flowers  being  snow-white  like  ye-si-min 
and  mo-li,  but  different  in  odor.  As  stated  above  (p.  329),  this  work  goes 
on  to  say  that  these  three  plants  were  introduced  by  Hu  people  from 
Ta  Ts'in,  and  cultivated  in  Kwafi-tun.4  The  question  arises  again 
whether  this  passage  was  embodied  in  the  original  edition.  It  is  some- 
what suspicious,  chiefly  for  the  reason  that  Ki  Han  adds  the  synonyme 
san-mo,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  in  fact  relates  to  jasmine. 

The  Pei  hu  lu,5  written  about  A.D.  875  by  Twan  Kun-lu,  contains 
the  following  text  under  the  heading  &'  kia  hwa:  "The  finger-nail  flower 
is  fine  and  white  and  of  intense  fragrance.  The  barbarians  HI  A  now 
plant  it.  Its  name  has  not  yet  been  explained.  There  are,  further,  the 
jasmine  and  the  white  mo-li.  All  these  were  transplanted  to  China  by 
the  Persians  (Po-se).  This  is  likewise  the  case  with  the  p'i-$i-$a  Pttt/5 
?J?  (or  'gold  coin')  flower  (Inula  chinensis).  Originally  it  was  only 
produced  abroad,  but  in  the  second  year  of  the  period  Ta-t'uii  :fc  1^1 
(A.D.  536  of  the  Liang  dynasty)  it  came  to  China  for  the  first  time 
(#p  2fc  ^dl)."  In  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,G  written  about  fifteen  years 
earlier,  we  read,  "The  gold-coin  flower  4£  il  ffi,  it  is  said,  was  originally 
produced  abroad.  In  the  second  year  of  the  period  Ta-t'uii  of  the 

1  Cf.  Notes  and  Queries  on  China  and  Japan,  Vol.  I,  1867,  pp.  40-41.   STUART, 
Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  232. 

2  Ch.  3,  p.  9  b  (see  above,  p.  263). 

3  Ch.  B,  p.  3  (ed.  of  Han  Wei  ts'uh  Iw). 

4  Cf.  also  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  268. 
6  Ch.  3,  p.  16  (see  above,  p.  268). 

6  Ch.  19,  p.  10  b. 

334 


V 


HENNA  335 

Liang  (A.D.  536)  it  came  to  China.  At  the  time  of  the  Liang  dynasty, 
people  of  Kin  £ou  M  ffl  used  to  gamble  in  their  houses  at  backgammon 
with  gold  coins.  When  the  supply  of  coins  was  exhausted,  they  resorted 
to  gold-coin  flowers.  Hence  Yu  Hun  ft  §A  said,  'He  who  obtains  flowers 
makes  money.'  "  The  same  work  likewise  contains  the  following  note:1 
"PV-&-.foPttt  P  ^  is  a  synonyme  for  the  gold-coin  flower,2  which  was 
originally  produced  abroad,  and  came  to  China  in  the  first  year  of 
the  period  Ta-t'un  of  the  Liang  (A.D.  535)."  The  gold-coin  flower  vis- 
ualized by  Twan  Kun-lu  and  Twan  C'en-si  assuredly  cannot  be  Inula 
chinensis,  which  is  a  common,  wild  plant  in  northern  China,  and  which 
is  already  mentioned  in  the  Pie  lu  and  by  T'ao  Hun-kin.3  It  is  patent 
that  this  flower  introduced  under  the  Liang  must  have  been  a  different 
species.  The  only  method  of  solving  the  problem  would  be  to  determine 
the  prototype  of  p*i-si-$a,  which  is  apparently  the  transcription  of  a 
foreign  word.  It  is  not  stated  to  which  language  it  belongs;  but,  judging 
from  appearances,  it  is  Sanskrit,  and  should  be  traceable  to  a  form 
like  *vislsa  (or  *vicesa).  Such  a  Sanskrit  plant-name  is  not  to  be 
found,  however.  Possibly  the  word  is  not  Sanskrit.4 

The  Pei  hu  lu,  accordingly,  conceives  the  finger-nail  flower  as  an 
introduction  due  to  the  Persians,  but  does  not  allude  to  its  product, 
the  henna.  I  fail  to  find  any  allusion  to  henna  in  other  books  of  the 
T'ang  period.  I  am  under  the  impression  that  the  use  of  this  cosmetic 
did  not  come  into  existence  in  China  before  the  Sung  epoch,  and  that 
the  practice  was  then  introduced  (or  possibly  only  re-introduced)  by 
Mohammedans,  and  was  at  first  restricted  to  these.  It  is  known  that 
also  the  leaves  of  Impatiens  balsamina  (fun  sien  IH  fill)  mixed  with  alum 
are  now  used  as  a  finger-nail  dye,  being  therefore  styled  Zan  ci  kia  ts'ao 
K*  |g  ^  ^  ("plant  dyeing  finger-nails"),5 — a  term  first  appearing 
in  the  Kiu  hwan  pen  ts*ao,  published  early  in  the  Ming  period.  The 
earliest  source  that  mentions  the  practice  is  the  Kwei  sin  tsa  si  §1  ^ 

1  Ch.  19,  p.  10  a. 

2  The  addition  of  Ff*  before  kin  in  the  edition  of  Pai  hai  surely  rests  on  an  error. 

3  Cf.  also  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  p.  158. 

4  The   new   Chinese   Botanical    Dictionary    (p.  913)  identifies  the  gold-coin 
flower  with  Inula  britannica.      In  Buddhist  lexicography  it  is    identified  with 
Sanskrit  jdti  (Jasminum  grandiflorum;  cf.  EITEL,  Handbook,  p.  52).     The  same 
word  means  also  "kind,  class";  so  does  likewise  vi$esa,  and  the  compound  jati- 
vi$e$a  denotes  the  specific  characters  of  a  plant  (HOERNLE,  Bower  Manuscript, 
p.  273).     It  is  therefore  possible  that  this  term  was  taken  by  the  Buddhists  in 
the  sense  of  "species  of  Jasminum,"  and  that  finally  vi$e$a  was  retained  as  the 
name  of  the  flower. 

5  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  215;  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  17  B,  p.  12  b. 


336  SlNO-lRANICA 

H  Ufa1  by  Cou  Mi  J9  $?  (1230-1320),  who  makes  the  following  ob- 
servation: "As  regards  the  red  variety  of  the  fun  sien  flower  (Impatiens 
balsamina),  the  leaves  are  used,  being  pounded  in  a  mortar  and  mixed 
with  a  little  alum.2  The  finger-nails  must  first  be  thoroughly  cleaned, 
and  then  this  paste  is  applied  to  them.  During  the  night  a  piece  of 
silk  is  wrapped  around  them,  and  the  dyeing  takes  effect.  This  process 
is  repeated  three  or  five  times.  The  color  resembles  that  of  the  yen-Zi 
(Basella  rubrum).  Even  by  washing  it  does  not  come  off,  and  keeps 
for  fully  ten  days.  At  present  many  Mohammedan  women  are  fond 
of  using  this  cosmetic  for  dyeing  their  hands,  and  also  apply  it  to  cats 
and  dogs  for  their  amusement."  The  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  quotes  only  the 
last  clause  of  this  text.  From  what  Cou  Mi  says,  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  custom  was  of  ancient  date;  on  the  contrary,  it  does  not  seem 
to  be  older  than  the  Sung  period. 

None  of  the  early  Pen  ts'ao  makes  mention  of  Lawsonia.  It  first 
appears  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu.  All  that  Li  Si-Sen  is  able  to  note 
amounts  to  this:  that  there  are  two  varieties,  a  yellow  and  a  white  one, 
which  bloom  during  the  summer  months;  that  its  odor  resembles  that 
of  mu-si  /fc  JP  (Osmanthus  fragrans) ;  and  that  it  can  be  used  for  dyeing 
the  finger-nails,  being  superior  in  this  respect  to  the  fun  sien  flower 
(Impatiens  balsamina).  Cen  Kan-Sun  9$  M  *%*,  an  author  of  the  Sung 
period,  mentions  the  plant  under  the  name  i  hian  hwa  &&  3&  ("flower 
of  peculiar  fragrance"). 

It  has  generally  been  believed  hitherto  that  the  use  of  henna  and 
the  introduction  of  Lawsonia  into  China  are  of  ancient  date;  but,  in 
fact,  the  evidence  is  extremely  weak.  In  my  opinion,  as  far  as  the  em- 
ployment of  henna  is  concerned,  we  have  to  go  down  as  far  as  the 
Sung  period.  It  is  noteworthy  also  that  no  foreign  name  of  ancient  date, 
either  for  the  plant  or  its  product,  is  on  record.  F.  P.  SMITH  and  STUART 
parade  the  term  $$  |ft  hai-na  (Arabic  hinna)  without  giving  a  reference. 
The  very  form  of  this  transcription  shows  that  it  is  of  recent  date:  in 
fact,  it  occurs  as  late  as  the  sixteenth  century  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu? 
then  in  the  K'iinfan  p'u  of  1630*  and  the  Nun  Zen  ts'uan  su  H.  Ifc  d£r  it^, 
published  in  1619  by  Su  Kwan-k'i  ^  36  ££,  the  friend  and  supporter 
of  the  Jesuits.  It  also  occurs  in  the  Hwa  kin  of  i688.5 

It  is  well  known  what  extensive  use  of  henna  (Arabic  hinnd,  hence 

1  ft  *  Jb  P.  17  (ed.  of  Pai  hai). 

2  In  this  manner  the  dye  is  also  prepared  at  present. 

3  Ch.  17  B,  p.  12  b. 

4  Kwan  k'iin  fan  p'u,  Ch.  26,  p.  4  b.     The  passages  of  the  first  edition  are 
especially  indicated. 

6  Ch.  5,  p.  23  b. 


HENNA  337 

Malayan  inei)  has  been  made  in  the  west  from  ancient  times.  The 
Egyptians  stained  their  hands  red  with  the  leaves  of  the  plant1  (Egyp- 
tian puqer,  Coptic  kuper  or  khuper,  Hebrew  kopher,  Greek  KUTTPOS).  All 
Mohammedan  peoples  have  adopted  this  custom;  and  they  even  dye 
their  hair  with  henna,  also  the  manes,  tails,  and  hoofs  of  horses.2  The 
species  of  western  Asia  is  identical  with  that  of  China,  which  is  sponta- 
neous also  in  Baluchistan  and  in  southern  Persia.3  Ancient  Persia 
played  a  prominent  r61e  as  mediator  in  the  propagation  of  the  plant.4 
"They  [the  Persians]  have  also  a  custom  of  painting  their  hands,  and, 
above  all,  their  nails,  with  a  red  color,  inclining  to  yellowish  or  orange, 
much  near  the  color  that  our  tanners  nails  are  of.  There  are  those 
who  also  paint  their  feet.  This  is  so  necessary  an  ornament  in  their 
married  women,  that  this  kind  of  paint  is  brought  up,  and  distributed 
among  those  that  are  invited  to  their  wedding  dinners.  They  there- 
with paint  also  the  bodies  of  such  as  dye  maids,  that  when  they  appear 
before  the  Angels  Examinants,  they  may  be  found  more  neat  and 
handsome.  This  color  is  made  of  the  herb,  which  they  call  Chinne, 
which  hath  leaves  like  those  of  liquorice,  or  rather  those  of  myrtle.  It 
grows  in  the  Province  of  Erak,  and  it  is  dry'd,  and  beaten,  small  as 
flower,  and  there  is  put  thereto  a  little  of  the  juyce  of  sour  pomegranate, 
or  citron,  or  sometimes  only  fair  water;  and  therewith  they  color  their 
hands.  And  if  they  would  have  them  to  be  of  a  darker  color,  they  rub 
them  afterwards  with  wall-nut  leaves.  This  color  will  not  be  got  off  in 
fifteen  days,  though  they  wash  their  hands  several  times  a  day."5  It 

1  V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  p.  80;  WCENIG,  Pflanzen  im  alten  Aegypten, 
P-  349- 

2  L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  469;  G.  JACOB,  Studien  in  arabischen 
Geographen,  p.  172;  A.  v.  KREMER,  Culturgeschichte  des  Orients  unter  den  Chalifen, 
Vol.  II,  p.  325. 

8  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  47. 

4  SCHWEINFURTH,  Z.  Ethnologie,  Vol.  XXIII,  1891,  p.  658. 

5  A.  OLEARIUS,  Voyages  of  the  Ambassadors  to  the  Great  Duke  of  Muscovy 
and  the  King  of  Persia  (1633-39),  P-  234  (London,  1669).    I  add  the  very  exact 
description  of  the  process  given  by  SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  343):  "C'est  avec 
la  poudre  fine  des  feuilles  seches  de  cette  plante,  largement  cultive'e  dans  le  midi 
de  la  Perse,  que  les  indigenes  se  colorent  les  cheveux,  la  barbe  et  les  ongles  en  rouge- 
orange.   La  poudre,  form£e  en  pate  avec  de  1'eau  plus  ou  moins  chaude,  est  applique"e 
sur  les  cheveux  et  les  ongles  et  y  reste  pendant  une  ou  deux  heures,  ayant  soin  de  la 
tenir  constamment  humide  en  empechant  1'evaporation  de  son  eau;  apres  quoi  la 
partie  est  lave"e  soigneusement;  1'effet  de  1'application  du  henna  est  de  donner  une 
couleur  rouge-orange  aux  cheveux  et  aux  ongles.    Pour  transformer  cette  couleur 
rougeatre  en  noir  luisant,  on  enduit  pendant  deux  ou  trois  autres  heures  les  cheveux 
ou  la  barbe  d'une  seconde  pate  forme'e  de  feuilles  pulverise'es  finement  d'une  espece 
d'indigof  ere,  cultiv6e  sur  une  large  e"chelle  dans  la  province  de  Kerman.    Ces  mani- 
pulations se  pratiquent  d'ordinaire  au  bain  persan,  ou  la  chaleur  humide  diminue 


338  SlNO-lRANICA 

seems  more  likely  that  the  plant  was  transmitted  to  China  from  Persia 
than  from  western  Asia,  but  the  accounts  of  the  Chinese  in  this  case  are 
too  vague  and  deficient  to  enable  us  to  reach  a  positive  conclusion. 

In  India,  Lawsonia  alba  is  said  to  be  wild  on  the  Coromandel  coast. 
It  is  now  cultivated  throughout  India.  The  use  of  henna  as  a  cosmetic 
is  universal  among  Mohammedan  women,  and  to  a  greater  or  lesser 
extent  among  Hindu  also;  but  that  it  dates  "from  very  ancient  times," 
as  stated  by  WATT,1  seems  doubtful  to  me.  There  is  no  ancient  Sanskrit 
term  for  the  plant  or  the  cosmetic  (mendhl  or  mendkika  is  Neo-Sanskrit), 
and  it  would  be  more  probable  that  its  use  is  due  to  Mohammedan 
influence.  JoRET2  holds  that  the  tree,  although  it  is  perhaps  indigenous, 
may  have  been  planted  only  since  the  Mohammedan  invasion.3 

FRANCOIS  PYRARD,  who  travelled  from  1601  to  1610,  reports  the 
henna-furnishing  plant  on  the  Maldives,  where  it  is  styled  innapa 
(^hmd-fai,  "henna-leaf").  "The  leaves  are  bruised,"  he  remarks, 
"and  rubbed  on  their  hands  and  feet  to  make  them  red,  which  they 
esteem  a  great  beauty.  This  color  does  not  yield  to  any  washing,  nor 
until  the  nails  grow,  or  a  fresh  skin  comes  over  the  flesh,  and  then  (that 
is,  at  the  end  of  five  or  six  months)  they  rub  them  again."4 

singulierement  la  dure"e  de  1'op^ration."  While  the  Persians  dye  the  whole  of  their 
hands  as  far  as  the  wrist,  also  the  soles  of  their  feet,  the  Turks  more  commonly 
only  tinge  the  nails;  both  use  it  for  the  hair. 

1  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  707. 

2  Plantes  dans  I'antiquit6,  Vol.  II,  p.  273. 

3  Cf.  also  D.  HOOPER,  Oil  of  Lawsonia  alba,  Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  Vol.  IV, 
1908,  p.  35- 

4  Voyage  of  F.  Pyrard,  ed.  by  A.  GRAY,  Vol.  II,  p.  361  (Hakluyt  Society).  The 
first  edition  of  this  work  appeared  in  Paris,  1611. 


THE  BALSAM-POPLAR 

20.  Under  the  term  hu  fun  (Japanese  koto)  §8  fl3  ("t'ung  tree  of 
the  Hu,  Iranian  Paulownia  imperialism"  that  is,  Populus  balsamifera) , 
the  Annals  of  the  Former  Han  Dynasty  mention  a  wild-growing  tree 
as  characteristic  of  the  flora  of  the  Lob-nor  region;  for  it  is  said  to  be 
plentiful  in  the  kingdom  of  San-san  HP  H.1  It  is  self-evident  from  the 
nomenclature  that  this  was  a  species  new  to  the  Chinese,  who  discovered 
it  in  their  advance  through  Turkistan  in  the  second  century  B.C.,  but 
that  the  genus  was  somewhat  familiar  to  them.  The  commentator 
Mon  K'an  states  on  this  occasion  that  the  hu  fun  tree  resembles  the 
mulberry  (Morus  alba),  but  has  numerous  crooked  branches.  A  more 
elaborate  annotation  is  furnished  by  Yen  5i-ku  (A.D.  579-645),  who 
comments,  "The  hu  fun  tree  resembles  the  fun  fll  (Paulownia  im- 
perialis),  but  not  the  mulberry;  hence  the  name  hu  fun  is  bestowed 
upon  it.  This  tree  is  punctured  by  insects,  whereupon  flows  down  a 
juice,  that  is  commonly  termed  hu  fun  lei  $}  fl?  M  (lhu-fun  tears'), 
because  it  is  said  to  resemble  human  tears.2  When  this  substance 
penetrates  earth  or  stone,  it  coagulates  into  a  solid  mass,  somewhat  on 
the  order  of  rock  salt,  called  wu-fun  kien  fif  fl?  fifc  ('natron  of  the  wu-fun 
tree/  Sterculia  platanifolia) .  It  serves  for  soldering  metal,  and  is  now 
used  by  all  workmen."3 

The  Tun  tien  3§  ft,  written  by  Tu  Yu  tt  ffi  between  the  years 
766  and  801,  says  that  "the  country  Lou  IS4  among  the  Si  2un  ffi  3& 
produces  an  abundance  of  tamarisks  ® $P  (Tamarix  chinensis),  hu  fun, 
and  pai  ts'ao  6  ^  ('white  herb  or  grass'),5  the  latter  being  eaten  by 

1  Ts'ien  Han  Su,  Ch.  96  A,  p.  3  b.    Cf.  A.  WYLIE,  Journal  Anthropological  In- 
stitute, Vol.  X,  1 88 1,  p.  25. 

2  Pliny  (xn,  1 8,  §  33)  speaks  of  a  thorny  shrub  in  Ariana  on  the  borders  of  India, 
valuable  for  its  tears,  resembling  the  myrrh,  but  difficult  of  access  on  account  of  the 
adhering  thorns  (Contermina  Indis  gens  Ariana  appellatur,  cui  spina  lacrima  pretiosa 
murrae  simili,  difficili  accessu  propter  aculeos  adnexos).   It  is  not  known  what  plant 
is  to  be  understood  by  the  Plinian  text;  but  the  analogy  of  the  "tears"  with  the 
above  Chinese  term  is  noteworthy. 

3  This  text  has  been  adopted  by  the  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki  (Ch.  181,  p.  4)  in 
describing  the  products  of  Lou-Ian. 

4  Abbreviated  for  Lou-Ian  ^  10.  the  original  name  of  the  kingdom  of  San-San. 

5  This  is  repeated  from  the  Han  Annals,  which  add  also  rushes.    The  "white 
grass"  is  explained  by  Yen  Si-ku  as  "resembling  the  grass  yu  ^  (Setariaviridis),  but 
finer  and  without  awns;  when  dried,  it  assumes  a  white  color,  and  serves  as  fodder 
for  cattle  and  horses." 

339 


340  SlNO-lRANICA 

cattle  and  horses.  The  hu  fun  looks  as  if  it  were  corroded  by  insects. 
A  resin  flows  down  and  comes  out  of  this  tree,  which  is  popularly  called 
'hu-fun  tears'.  It  can  be  used  for  soldering  gold  (or  metal)  and  silver. 
In  the  colloquial  language,  they  say  also  lii  &  instead  of  lei,  which  is 
faulty."1 

The  T*an  pen  ts*ao*  is  credited  with  this  statement:  "Hu  fun  lei 
is  an  important  remedy  for  the  teeth.  At  present  this  word  is  the  name  of 
a  place  west  of  Aksu.  The  tree  is  full  of  small  holes.  One  can  travel 
for  several  days  and  see  nothing  but  hu  fun  trees  in  the  forests.  The 
leaves  resemble  those  of  the  fun  (Paulownia).  The  resin  which  is  like 
glue  flows  out  of  the  roots." 

The  Lin  piao  lu  &  states  positively  that  hu  fun  lei  is  produced  in 
Persia,  being  the  sap  of  the  hu  fun  tree,  and  adds  that  there  are  also 
"stone  tears,"  Si  lei  35  3H,  which  are  collected  from  stones. 

Su  Kun,  the  reviser  of  the  Pen  ts*ao  of  the  T'ang,  makes  this  ob- 
servation:4 "Hu  fun  lei  is  produced  in  the  plains  and  marshes  as  well 
as  in  the  mountains  and  valleys  lying  to  the  west  of  Su-5ou  llf  *K\. 
In  its  shape  it  resembles  yellow  vitriol  (hwah  fan  ift  i£),5  but  is  far 
more  solid.  The  worm-eaten  trees  are  styled  hu  fun  trees.  When  their 
sap  filters  into  earth  and  stones,  it  forms  a  soil-made  product  like 
natron.  This  tree  is  high  and  large,  its  bark  and  leaves  resembling  those 
of  the  white  poplar  and  the  green  fun  ff  ffil.  It  belongs  to  the  family 
of  mulberries,  and  is  hence  called  hu  fun  tree.  Its  wood  is  good  for 
making  implements." 

Han  Pao-sen  ??  ffi.  ^,  who  edited  the  Su  pen  ts'ao  §a  ^  ^  about 
the  middle  of  the  tenth  century,  states,  "The  tree  occurs  west  of  Liari- 
cbu  i^  M  (in  Kan-su).  In  the  beginning  it  resembles  a  willow;  when 
it  has  grown,  it  resembles  a  mulberry  and  the  fun.  Its  sap  sinks  into 
the  soil,  and  is  similar  to  earth  and  stone.  It  is  used  as  a  dye  like  the 
ginger-stone  (kian  $i  K^?).6  It  is  extremely  salty  and  bitter.  It  is 
dissolved  by  the  application  of  water,  and  then  becomes  like  alum 
shale  or  saltpetre.  It  is  collected  during  the  winter  months." 

Ta  Min  ;Jc  $!,  who  wrote  a  Pen  ts'ao  about  A.D.  970,  says  with 
reference  to  this  tree,  "There  are  two  kinds, —  a  tree-sap  which  is  not 
employed  in  the  pharmacopoeia,  and  a  stone-sap  collected  on  the 

1  Cf.  Cen  lei  pen  ts*ao,  Ch.  13,  p.  33. 

2  As  quoted  in  the  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  35,  p.  8  b. 

3  Ch.  B,  p.  7  a  (see  above,  p.  268). 

4  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  I.e. 

6  F.  DE  MfLY,  Lapidaire  chinois,  p.  149. 

6  A  variety  of  stalactite  (see  F.  DE  M£LY,  Lapidaire  chinois,  p.  94;  GEERTS, 
Produits,  p.  343;  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  5,  p.  32). 


THE  BALSAM-POPLAR  341 

surface  of  stones;  this  one  only  is  utilized  as  a  medicine.  It  resembles 
in  appearance  small  pieces  of  stone,  and  those  colored  like  loess  take 
the  first  place.  The  latter  are  employed  as  a  remedy  for  toothache." 
Su  Sun,  in  his  Tu  kin  pen  ts*ao,  remarks  that  it  then  occurred  among 
the  Western  Barbarians  (Si  Fan),  and  was  traded  by  merchants.  He 
adds  that  it  was  seldom  used  in  the  recipes  of  former  times,  but  that 
it  is  now  utilized  for  toothache  and  regarded  as  an  important  remedy  in 
families. 

Li  Si-Sen1  refers  to  the  chapter  on  the  Western  Countries  (5^  yii 
^wan)  in  the  Han  Annals,  stating  that  the  tree  was  plentiful  in  the 
country  Ku-si  ^  SP  (Turf an).  No  such  statement  is  made  in  the 
Annals  of  the  Han  with  regard  to  this  country,  but,  as  we  have  seen, 
only  with  reference  to  San-san.2  He  then  gives  a  brief  resume  of  the 
matter,  setting  down  the  two  varieties  of  "tree-tears"  and  "stone- 
tears." 

The  Ming  Geography  mentions  hu  fun  lei  as  a  product  of  Kami. 
The  Kwan  yu  kiz  notices  it  as  a  product  of  the  Chikin  Mongols  between 
Su-£ou  and  Sa-£ou.  The  Si  yii  wen  kien  lu*  written  in  1777,  states  in 
regard  to  this  tree  that  it  is  only  good  as  fuel  on  account  of  its  crooked 
growth:  hence  the  natives  of  Turkistan  merely  call  it  odon  or  otun, 
which  means  "wood,  fuel"  in  Turkish.5  The  tree  itself  is  termed  in 
Turkl  tograk. 

The  Hui  k'ian  &6  likewise  describes  the  hu  t'un  tree  of  Kami,  saying 
that  the  Mohammedans  use  its  wood  as  fuel,  but  that  some  with 
ornamental  designs  is  carved  into  cases  for  writing-brushes  and  into 
saddles. 

BRETSCHNEiDER7  has  identified  this  tree  with  Populus  euphratica, 
the  wood  of  which  is  used  as  fuel  in  Turkistan.  It  is  not  known,  however, 
that  this  tree  produces  a  resin,  such  as  is  described  by  the  Chinese. 
Moreover,  this  species  is  distributed  through  northern  China;8  while 
all  Chinese  records,  both  ancient  and  modern,  speak  of  the  hu  fun 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  34,  p.  22. 

2  There  is  a  passage  in  the  Swi  kiri  cu  where  the  hu  t*un  is  mentioned,  and  may 
be  referred  to  Ku-§i  (CHAVANNES,  T'oung  Pao,  1905,  p.  569). 

3  Above,  p.  251. 

4  Ch.  7,  p.  9  (WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  64). 

6  This  passage  has  already  been  translated  correctly  by  W.  SCHOTT  (Abh.  Berl. 
Ak.,  1842,  p.  370).  It  was  not  quite  comprehended  by  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Mediaeval 
Researches,  Vol.  II,  p.  179),  who  writes,  "The  characters  hu  t'ung  here  are  intended 
to  render  a  foreign  word  which  means  'fuel'." 

6  Above,  p.  230. 

7  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  II,  p.  179. 

8  FORBES  and  HEMSLEY,  Journal  Linnean  Society,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  536. 


342  SlNO-lRANICA 

exclusively  as  a  tree  peculiar  to  Turkistan  and  Persia.  The  correct 
identification  of  the  tree  is  Populus  balsamifera,  var.  genuina  Wesm.1 
The  easternmost  boundary  of  this  tree  is  presented  by  the  hills  of 
Kumbum  east  of  the  Kukunor,  which  geographically  is  part  of  Central 
Asia.  The  same  species  occurs  also  in  Siberia  and  North  America;  it 
is  called  Hard  by  the  French  of  Canada.  It  is  met  with,  further,  wild 
and  cultivated,  in  the  inner  ranges  of  the  north-western  Himalaya, 
from  Kunawar,  altitude  8000  to  13000  feet,  westwards.  In  western 
Tibet  it  is  found  up  to  14000  feet.2  The  buds  contain  a  balsam-resin 
which  is  considered  antiscorbutic  and  diuretic,  and  was  formerly  im- 
ported into  Europe  under  the  name  baume  facot  and  tacamahaca 8  com- 
munis  (or  vulgaris).  WATT  says  that  he  can  find  no  account  of  this 
exudation  being  utilized  in  India.  It  appears  from  the  Chinese  records 
that  the  tree  must  have  been  known  to  the  Iranians  of  Central  Asia 
and  Persia,  and  we  shall  not  fail  in  assuming  that  these  were  also  the 
discoverers  of  the  medical  properties  of  the  balsam.  It  is  quite  credible 
that  it  was  efficacious  in  alleviating  pain  caused  by  carious  teeth,  as  it 
would  form  an  air-tight  coating  around  them. 

1  MATSUMURA,  Shokubutsu  mei-i,  No.  2518. 

8  G.  WATT,  Dictionary  of  the  Economic  Products  of  India,  Vol.  VI,  p.  325. 

1  The  tacamahaca  (a  word  of  American-Indian  origin)  was  first  described 
by  NICOLOSO  DE  MONARDES  (Dos  libros  el  uno  que  trata  de  todas  las  cosas  que  traen 
de  nuestras  Indias  Occidentales,  Sevilla,  1569) :  "  Assi  mismo  traen  de  nueva  Espafia 
otro  genero  de  Goma,  o  resina,  que  llaman  los  Indios  Tacamahaca.  Y  este  mismo 
nombre  dieron  nuestros  Espanoles.  Es  resina  sacada  por  incision  de  un  Arbol 
grande  como  Alamo,  que  es  muy  oloroso,  echa  el  fruto  Colorado  como  simiente  de 
Peonia.  Desta  Resina  o  goma,  usan  mucho  los  Indios  en  sus  enfermedades,  mayor- 
mente  en  hinchazones,  en  qualquiera  parte  del  cuerpo  que  se  engendran,  por  que  las 
ressuelue  madura,  y  deshaze  marauillosamente,"  etc.  A  copy  of  this  very  scarce  work 
is  in  the  Edward  E.  Ayer  collection  of  the  Newberry  Library,  Chicago;  likewise 
the  continuation  Segunda  parte  del  libro,  de  las  cosas  que  se  traen  de  nuestras 
Indias  Occidentales  (Sevilla,  1571). 


MANNA 

21.  The  word  "manna,"  of  Semitic  origin  (Hebrew  man,  Arabic 
mann),  has  been  transmitted  to  us  through  the  medium  of  Greek  ^vva 
in  the  translation  of  the  Septuaginta  and  the  New  Testament.  Manna 
is  a  saccharine  product  discharged  from  the  bark  or  leaves  of  a  number 
of  plants  under  certain  conditions,  either  through  the  puncture  of  insects 
or  by  making  incisions  in  the  trunk  and  branches.  Thus  there  are 
mannas  of  various  nature  and  origin.  The  best-known  manna  is  the 
exudation  of  Fraxinus  ornus  (or  Ornus  europaea),  the  so-called  manna- 
ash,  occurring  in  the  Mediterranean  region  and  Asia  Minor.1  The  chief 
constituent  of  manna  is  manna-sugar  or  mannite,  which  occurs  in 
many  other  plants  besides  Fraxinus. 

The  Annals  of  the  Sui  Dynasty  ascribe  to  the  region  of  Kao-c'an 
iSJ  II  (Turf an)  a  plant,  styled  yan  ts*e  ^  lW  ("sheep-thorn"),  the  upper 
part  of  which  produces  honey  of  very  excellent  taste.2 

C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  who  wrote  in  the  first  part  of  the  eighth  century, 
states  that  in  the  sand  of  Kiao-ho  3?  W  (Yarkhoto)  there  is  a  plant 
with  hair  on  its  top,  and  that  in  this  hair  honey  is  produced;  it  is  styled 
by  the  Hu  (Iranians)  S  ft  (  =  ffr)  $k  k*ie-p*o-lo,  *k'it(k'ir)-bwu5-la.3 
The  first  element  apparently  corresponds  to  Persian  xdr  ("thorn")  or 
the  dialectic  form  yar;*  the  second,  to  Persian  burra  or  bura  ("lamb"),5 
so  that  the  Chinese  term  yan  ts'e  presents  itself  as  a  literal  rendering 
of  the  Persian  (or  rather  a  Middle-Persian  or  Sogdian)  expression. 
In  New  Persian  the  term  xar-i-$utur  ("camel-thorn")  is  used,  and, 
according  to  AITCHISON,  also  ocar-i-buzi  ("goat's  thorn").6 

It  is  noteworthy  that  the  Chinese  have  preserved  a  Middle-Persian 
word  for  "manna,"  which  has  not  yet  been  traced  in  an  Iranian  source. 
The  plant  (Hedysarum  alhagi),  widely  diffused  over  all  the  arid  lowlands 

1  Cf .  the  excellent  investigation  of  D.  HANBURY,  Science  Papers,  pp.  355-368. 

2  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  3  b.   The  same  text  is  also  found  in  the  Wei  $u  and  Pei  Si; 
in  the  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki  (Ch.  180,  p.  n  b)  it  is  placed  among  the  products  of 
Ku-Si  ^  ftp  in  Turf  an. 

s  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  258)  erroneously  writes  the  first  char- 
acter IB  .  He  has  not  been  able  to  identify  the  plant  in  question. 

4  P.  HORN,  Grundriss  der  iranischen  Philologie,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  70. 

6  In  dialects  of  northern  Persia  also  varre,  varra,  and  werk  (J.  DE  MORGAN, 
Mission  en  Perse,  Vol.  V,  p.  208). 

6  Cf.  D.  HOOPER,  Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  Vol.  V,  1909,  p.  33. 

343 


344  SlNO-lRANICA 

of  Persia,  furnishes  manna  only  in  certain  districts.  Wherever  it  fails 
to  yield  this  product,  it  serves  as  pasture  to  the  camels  (hence  its  name 
"thorn  of  camels"),  and,  according  to  the  express  assurance  of  SCHLIM- 
MER,1  also  to  the  sheep  and  goats.  "Les  indigenes  des  contrees  de  la 
Perse,  ou  se  fait  la  re"colte  de  teren-djebin,  me  disent  que  les  pasteurs 
sont  obliges  par  les  institutions  communales  de  s'eloigner  avec  leurs 
troupeaux  des  plaines  ou  la  plante  mannifere  abonde,  parce  que  les 
moutons  et  chevres  ne  manqueraient  de  faire  avorter  la  re"colte."  In 
regard  to  a  related  species  (Hedysarum  semenowi),  S.  KoRsSiNSKi2 
states  that  it  is  particularly  relished  by  the  sheep  which  fatten  on  it. 

The  Lian  se  kun  tse  ki  &  R9  &  •?  IS3  is  cited  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu 
as  follows:  "In  Kao-£'an  there  is  manna  (ts'e  mi  ffl  3C).  Mr.  Kie  fa 
&  says,  In  the  town  Nan-p'in  Si  ZP4  ftfc  the  plant  yan  ts'e  is  devoid  of 
leaves,  its  honey  is  white  in  color  and  sweet  of  taste.  The  leaves  of  the 
plant  yan  ts'e  in  Salt  City  (Yen  c'eii  9L  ftJt)  are  large,  its  honey  is  dark 
W  in  color,  and  its  taste  is  indifferent.  Kao-c"'an  is  the  same  as  Kiao-ho, 
and  is  situated  in  the  land  of  the  Western  Barbarians  (Si  Fan  S  16)  ;5 
at  present  it  forms  a  large  department  (ta  &?w  :*C  #!)." 

Wan  Yen-te,  who  was  sent  on  a  mission  to  Turfan  in  A.D.  981, 
mentions  the  plant  and  its  sweet  manna  in  his  narrative.6 

Cou  K'u-fei,  who  wrote  the  Lin  wai  tai  ta  in  1178,  describes  the 
"genuine  manna  (sweet  dew)"  M  ~fr  %  of  Mosul  (to  Sr  ftE  Wu-se-li) 
as  follows:7  "This  country  has  a  number  of  famous  mountains.  When 
the  autumn-dew  falls,  it  hardens  under  the  influence  of  the  sun-rays 
into  a  substance  of  the  appearance  of  sugar  and  hoar-frost,  which  is 
gathered  and  consumed.  It  has  purifying,  cooling,  sweet,  and  nutritious 
qualities,  and  is  known  as  genuine  manna."8 

Wan  Ta-yuan  i£  i<  *H,  in  his  Tao  i  li  lio  H  ^  ;6  %>  of  I349,9  has 

1  Terminologie,  p.  357. 

2  Vegetation  of  Turkistan  (in  Russian),  p.  77. 

3  The  work  of  Can  Yue  (A.D.  667-730) ;  see  The  Diamond,  this  volume,  p.  6. 

4  Other  texts  write  ^  hu. 

5  This  term,  which  in  general  denotes  Tibet,  but  certainly  cannot  refer  to  Tibet 
in  this  connection,  has  evidently  misled  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  258) 
into  saying  that  the  substance  is  spoken  of  as  coming  from  Tangut. 

9  Cf.  W.  SCHOTT,  Zur  Uigurenfrage  II,  p.  47  (Abh.  Berl.  Akad.,  1875). 

7  Ch.  3,  p.  3  b  (ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  lai  ts'un  $u).   Regarding  the  term  kan  lu,  which 
also  translates  Sanskrit  amrita,  see  CHAVANNES  and  PELLIOT,  Traite"  maniche'en, 
p.  155- 

8  The  same  text  with  a  few  insignificant  changes  has  been  copied  by  Cao  Zu-kwa 
(HiRTH's  translation,  p.  140). 

9  Regarding  this  work,  cf.  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  fransaise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  255. 


MANNA  345 

the  following  note  regarding  manna  (kan  lu)  in  Ma-k'o-se-li:1  "Every 
year  during  the  eighth  and  ninth  months  it  rains  manna,  when  the 
people  make  a  pool  to  collect  it.  At  sunrise  it  will  condense  like  water- 
drops,  and  then  it  is  dried.  Its  flavor  is  like  that  of  crystallized  sugar. 
They  also  store  it  in  jars,  mixing  it  with  hot  water,  and  this  beverage 
serves  as  a  remedy  for  malaria.  There  is  an  old  saying  that  this  is  the 
country  of  the  Amritaraja-tathagata  ~H*  R  3:  #B  2fc."2 

Li  Si-cen,  after  quoting  the  texts  of  C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  the  Pei  Si,  etc.,8 
arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  these  data  refer  to  the  same  honey-bearing 
plant,  but  that  it  is  unknown  what  plant  is  to  be  understood  by  the 
term  yan  ts'e. 

The  Turkl  name  for  this  plant  is  yantaq,  and  the  sweet  resin  accumu- 
lating on  it  is  styled  yantaq  Sakarl  ("yantaq  sugar")-4 

The  modern  Persian  name  for  £he  manna  is  tar-angubln  (Arabic 
terenjobin;  hence  Spanish  tereniabin) ;  and  the  plant  which  exudates  the 
sweet  substance,  as  stated,  is  styled  %ar-i-$utur  (" camel-thorn").  The 
manna  suddenly  appears  toward  the  close  of  the  summer  during  the 
night,  and  must  be  gathered  during  the  early  hours  of  the  morning.  It 
is  eaten  in  its  natural  state,  or  is  utilized  for  syrup  (Sire)  in  Central  Asia 
or  in  the  sugar-factories  of  Meshed  and  Yezd  in  Persia.5  The  Persian 
word  became  known  to  the  Chinese  from  Samarkand  in  the  tran- 
scription ta-lan-ku-pin  31  W  "i&  5C.6  The  product  is  described  under 
the  title  kan  lu  ~H*  1$  ("sweet  dew")  as  being  derived  from  a  small 
plant,  one  to  two  feet  high,  growing  densely,  the  leaves  being  fine  like 
those  of  an  Indigo/era  (Ian).  The  autumn  dew  hardens  on  the  surface 
of  the  stems,  and  this  product  has  a  taste  like  sugar.  It  is  gathered  and 
boiled  into  sweetmeats.  Under  the  same  name,  kan-lu,  the  Kwan  yu  ki7 
describes  a  small  plant  of  Samarkand,  on  the  leaves  of  which  accumu- 
lates in  the  autumn  a  dew  as  sweet  in  taste  as  honey,  the  leaves  resem- 

1  Unidentified.    It    can    hardly  be  identified  with   Mosul,   as    intimated  by 

ROCKHILL. 

2  ROCKHILL,  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  p.  622.    This  Buddhist  term  has  crept  in  here 
owing  to  the  fact  that  kan  lu  ("sweet  dew")  serves  as  rendering  of  Sanskrit  amr.ita 
("the  nectar  of  the  gods")  and  as  designation  for  manna. 

s  Also  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,  but  this  passage  refers  to  India  and  to  a  different 
plant,  and  is  therefore  treated  below  in  its  proper  setting. 

4  A.  v.  LE  COQ,  Sprichworter  und  Lieder  aus  Turfan,  p.  99.    If  the  supposition 
of  B.  MUNKACSI  (Keleti  szemle,  Vol.  XI,  1910,  p.  353)  be  correct,  that  Hungarian 
gyanta  (gydnta,  jdnta,  gyenta,  "resin")  and  gyantdr  ("varnish")  may  be  Turkish 
loan-words,  the  above  Turkl  name  would  refer  to  the  resinous  character  of  the  plant. 

5  VAMB£RY,  Skizzen  aus  Mittelasien,  p.  189. 

6  Ta  Min  i  t'un  6i,  Ch.  89,  p.  23. 

7  Ch.  24,  p.  26,  of  the  edition  printed  in  1744;  this  passage  is  not  contained  in 
the  original  edition  of  1600  (cf.  above,  p.  251,  regarding  the  various  editions). 


346  SlNO-lRANICA 

bling  those  of  an  Indigof era  (Ian) ;  and  in  the  same  work1  this  plant  is 
referred  to  Qara-Khoja  A  #1  under  the  name  yan  ts'e.  Also  the  Ming 
Annals2  contain  the  same  reference.  The  plant  in  question  has  been 
identified  by  D.  HANBURY  with  the  camel-thorn  (Alhagi  camelorum), 
a  small  spiny  plant  of  the  family  Leguminosae,  growing  in  Iran  and 
Turkistan.3 

In  the  fourteenth  century,  ODORIC  of  Pordenone  found  near  the 
city  Huz  in  Persia  manna  of  better  quality  and  in  greater  abundance 
than  in  any  part  of  the  world.4  The  Persian-Arabic  manna  was  made 
known  in  Europe  during  the  sixteenth  century  by  the  traveller  and 
naturalist  PIERRE  BELON  DU  MONS  (i5i8-64),5  who  has  this  account: 
"Les  Caloieres  auoy£t  de  la  Mane  liquide  recueillie  en  leurs  montagnes, 
qu'ils  appellent  Tereniabin,  a  la  difference  de  la  dure:  Car  ce  que  les 
autheurs  Arabes  ont  appelle*  Tereniabin,  est  gard£e  en  pots  de  terre 
comme  miel,  et  la  portent  vendre  au  Caire :  qui  est  ce  qu'  Hippocrates 
nomma  miel  de  Cedre,  et  les  autres  Grecs  ont  nomine*  Rose"e  du  mont 
Liban:  qui  est  differente  a  la  Manne  blanche  seiche.  Celle  que  nous 
auons  en  France,  apporte*e  de  Brianson,  recueillie  dessus  les  Meleses  a 
la  sornmite'  des  plus  hautes  montagnes,  est  dure,  differente  &  la  susdicte. 
Parquoy  estant  la  Manne  de  deux  sortes,  Ion  en  trouve  au  Caire  de 
1'vne  et  de  Pautre  es  boutiques  des  marchands,  exposed  en  vente. 
L'vne  est  appellee  Manne,  et  est  dure:  Pautre  Tereniabin,  et  est  liquide: 
et  pource  qu'en  auons  fait  plus  long  discours  au  liure  des  arbres  tousiours 
verds,  n'en  dirons  autre  chose  en  ce  lieu."  The  Briancon  manna  men- 
tioned by  Belon  is  collected  from  the  larch-trees  (Pinus  larix)  of  south- 
ern France.6  GARCIA  DA  ORTAT  described  several  kinds  of  manna,  one 
brought  to  Ormuz  from  the  country  of  the  Uzbeg  under  the  name 
xirquest  or  xircast,  ''which  means  the  milk  of  a  tree  called  quest,  for  xir 
[read  &r]  is  milk  in  the  Persian  language,  so  that  it  is  the  dew  that  falls 

1  Ch.  24,  p.  6,  of  the  original  edition;  and  Ch.  24,  p.  30  b,  of  the  edition  of  1744. 

2  Ch.  329  (cf.  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  II,  p.  192). 

3  The  plant  is  said  to  occur  also  in  India  (Sanskrit  vi^dlada  and  gandhari;  that 
is,  from  Gandhara),  Arabia,  and  Egypt,  but,  curiously,  in  those  countries  does  not 
produce  a  sugar-like  secretion.    Consequently  it  cannot  be  claimed  as  the  plant 
which  furnished  the  manna  to  the  Israelites  in  the  desert  (see  the  Dictionnaire  de 
la  Bible  by  F.  VIGOUROUX,  Vol.  I,  col.  367).   The  manna  of  northern  India  became 
known  to  the  Chinese  in  recent  times  (see  Lu  Van  kun  £i  £'t  jj[  JJ  &  &,  |^,  p.  44, 
in  Ts'ifi  lao  fan  ts'un  Su). 

4  YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed.,  Vol.  II,  p.  109;  CORDIER'S  edition  of  Odoric,  p.  59. 
6  Les  Observations  de  plusieurs  singularitez,  pp.  228-229  (Anvers,  1555). 

6  FLUCKIGER  and  HANBURY,  Pharmacographia,  p.  416. 

7  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  280. 


MANNA  347 

from  these  trees,  or  the  gum  that  exudes  from  them.1  The  Portuguese 
corrupted  the  word  to  siracost."  The  other  kind  he  calls  tiriam-jabim 
or  trumgibim  (Persian  tdr-angubln) .  "They  say  that  it  is  found  among 
the  thistles  and  in  small  pieces,  somewhat  of  a  red  color.  It  is  said  that 
they  are  obtained  by  shaking  the  thistles  with  a  stick,  and  that  they  are 
larger  than  a  coriander-seed  when  dried,  the  color,  as  I  said,  between 
red  and  vermilion.  The  vulgar  hold  that  it  is  a  fruit,  but  I  believe 
that  it  is  a  gum  or  resin.  They  think  this  is  more  wholesome  than  the 
kind  we  have,  and  it  is  much  used  in  Persia  and  Ormuz."  "Another 
kind  comes  in  large  pieces  mixed  with  leaves.  This  is  like  that  of  Cala- 
bria, and  is  worth  more  money,  coming  by  way  of  Bacora,  a  city  of 
renown  in  Persia.  Another  kind  is  sometimes  seen  in  Goa,  liquid  in 
leather  bottles,  which  is  like  coagulated  white  honey.  They  sent  this 
to  me  from  Ormuz,  for  it  corrupts  quickly  in  our  land,  but  the  glass 
flasks  preserve  it.  I  do  not  know  anything  more  about  this  medicine." 
JOHN  FRYER2  speaks  of  the  mellifluous  dew  a-nights  turned  into  manna, 
which  is  white  and  granulated,  and  not  inferior  to  the  Calabrian. 
According  to  G.  WATT,S  shirkhist  is  the  name  for  the  white  granular 
masses  found  in  Persia  on  the  shrub  Cotoneaster  nummularia;  white 
taranjabin  (  =  tar-angubiri)  is  obtained  from  the  camel-thorn  (Alhagi 
camelorum  and  A.  maurorum),  growing  in  Persia,  and  consisting  of  a 
peculiar  sugar  called  melezitose  and  cane-sugar.  The  former  is  chiefly 
brought  from  Herat,  and  is  obtained  also  from  Atraphaxis  spinosa 
(Polygonaceae)  .4 

It  is  thus  demonstrated  also  from  a  philological  and  historical  point 
of  view  that  the  yan  ts'e  and  k*ie-p'o-lo  of  the  Chinese  represent  the 
species  Alhagi  camelorum. 

Another  Persian  name  for  manna  is  xoSkenjubin,  which  means  "dry- 
honey."  An  Arabic  tradition  explains  it  as  a  dew  that  falls  on  trees  in 
the  mountains  of  Persia;  while  another  Arabic  author  says,  "It  is  dry 
honey  brought  from  the  mountains  of  Persia.  It  has  a  detestable  odor. 
It  is  warm  and  dry,  warmer  and  dryer  than  honey.  Its  properties  in 
general  are  more  energetic  than  those  of  honey." 6  This  product,  called 

1  Garcia's  etymology  is  only  partially  correct.  The  Persian  word  is  sir-xest, 
which  means  "goat's  milk."  Hence  Armenian  UrixiSd,  SirxeSd,  SimxuSg,  or  SiraxuZ 
(cf.  E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  210). 

1  New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia,  Vol.  II,  p.  201. 
8  Agricultural  Ledger,  1900,  No.  17,  p.  188. 

4  See  FLtfcKiGER  and  H ANBURY,  op.  ciL,  p.  415.     According  to  SCHLIMMER 
(Terminologie,  p.  357),  this  manna  comes  from  Herat,  Khorasan,  and  the  district 
Lor-§ehrestanek. 

5  L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  32. 


348  SlNO-lRANICA 

in  India  guzangabin,  is  collected  from  the  tamarisk  (Tamarix  gallica, 
var.  manmfera  Ehrenb.)  in  the  valleys  of  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai  and 
also  in  Persia.1  In  the  latter  country,  the  above  name  is  likewise  applied 
to  a  manna  obtained  from  Astragalus  florulentus  and  A.  adscendens 
in  the  mountain-districts  of  Chahar-Mahal  and  Faraidan,  and  especially 
about  the  town  of  Khonsar,  south-west  of  Ispahan.  The  best  sorts  of 
this  manna,  which  are  termed  gaz-alefi  or  gaz-khonsar  (from  the  prov- 
ince Khonsar) ,  are  obtained  in  August  by  shaking  it  from  the  branches, 
the  little  drops  finally  sticking  together  and  forming  a  dirty,  grayish- 
white,  tough  mass.  According  to  ScHLiMMER,2  the  shrub  on  which  this 
manna  is  formed  is  common  everywhere,  without  yielding,  however, 
the  slightest  trace  of  manna,  which  is  solely  obtained  in  the  small 
province  Khonsar  or  Khunsar.  The  cause  for  this  phenomenon  is 
sought  in  the  existence  there  of  the  Coccus  mannifer  and  in  the  absence 
of  this  insect  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  Several  Persian  physicians 
of  Ispahan,  and  some  European  authors,  have  attributed  to  the  puncture 
of  this  insect  the  production  of  manna  in  Khonsar;  and  Schlimmer 
recommends  transporting  and  acclimatizing  the  insect  to  those  regions 
where  Tamarix  grows  spontaneously. 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  earliest  allusion  to  tamarisk-manna  is 
to  be  found  in  Herodotus,3  who  says  in  regard  to  the  men  of  the  city 
Callatebus  in  Asia  Minor  that  they  make  honey  out  of  wheat  and  the 
fruit  of  the  tamarisk.  The  case,  however,  is  different;  Herodotus  does 
not  allude  to  the  exudation  of  the  tree. 

STUART4  states  that  tamarisk-manna  is  called  Pen  Zu  $H  ?L.  The 
tamarisk  belongs  to  the  flora  of  China,  th-ee  species  of  it  being  known.5 
The  Chinese,  as  far  as  I  know,  make  no  re  t?rence  to  a  manna  from  any 
of  these  species;  and  the  term  pointed  out  by  Stuart  merely  refers  to 
the  sap  in  the  interior  of  the  tree,  which,  according  to  the  Pen  ts'ao,  is 
used  in  the  Materia  Medica.  Cen  Tsiao  JIB  KS  of  the  Sung  period,  in 
his  T'un  li  5§  ^,6  simply  defines  e'en  Zu  as  "the  sap  in  the  wood  or 
trunk  of  the  tamarisk."7 

1  See  particularly  D.  HOOPER,  Tamarisk    Manna,    Journal   As.  Soc.  Bengal, 
Vol.  V,  1909,  pp.  31-36. 

2  Terminologie,  p.  359. 

3  vii,  31. 

4  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  259. 

5  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  No.  527;  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  35  B,  p.  9. 

6  Ch.  76,  p.  12. 

7  The  Turkl  name  for  the  tamarisk  is  yulgun.    In  Persian  it  is  styled  gaz  or 
gazm  (Kurd  gazo  or  gezu},  the  fruit  gazmazak  or  gazmazu  (gaz  basrah,  the  manna  of 
the  tree);  further,   balangmuU,   balangmusk,   or  balanjmusk,   and  Arabic-Persian 
kizmazaj. 


MANNA  349 

There  is,  further,  an  oak-manna  collected  from  Quercus  vallonea 
Kotschy  and  Q.  persica.  These  trees  are  visited  in  the  month  of  August 
by  immense  numbers  of  a  small  white  Coccus,  from  the  puncture  of 
which  a  saccharine  fluid  exudes,  and  solidifies  in  little  grains.  The  people 
go  out  before  sunrise,  and  shake  the  grains  of  manna  from  the  branches 
on  to  linen  cloths  spread  out  beneath  the  trees.  The  exudation  is  also 
collected  by  dipping  into  vessels  of  hot  water  the  small  branches  on 
which  it  is  formed,  and  evaporating  the  saccharine  solution  to  a  syrupy 
consistence,  which  in  this  state  is  used  for  sweetening  food,  or  is  mixed 
with  flour  to  form  a  sort  of  cake.1 

Aside  from  the  afore-mentioned  mannas,  ScniiMMER2  describes  two 
other  varieties  which  I  have  not  found  in  any  other  author.  One  he 
calls  in  Persian  &ker  eighal  ("  sugar  eighal"),  saying  that  it  is  produced 
by  the  puncture  of  a  worm  in  the  plant.  This  worm  he  has  himself 
found  in  fresh  specimens.  This  manna  is  brought  to  Teheran  by  the 
farmers  of  the  Elburs,  Lawistan,  and  Dimawend,  but  the  plant  occurs 
also  in  the  environment  of  Teheran  and  other  places.  Although  this 
manna  almost  lacks  sweetness,  it  is  a  remarkable  pectoral  and  alleviates 
obstinate  coughs.  The  other  is  the  manna  of  Apocynum  syriacum, 
known  in  Persia  as  Siker  al-o$r  and  imported  from  Yemen  and  Hedjaz. 
According  to  the  Persian  pharmacologists,  it  is  the  product  of  a 
nocturnal  exudation  solidified  during  the  day,  similar  to  small 
pieces  of  salt,  either  white,  or  gray,  and  even  black.  It  is  likewise 
employed  medicinally. 

Manna  belonged  to  the  food-products  of  the  ancient  Iranians,  and 
has  figured  in  their  kitchen  from  olden  times.  When  the  great  king  so- 
journed in  Media,  he  received  daily  for  his  table  a  hundred  baskets  full 
of  manna,  each  weighing  ten  mines.  It  was  utilized  like  honey  for 
the  sweetening  of  beverages.3  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  Iranians 
diffused  this  practice  over  Central  Asia. 

The  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu  has  a  reference  to  manna  of  India,  as  follows: 
"In  northern  India  there  is  a  honey-plant  growing  in  the  form  of  a 
creeper  with  large  leaves,  without  withering  yi  the  autumn  and  winter. 
While  it  receives  hoar-frost  and  dew,  it  forms  the  honey."  According 
to  G.  WATT,4  some  thirteen  or  fourteen  plants  in  India  are  known  to 


and  HANBURY,  Pharmacographia,  p.  416;  HANBURY,  Science 
Papers,  p.  287;  SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  358)  attributes  the  oak-manna  to  the 
mountains  of  Kurdistan  in  Persia. 

2  Terminologie,  p.  359. 

3  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  I'antiquit6,  Vol.  II,  p.  93.  Regarding  manna  in  Persia, 
see  also  E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  163. 

4  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  929. 


350  SlNO-lRANICA 

yield,  under  the  parasitic  influence  of  insects  or  otherwise,  a  sweet  fluid 
called  "manna."  This  is  regularly  collected  and,  like  honey,  enters  more 
largely  than  sugar  into  the  pharmaceutical  preparations  of  the  Hindu. 

The  silicious  concretion  of  crystalline  form,  found  in  the  culms  or 
joints  of  an  Indian  bamboo  (Bambusa  arundinacea)  and  known  as 
tabashir,  is  styled  in  India  also  "  bamboo  manna,"  —  decidedly  a 
misnomer.  On  the  other  hand,  a  real  manna  has  sometimes  been 
discovered  on  the  nodes  of  certain  species  of  bamboo  in  India.1  The 
subject  of  tabashir  has  nothing  to  do  with  manna,  nor  with  Sino-Iranian 
relations;  but,  as  the  early  history  of  this  substance  has  not  yet  been 
correctly  expounded,  the  following  brief  notes  may  not  be  unwelcome.2 
Specimens  of  tabashir,  procured  by  me  in  China  in  1902,  are  in  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History  in  New  York.3 

We  now  know  that  tabashir  is  due  to  an  ancient  discovery  made  in 
India,  and  that  at  an  early  date  it  was  traded  to  China  and  Egypt. 
In  recent  years  the  very  name  has  been  traced  in  the  form  tabasis 
(rd/Sacris)  in  a  Greek  papyrus,  where  it  is  said  that  the  porous  stone  is 
brought  down  [to  Alexandria]  from  [upper]  Egypt:  the  articles  of 
Indian  commerce  were  shipped  across  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Egyptian 
ports,  and  then  freighted  on  the  Nile  downward  to  the  Delta.4  The 
Indian  origin  of  the  article  is  evidenced,  above  all,  by  the  fact  that  the 
Greek  term  tabasis  (of  the  same  phonetic  appearance  as  Persian  tabaSir) 
is  connected  with  Sanskrit  tavak-ksira  (or  tvak-ksira;  ksira,  "  vegetable 
juice"),  and  permits  us  to  reconstruct  a  Prakrit  form  taba&ra;  for  the 
Greek  importers  or  exporters  naturally  did  not  derive  the  word  from 
Sanskrit,  but  from  a  vernacular  idiom  spoken  somewhere  on  the  west 
coast  of  India.  Or,  we  have  to  assume  that  the  Greeks  received  the 
word  from  the  Persians,  and  the  Persians  from  an  Indian  Prakrit.6 

The  Chinese,  in  like  manner,  at  first  imported  the  article  from  India, 
calling  it  "yellow  of  India"  (Tien-tu  hwan  ^  ¥*  36).  It  is  first  men- 
tioned under  this  designation  as  a  product  of  India  in  the  Materia 
Medica  published  in  the  period  K'ai-pao  (A.D.  968-976),  the  K*ai  pao 

1  See  G.  WATT,  Agricultural  Ledger,  1900,  No.  17,  pp.  185-189. 

2  The  latest  writer  on  the  subject,  G.  F.  KUNZ  (The  Magic  of  Jewels  and  Charms, 
pp.  233-235,  Philadelphia,  1915),  has  given  only  a  few  historical  notes  of  mediaeval 
origin. 

3  Cat.  No.  70,  13834.   This  is  incidentally  mentioned  here,  as  Dr.  Kunz  states 
that  very  little  of  the  material  has  reached  the  United  States. 

4  H.  DIELS,  Antike  Technik,  p.  123. 

6  The  Persian  tabasir  is  first  described  by  Abu  Mansur  (ACHUNDOW,  p.  95), 
and  is  still  eaten  as  a  delicacy  by  Persian  women  (ibid.,  p.  247).  In  Armenian  it  is 
dabaSir. 


TABASHIR  351 

pen  ts'ao;  but  at  the  same  time  we  are  informed  that  it  was  then  obtained 
from  all  bamboos  of  China,1  and  that  the  Chinese,  according  to  their 
habit,  adulterated  the  product  with  scorched  bones,  the  arrowroot 
from  Pachyrhizus  angulatus,  and  other  stuff.2  The  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i  of 
in63  explains  the  substance  as  a  natural  production  in  bamboo,  yellow 
like  loess.  The  name  was  soon  changed  into  " bamboo-yellow'3  (lu 
hwan  13*  3?)  or  "  bamboo-grease "  (Zukao)*  It  is  noticeable  that  the 
Chinese  do  not  classify  tabashir  among  stones,  but  conceive  it  as  a 
production  of  bamboo,  while  the  Hindu  regard  it  as  a  kind  of  pearl. 

The  earliest  Arabic  author  who  has  described  the  substance  is 
Aba  Dulaf,  who  lived  at  the  Court  of  the  Samanides  of  Bokhara,  and 
travelled  in  Central  Asia  about  A.D.  940.  He  says  that  the  product 
comes  from  Mandurapatan  in  northwestern  India  (Abulfeda  and 
others  state  that  Tana  on  the  island  of  Salsette,  twenty  miles  from 
Bombay,  was  the  chief  place  of  production),  and  is  exported  from  there 
into  all  countries  of  the  world.  It  is  produced  by  rushes,  which,  when  they 
are  dry  and  agitated  by  the  wind,  rub  against  one  another;  this  motion 
develops  heat  and  sets  them  afire.  The  blaze  sometimes  spreads  over 
a  surface  of  fifty  parasangs,  or  even  more.  Tabashir  is  the  product  of 
these  rushes.5  Other  Arabic  authors  cited  by  Ibn  al-Baitar  derive  the 
substance  from  the  Indian  sugarcane,  and  let  it  come  from  all  coasts 
of  India;  they  dwell  at  length  on  its  medicinal  properties.6  GARCIA 
DA  ORTA  (1563),  who  was  familiar  with  the  drug,  also  mentions  the 
burning  of  the  canes,  and  states  it  as  certain  that  the  reason  they  set 
fire  to  them  is  to  reach  the  heart;  but  sometimes  they  do  not  follow 
tihis  practice,  as  appears  from  many  specimens  which  are  untouched 
by  fire.  He  justly  says  that  the  Arabic  name  (taba&r,  in  his  Portuguese 
spelling  tabaxir)  is  derived  from  the  Persian,  and  means  "milk  or  juice, 
or  moisture."  The  ordinary  price  for  the  product  in  Persia  and  Arabia 
was  its  weight  in  silver.  The  canes,  lofty  and  large  like  ash-trees, 

1  The  Cen  lei  pen  ts^ao  (Ch.  13,  p.  48)  cites  the  same  text  from  a  work  Lin  hai 
&  IS  'S  S>  apparently  an  other  work  than  the  Lin  hai  i  wu  li  mentioned  by  BRET- 
SCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  169). 

2  The  following  assertion  by  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  64)is  erroneous: 
"The  Chinese  did  not  probably  derive  the  substance  originally  from  India,  but  it  is 
possible  that  the  knowledge  of  its  medicinal  uses  were  derived  from  that  country, 
where  it  has  been  held  in  high  esteem  from  very  early  times."    The  knowledge  of 
this  product  and  the  product  itself  first  reached  the  Chinese  from  India,  and  nat- 
urally induced  them  to  search  for  it  in  their  own  bamboos. 

1  Ch.  14,  p.  4  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

4  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  37,  p.  9. 

8  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  £  I'ExtreTne-Orient,  p.  225. 

6  L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  pp.  399-401. 


352  SlNO-lRANICA 

according  to  his  statement,  generate  between  the  knots  great  humidity, 
like  starch  when  it  is  much  coagulated.  The  Indian  carpenters,  who 
work  at  these  canes,  find  thick  juice  or  pith,  which  they  put  on  the  lum- 
bar region  or  reins,  and  in  case  of  a  headache  on  the  forehead;  it  is  used 
by  Indian  physicians  against  over-heating,  external  or  internal,  and 
for  fevers  and  dysentery.1  The  most  interesting  of  all  accounts  remains 
that  of  ODORIC  OF  PORDENONE  (died  in  1331),  who,  though  he  does  not 
name  the  product  and  may  partially  confound  it  with  bezoar,  alludes 
to  certain  stones  found  in  canes  of  Borneo,  "which  be  such  that  if  any 
man  wear  one  of  them  upon  his  person  he  can  never  be  hurt  or  wounded 
by  iron  in  any  shape,  and  so  for  the  most  part  the  men  of  that  country 
do  wear  such  stones  upon  them."2 

J.  A.  DE  MANDELSLOS  gives  the  following  notice  of  tabashir:  "It 
is  certain  that  on  the  coast  of  Malabar,  Coromandel,  Bisnagar,  and 
near  to  Malacca,  this  sort  of  cane  (called  by  the  Javians  mambu  [bam- 
boo] )  produces  a  drug  called  sacar  mambus,  that  is,  sugar  of  mambu. 
The  Arabians,  the  Persians,  and  the  Moores  call  it  tabaxir,  which  in 
their  language  signifies  a  white  frozen  liquor.  These  canes  are  as  big 
as  the  body  of  a  poplar,  having  straight  branches,  and  leaves  something 
longer  than  the  olive-tree.  They  are  divided  into  divers  knots,  wherein 
there  is  a  certain  white  matter  like  starch,  for  which  the  Persians  and 
Arabians  give  the  weight  in  silver,  for  the  use  they  make  of  it  in  physick, 
against  burning  feavers,  and  bloudy  fluxes,  but  especially  upon  the  first 
approaches  of  any  disease." 

1  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies  of  Garcia  da  Orta,  pp.  409-414.   A  list  of  Sanskrit 
synonymes  for  tabashir  is  given  by  R.  SCHMIDT  (ZDMG,  Vol.  LXV,  1911,  p.  745). 

2  YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed.  by  CORDIER,  Vol.  II,  p.  161. 

3  Voyages  and  Travels,  p.  120  (London,  1669). 


ASAFCETIDA 

22.  The  riddles  of  asafcetida  begin  with  the  very  name:  there  is  no 
adequate  explanation  of  our  word  asa  or  assa.  The  new  Oxford  English 
Dictionary  ventures  to  derive  it  from  Persian  dzd  or  aza.  This  word, 
however,  means  nothing  but  "  mastic,"  a  product  entirely  different 
from  what  we  understand  by  asafcetida  (p.  2  5  2) .  In  no  Oriental  language 
is  there  a  word  of  the  type  asa  or  aza  with  reference  to  this  product,  so 
it  could  not  have  been  handed  on  to  Europe  by  an  Oriental  nation. 
KAEMPFER,  who  in  1687  studied  the  plant  in  Laristan,  and  was  fairly 
familiar  with  Persian,  said  that  he  was  ignorant  of  the  origin  of  the 
European  name.1  LITTRE,  the  renowned  author  of  the  Dictionnaire 
frangais,  admits  that  the  origin  of  asa  is  unknown,  and  wisely  abstains 
from  any  theory.2  The  supposition  has  been  advanced  that  asa  was 
developed  from  the  laser  or  laserpitium  of  Pliny  (xix,  5),  the  latter 
having  thus  been  mutilated  by  the  druggists  of  the  middle  ages. 
This  etymology,  first  given  by  GARCIA  DA  ORTA,S  has  been  indorsed 
by  E.  BoRSZczow,4  a  Polish  botanist,  to  whom  we  owe  an  excellent 
investigation  of  the  asa-furnishing  plants.  Although  this  explanation 
remains  as  yet  unsatisfactory,  as  the  alleged  development  from  laser 
to  asa  is  merely  inferred,  but  cannot  actually  be  proved  from  mediaeval 
documents,5  it  is  better,  at  any  rate,  than  the  derivation  from  the 
Persian. 

Asafcetida  is  a  vegetable  product  consisting  of  resin,  gum,  and 
essential  oil  in  varying  proportions,  the  resin  generally  amounting 
to  more  than  one-half,  derived  from  different  umbelliferous  plants,  as 
Ferula  narthex,  alliacea,  fcetida,  persica,  and  scorodosma  (or  Scorodosma 

1  Amoenitates  exoticae,  p.  539. 

2  The  suggestion  has  also  been  made  that  asa  may  be  derived  from  Greek 
asi  (?)  ("disgust")  or  from  Persian  anguza  ("asafoetida");  thus  at  least  it  is  said  by 
F.  STUHLMANN  (Beitrage  zur  Kulturgeschichte  Ostafrikas,  p.  609).   Neither  is  con- 
vincing.   The  former  moves  on  the  same  high  level  as  Li  Si-c"en's  explanation  of 
a-wei  ("The  barbarians  call  out  a,  expressing  by  this  exclamation  their  horror  at 
the  abominable  odor  of  this  resin"). 

3  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  41.    JOHN  PARKINSON  (Theatrum  botanicum, 
p.  1569,  London,  1640)  says,  "There  is  none  of  the  ancient  Authours  either  Greeke, 
Latine,  or  Arabian,  that  hath  made  any  mention  of  Asa,  either  dulcis  or  faztida, 
but  was  first  depraved  by  the  Druggists  and  Apothecaries  in  forraigne  parts,  that  in 
stead  of  Laser  said  Asa,  from  whence  ever  since  the  name  of  Asa  hath  continued." 

4  MSmoires  de  VAcad.  de  St.  Pttersbourg,  Vol.  Ill,  No.  8,  1860,  p.  4. 

5  DUCANGE  does  not  even  list  the  word  "asafcetida." 

353 


354  SlNO-lRANICA 

fatidum).1  It  is  generally  used  in  India  as  a  condiment,  being  espe- 
cially eaten  with  pulse  and  rice.  Wherever  the  plant  grows,  the  fresh 
leaves  are  cooked  and  eaten  as  a  green  vegetable,  especially  by  the 
natives  of  Bukhara,  who  also  consider  as  a  delicacy  the  white  under  part 
of  the  stem  when  roasted  and  flavored  with  salt  and  butter.  In  the 
pharmacopoeia  it  is  used  as  a  stimulant  and  antispasmodic. 

Abu  Mansur,  the  Persian  Li  5i-£en  of  the  tenth  century,  discrimi- 
nates between  two  varieties  of  asafcetida  (Persian  anguydn,  Arabic 
anjuddn),  a  white  and  a  black  one,  adding  that  there  is  a  third  kind 
called  by  the  Romans  sesalius.  It  renders  food  easily  digestible,  strength- 
ens the  stomach,  and  alleviates  pain  of  the  joints  in  hands  and  feet. 
Rubbed  into  the  skin,  it  dispels  swellings,  especially  if  the  milky  juice 
of  the  plant  is  employed.  The  root  macerated  in  vinegar  strengthens 
and  purifies  the  stomach,  promotes  digestion,  and  acts  as  an  appetizer.2 

The  Ferula  and  Scorodosma  furnishing  asafcetida  are  typically 
Iranian  plants.  According  to  Abu  Hanifa,n  asa  grows  in  the  sandy  plains 
extending  between  Bost  and  the  country  Klkan  in  northern  Persia. 
Abu  Mansur  designates  the  leaves  of  the  variety  from  Sarachs  near 
Merw  as  the  best.  According  to  Istaxrl,  asa  was  abundantly  produced 
in  the  desert  between  the  provinces  Seistan  and  Makran;  according  to 
Edrlsi,  in  the  environment  of  Kaleh  Bust  in  Afghanistan.  KAEMPFER 
observed  the  harvest  of  the  plant  in  Laristan  in  1687,  and  gives  the 
following  notice  on  its  occurrence:4  "Patria  eius  sola  est  Persia,  non 
Media,  Libya,  Syria  aut  Cyrenaica  regio.  In  Persia  plant  am  hodie 
alunt  saltern  duorum  locorum  tractus,  videlicet  campi  montesque  circa 
Heraat,  emporium  provinciae  Chorasaan,  et  jugum  montium  in 
provincia  Laar,  quod  a  flumine  Cuur  adusque  urbem  Congo  secundum 
Persici  sinus  tractum  extenditur,  duobus,  alibi  tribus  pluribusve  para- 
sangis  a  litore."  Herat  is  a  renowned  place  of  production,  presumably 
the  exclusive  centre  of  production  at  the  present  day,  whence  the 
product  is  shipped  to  India. 

The  exact  geographical  distribution  has  been  well  outlined  by  E. 
BoRSZczow.5  Aside  from  Persia  proper,  Scorodosma  occurs  also  on  the 
Oxus,  on  the  Aral  Sea,  and  in  an  isolated  spot  on  the  east  coast  of  the 
Caspian  Sea.  Judging  from  Chinese  accounts,  plants  yielding  asa 
appear  to  have  occurred  also  near  Khotan  (see  below),  Turf  an,  and 

1  The  genus  Ferula  contains  about  sixty  species. 

2  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  8. 

8  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  142. 

4  Amoenitates  exoticae,  p.  291. 

5  Ferulaceen  der  aralo-caspischen  Wuste  (MSmoires  de  I'Acad.  de  St.  Piter  s- 
bourg,  Vol.  Ill,  No.  8,  1860,  p.  16). 


ASAFCETIDA  355 

Shahrokia.1  We  do  not  know,  however,  what  species  here  come  into 
question. 

Cao  Zu-kwa  states  that  the  home  of  asafcetida  is  in  Mu-ku-lan 
^C  {^  IB,  in  the  country  of  the  Ta-sl  (Ta-d2ik,  Arabs).2  Mu-kii-lan  is 
identical  with  Mekran,  the  Gedrosia  of  the  ancients,  the  Maka  of 
the  Old-Persian  inscriptions.  Alexander  the  Great  crossed  Gedrosia 
on  his  campaign  to  India,  and  we  should  expect  that  his  scientific  staff, 
which  has  left  us  so  many  valuable  contributions  to  the  flora  of  Iran 
and  north-western  India,  might  have  also  observed  the  plant  furnishing 
asafcetida;  in  the  floristic  descriptions  of  the  Alexander  literature,  how- 
ever, nothing  can  be  found  that  could  be  interpreted  as  referring  to 
this  species.  H.  BRETZLS  has  made  a  forcible  attempt  to  identify  a 
plant  briefly  described  by  Theophrastus,4  with  Scorodosma  fcetidum; 
and  A.  HoRT,5  in  his  new  edition  and  translation  of  Theophrastus,  has 
followed  him.  The  text  runs  thus:  "There  is  another  shrub  [in  Aria] 
as  large  as  a  cabbage,  whose  leaf  is  like  that  of  the  bay  in  size  and 
shape.  And  if  any  animal  should  eat  this,  it  is  certain  to  die  of  it. 
Wherefore,  wherever  there  were  horses,  they  kept  them  under  control" 
[that  is,  in  Alexander's  army].  This  in  no  way  fits  the  properties  of 
Ferula  or  Scorodosma,  which  is  non-poisonous,  and  does  not  hurt  any 
animal.  It  is  supposed  also  that  the  laser pitium  or  silphion  and  laser 
of  Pliny6  should,  at  least  partially,  relate  to  asafcetida;  this,  however, 
is  rejected  by  some  authors,  and  appears  to  me  rather  doubtful.  GARCIA 
DA  ORTA?  has  already  denied  any  connection  between  that  plant  of  the 
ancients  and  asa.  L.  LECLERCS  has  discussed  at  length  this  much-dis- 
puted question. 

The  first  European  author  who  made  an  exact  report  of  asafcetida 

1  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  II,  pp.   193,  254.    The  inter- 
pretation of  lu-wei  ("rushes")  as  asafoetida  in  the  Si  yu  ki  (ibid.,  Vol.  I,  p.  85)  seems 
to  me  a  forced  and  erroneous  interpretation. 

2  HIRTH  and  ROCKHILL,  Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  224. 

3  Botanische  Forschungen  des  Alexanderzuges,  p.  285. 

4  Histor.  plant.,  IV.  iv,  12. 

5  Vol.  I,  p.  321. 

6  xix,  15.    The  Medic  juice,  called  silphion,  and  mentioned  as  a  product  of 
Media  by  Strabo  (XI.  xm,  7),  might  possibly  allude  to  a  product  of  the  nature  ol 
asafcetida,  especially  as  it  is  said  in  another  passage  (XV.  n,  10)  that  silphion  grew 
in  great  abundance  in  the  deserts  of  Bactriana,  and  promoted  the  digestion  of  the 
raw  flesh  on  which  Alexander's  soldiers  were  forced  to  subsist  there.    According  to 
others,  the  silphion  of  the  ancients  is  Thapsia  garganica  (ENGLER,  Pflanzenfamilien, 
Vol.  Ill,  pt.  8,  p.  247).   Regarding  the  Medic  oil  (oleum  Medicum)  see  Ammianus 
Marcellinus,  xxm,  6. 

7  C.  Markham,  Colloquies,  p.  44. 

8  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  144. 


356  SlNO-lRANICA 

was  GARCIA  DA  ORTA  in  1563.  However,  living  and  studying  in  Goa, 
India,  he  did  not  learn  from  what  plant  the  product  was  derived.  On 
its  use  in  India  he  comments  as  follows:  "The  thing  most  used  through- 
out India,  and  in  all  parts  of  it,  is  that  Assa-fetida,  as  well  for  medicine 
as  in  cookery.  A  great  quantity  is  used,  for  every  Gentio  who  is  able 
to  get  the  means  of  buying  it  will  buy  it  to  flavor  his  food.  The  rich 
eat  much  of  it,  both  Banyans  and  all  the  Gentios  of  Cambay,  and  he 
who  imitates  Pythagoras.  These  flavor  the  vegetables  they  eat  with  it; 
first  rubbing  the  pan  with  it,  and  then  using  it  as  seasoning  with  every- 
thing they  eat.  All  the  other  Gentios  who  can  get  it,  eat  it,  and  laborers 
who,  having  nothing  more  to  eat  than  bread  and  onions,  can  only  eat 
it  when  they  feel  a  great  need  for  it.  The  Moors  all  eat  it,  but  in  smaller 
quantity  and  only  as  a  medicine.  A  Portuguese  merchant  highly  praised 
the  pot-herb  used  by  these  Banyans  who  bring  this  Assa-fetida,  and 
I  wished  to  try  it  and  see  whether  it  pleased  my  taste,  but  as  I  do  not 
know  our  spinach  very  well,  it  did  not  seem  so  palatable  to  me  as  it 
did  to  the  Portuguese  who  spoke  to  me  about  it.  There  is  a  respected 
and  discreet  man  in  these  parts,  holding  an  office  under  the  king,  who 
eats  Assa-fetida  to  give  him  an  appetite  for  his  dinner,  and  finds  it 
very  good,  taking  it  in  doses  of  two  drachms.  He  says  there  is  a  slightly 
bitter  taste,  but  that  this  is  appetising  like  eating  olives.  This  is  before 
swallowing,  and  afterwards  it  gives  the  person  who  takes  it  much  con- 
tent. All  the  people  in  this  country  tell  me  that  it  is  good  to  taste  and 
to  smell." 

CHR.  ACOSTA  or  DA  CosxA1  gives  the  following  account:  "Altiht, 
anjuden,  Assa  fetida,  dulce  y  odorata  medicina  (de  que  entre  los  Doc- 
tores  ha  auido  differentia  y  controuersia)  es  ona  Goma,  que  del  Coragone 
traen  a  Ormuz,  y  de  Ormuz  a  la  India,  y  del  Guzarate  y  del  reyno  Dely 
(tierra  muy  fria)  la  qual  por  la  otra  parte  confina  con  el  Coragone,  y  con 
la  region  de  Chiruan,  como  siente  Auicena.  Esta  Goma  es  llamada  de 
los  Arabics  Altiht,  y  Antit,  y  delos  Indies  Ingu,  o  Ingara.  El  arbol  de 
adonde  mana,  se  llama  Anjuden,  y  otros  le  llaman  Angeydan. 

"  La  Assa  se  aplica  para  leuatar  el  miembro  viril,  cosa  muy  vsada  en 
aquellas  partes :  y  no  viene  a  proposito  para  la  diminution  del  coito,  vsar 
del  tal  gumo  de  Regaliza.  Y  en  las  diuisiones  pone  Razis  Altiht  por 
meditina  para  las  fiestas  de  Venus:  y  Assa  dulcis  no  la  pone  Doctor 
Arabe,  ni  Griego,  ni  Latino,  que  sea  de  autoridad,  porque  Regaliza 
se  llama  en  Arabic  Cuz,  y  el  gumo  del  cozido,  y  reduzido  en  forma  de 
Arrope,  le  llaman  los  Arabes  Robalcuz,  y  los  Espafioles  corrompiendole 

1  Tractado  de  las  drogas,  y  medicinas  de  las  Indias  orientates,  p.  362  (Burgos, 
1578). 


ASAFCETIDA  357 

el  nombre  le  llaman  Rabacuz.  De  suerte  que  Robalcuz  en  Arabic,  quiere 
dezir  c.umo  basto  de  Regaliza:  porque  Rob,  es  cumo  basto,  y  Al,  ar- 
ticulo  de  genitiuo,  de,  y  Cuz,  regaliza,  y  todo  junto  significa  cumo 
basto  de  Regaliza:  y  assi  no  se  puede  llamar  a  este  gumo  Assa  dulcis. 
Los  Indies  la  loan  para  el  estomago,  para  facilitar  el  vientre,  y  para 
consumir  las  ventosidadas.  Tambien  curan  con  esta  medicina  los 
cauallos,  que  echan  mucha  ventosidad.  En  tanto  tienen  esta  medicina 
que  le  llama  aquella  gente,  principalmente  la  de  Bisnaguer,  manjar 
delos  Dioses." 

JOHN  FRYER1  relates,  "In  this  country  Assa  Fcetida  is  gathered  at 
a  place  called  Descoon;2  some  deliver  it  to  be  the  juice  of  a  cane  or  reed 
inspissated;  others,  of  a  tree  wounded:  It  differs  much  from  the  stink- 
ing stuff  called  Hing,  it  being  of  the  Province  of  Carmania:3  This  latter 
is  that  the  Indians  perfume  themselves  with,  mixing  it  in  all  their  pulse, 
and  make  it  up  in  wafers  to  correct  the  windiness  of  their  food,  which 
they  thunder  up  in  belchings  from  the  crudities  created  in  their  stom- 
achs; never  thinking  themselves  at  ease  without  this  Theriac:  And  this 
is  they  cozen  the  Europeans  with  instead  of  Assa  F&tida,  of  which 
it  bears  not  only  the  smell,  but  color  also,  only  it  is  more  liquid." 

J.  A.  DE  MANDELSLO4  reports  as  follows:  "The  Hingh,  which  our 
drugsters  and  apothecaries  call  Assa  fcetida,  comes  for  the  most  part 
from  Persia,  but  that  which  the  Province  of  Utrad  produces  in  the  Indies 
is  the  best,  and  there  is  a  great  traffick  driven  in  it  all  over  Indosthan. 
The  plant  which  produces  it  is  of  two  kinds;  one  grows  like  a  bush,  and 
hath  small  leaves,  like  rice,  and  the  other  resembles  a  turnip-leaf,  and 
its  greenness  is  like  that  of  fig-tree  leaves.  It  thrives  best  in  stony  and 
dry  places,  and  its  gum  begins  to  come  forth  towards  the  latter  end 
of  summer,  so  that  it  must  be  gathered  in  autumn.  The  traffick  of  it 
is  so  much  the  greater  in  those  parts,  upon  this  account,  that  the 
Benjans  of  Guzuratta  make  use  of  it  in  all  their  sawces,  and  rub  their 

1  New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia,  Vol.  II,  p.  195  (Hakluyt  Soc.,  1912). 

2  Kuh-i  Dozgan,  west  of  Kuristan. 

8  Ring  is  mentioned  by  FRYER  (Vol.  I,  p.  286)  as  in  use  among  the  natives  of 
southern  India,  "to  correct  all  distempers  of  the  brain,  as  well  as  stomach,"  "a  sort 
of  liquid  Assa  Fcetida,  whereby  they  smell  odiously."  This  is  the  product  of  Ferula 
alliacca,  collected  near  Yezd  in  Khorasan  and  in  the  province  of  Kerman,  and 
chiefly  used  by  the  natives  of  Bombay  (FLtteKiGER  and  HANBURY,  Pharmacographia, 
pp.  319-320;  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  534).  Fryer's  distinction  be- 
tween hing  and  asafcetida  shows  well  that  there  were  different  kinds  and  grades  of 
the  article,  derived  from  different  plants.  Thus  there  is  no  reason  to  wonder  that 
the  Chinese  Buddhist  authors  discriminate  between  hingu  and  a-wei  (CHAVANNES 
and  PELLIOT,  Trait6  maniche'en,  p.  234);  the  l*ou  ts'ai  ("stinking  vegetable")  is 
probably  also  a  variety  of  this  product. 

4  Voyages  and  Travels,  p.  67  (London,  1669). 


3  $8  SlNO-lRANICA 

pots  and  drinking  vessels  therewith,  by  which  means  they  insensibly 
accustom  themselves  to  that  strong  scent,  which  we  in  Europe  are 
hardly  able  to  endure." 

The  Chinese  understand  by  the  term  a-wei  products  of  two  different 
plants.  Neither  Bretschneider  nor  Stuart  has  noted  this.  Li  Si-Sen1 
states  that  "  there  are  two  kinds  of  a-wei, —  one  an  herb,  the  other  a 
tree.  The  former  is  produced  in  Turkistan  (Si  yu),  and  can  be  sun- 
dried  or  boiled:  this  is  the  kind  discussed  by  Su  Kun.  The  latter  is 
produced  among  the  Southern  Barbarians  (Nan  Fan),  and  it  is  the 
sap  of  the  tree  which  is  taken:  this  is  the  kind  described  by  Li  Sun, 
Su  Sun,  and  C'en  C'en."  Su  Kun  of  the  T'ang  period  reports  that 
11 a-wei  grows  among  the  Western  Barbarians  (Si  Fan)  and  in  K'un- 
lun.2  Sprouts,  leaves,  root,  and  stems  strongly  resemble  the  pai  li  Q 
3£  (Angelica  anomald).  The  root  is  pounded,  and  the  sap  extracted 
from  it  is  dried  in  the  sun  and  pressed  into  cakes.  This  is  the  first 
quality.  Cut-up  pieces  of  the  root,  properly  dried,  take  the  second 
rank.  Its  prominent  characteristic  is  a  rank  odor,  but  it  can  also  stop 
foul  smells;  indeed,  it  is  a  strange  product.  The  Brahmans  say  that 
hiin-kit  (Sanskrit  hingu,  see  below)  is  the  same  as  a-wei,  and  that  the 
coagulated  juice  of  the  root  is  like  glue;  also  that  the  root  is  sliced, 
dried  in  the  sun,  and  malodorous.  In  the  western  countries  (India) 
its  consumption  is  forbidden.8  Habitual  enjoyment  of  it  is  said  to  do 
away  with  foul  breath.  The  barbarians  (-$C  A)  prize  it  as  the  Chinese 
do  pepper."  This,  indeed,  relates  to  the  plant  or  plants  yielding  asa, 
and  Li  Si-Sen  comments  that  its  habitat  is  in  Hwo  Sou  (Qar5-Khoja) 
and  Sa-lu-hai-ya  (Shahrokia).4  Curiously  enough,  such  a  typical  Iran- 
ian plant  is  passed  over  with  silence  in  the  ancient  historical  texts 
relative  to  Sasanian  Persia.  The  only  mention  of  it  in  the  pre-T'ang 
Annals  occurs  in  the  Sui  $ub  with  reference  to  the  country  Ts'ao  $t 
north  of  the  Ts'un-lin  (identical  with  the  Ki-pin  of  the  Han),  while 
the  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yii  ki*  ascribes  a-wei  to  Ki-pin. 

The  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu7  contains  the  following  account  of  the  product: 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  34,  p.  21. 

2  K'un-lun  is  given  as  place  of  production  in  the  Kwan  £i,  written  prior  to 
A.D.  527,  but  there  it  is  described  as  the  product  of  a  tree  (see  below). 

8  It  was  prohibited  to  the  monks  of  the  Mahayana  (cf.  S.  L£vi,  Journal  asiatiquc, 
1915,  I,  p.  87). 

4  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  II,  pp.  253,  254,  also  193. 
6  Ch.  83,  p.  8  (also  in  the  Pei  Si). 

6  Ch.  182,  p.  12  b. 

7  Ch.  18,  p.  8  b. 


ASAFGETIDA  359 

"A-wei  is  produced  in  Gazna  fto  E8  l£  (*Gia-ja-na);1  that  is,  in  north- 
ern India.  In  Gazna  its  name  is  hin-yti  (Sanskrit  hingu).  Its  habitat 
is  also  in  Persia,  where  it  is  termed  a-yu-tsie  (see  below).  The  tree 
grows  to  a  height  of  eight  and  nine  feet.2  The  bark  is  green  and  yellow. 
In  the  third  month  the  tree  forms  leaves  which  resemble  a  rodent's 
ear.  It  does  not  flower,  nor  does  it  produce  fruit.  The  branches,  when 
cut,  have  a  continuous  flow  of  sap  like  syrup,  which  consolidates,  and 
is  styled  a-wei.  The  monk  from  the  country  Fu-lin,  Wan  W  by  name, 
and  the  monk  from  Magadha,  T'i-p'o  $1  SI  (*De-bwa,  Sanskrit  Deva), 
agree  in  stating  that  the  combination3  of  the  sap  with  rice  or  beans,  and 
powdered,  forms  what  is  called  a-wei"* 

Another  description  of  a-wei  by  the  Buddhist  monk  Hwei  Zi  S  0 , 
born  in  A.D.  680,  has  been  made  known  by  S.  Lfevi.6  The  Chinese  pil- 
grim points  out  that  the  plant  is  lacking  in  China,  and  is  not  to  be  seen 
in  other  kingdoms  except  in  the  region  of  Khotan.  The  root  is  as  large 
as  a  turnip  and  white;  it  smells  like  garlic,  and  the  people  of  Khotan 
feed  on  this  root.  The  Buddhist  pilgrim  Yi  Tsifi,  who  travelled  in 
A.D.  671-695,  reports  that  a-wei  is  abundant  in  the  western  limit  of 
India,  and  that  all  vegetables  are  mixed  with  it,  clarified  butter,  oil, 
or  any  spice.6 

Li  Sim,  who  wrote  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century,  states 
that,  "  according  to  the  Kwan  ci,  a-wei  grows  in  the  country  K'un-lun; 
it  is  a  tree  with  a  ;sap  of  'the  appearance  of  the  resin  of  the  peach-tree. 
That  which  is  black  in  color  does  not  keep;  that  of  yellow  color  is  the 
best.  Along  the  Yangtse  in  Yun-nan  is  found  also  a  variety  like  the 
one  imported  in  ships,  juicy,  and  in  taste  identical  with  the  yellow  brand, 
but  not  yellow  in  color."  Su  Sun  of  the  Sung  period  remarks  that  there 
is  a-wei  only  in  Kwafi-£ou  (Kwafi-tun),  and  that  it  is  the  coagulated 
sap  of  a  tree,  which  does  not  agree  with  the  statement  of  Su  Kun. 
C'en  C'efi  R  $s  a  distinguished  physician,  who  wrote  the  Pen  ts'ao 

1  In  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  where  the  text  is  quoted  from  the  Hai  yao  pen  ',s'ao 
of  Li  Sun,  Persia  is  coupled  with  Gazna.   Gazna  is  the  capital  of  Jagutfa,  the  Tsao- 
ku-c'a  of  Hiian  Tsan,  the  Zabulistan  of  the  Arabs.    Huan  Tsan  reported  that 
asafoetida  is  abundant  there  (S.  JULIEN,  Me"moires  sur  les  contre"es  occidentales, 
Vol.  II,  p.  187.    Cf.  S.  L6vi,  Journal  asiatique,  1915,  I,  p.  83). 

2  Thus  in  the  text  of  the  Pen  ts'ao;  in  the  edition  of  Pai  hai:  eighty  or  ninety 
feet.   In  fact,  the  stems  of  Ferula  reach  an  average  height  of  from  eight  to  ten  feet. 

3  Instead  of  $P  of  the  text  I  read  jf P  with  the  Pen  ts'ao. 

4  The  translation  of  this  passage  by  HIRTH  (Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  225)  does  not 
render  the  sense  correctly.    The  two  monks  mean  to  say  that  the  sap  or  resin  is  a 
condiment  added  to  a  dish  of  rice  or  beans,  and  that  the  whole  mixture  bears  the 
name  a-wei. 

5  Journal  asiatique,  1915,  I,  p.  89. 

6  TAKAKUSU,  I-tsing,  pp.  128,  137. 


360  SlNO-lRANICA 

pie  $wo  about  A.D.  1090,  says,  "A-wei  is  classed  among  trees.  People 
of  Kian-su  and  Ce-kian  have  now  planted  it.  The  odor  of  the  branches 
and  leaves  is  the  same,  but  they  are  tasteless  and  yield  no  sap."  The 
above  K'un-lun  refers  to  the  K'un-lun  of  the  Southern  Sea;1  and  Li 
Si-£en  comments  that  "this  tree  grows  in  Sumatra  and  Siam,  and  that 
it  is  not  very  high.  The  natives  take  a  bamboo  tube  and  stick  it  into 
the  tree;  the  tube  gradually  becomes  filled  with  the  sap  of  the  tree,  and 
during  the  winter  months  they  smash  the  tube  and  obtain  the  sap." 
Then  he  goes  on  to  tell  the  curious  tale  of  the  sheep,  in  the  same  manner 
as  Cao  Zu-kwa.2 

Cao  Zu-kwa's  notice  that  the  resin  is  gathered  and  packed  in  skin 
bags  is  correct;  for  GARCIA  DA  ORTA3  reports  that  the  gum,  obtained 
by  making  cuts  in  the  tree,  is  kept  in  bullock's  hides,  first  anointed  with 
blood,  and  then  mixed  with  wheat  flour.  It  is  more  difficult  to  account 
for  the  tradition  given  by  the  Chinese  author,  that,  in  order  to  neutralize 
the  poison  of  the  plant,  a  sheep  is  tied  to  the  base  of  the  tree  and  shot 
with  arrows,  whereupon  the  poison  filters  into  the  sheep  that  is  doomed 
to  death,  and  its  carcass  forms  the  asafcetida.  This  bit  of  folk-lore  was 
certainly  transmitted  by  Indian,  Persian,  or  Arabic  navigators,  but  any 
corresponding  Western  tradition  has  not  yet  been  traced.  Hobeich 
Ibn  el-Hacen,  quoted  by  Ibn  al-Baitar,4  insists  on  the  poisonous  action 
of  the  plant,  and  says  that  the  harvests  succeed  in  Sind  only  when  asa 
is  packed  in  a  cloth  and  suspended  at -the  mouth  of  water-courses,  where 
the  odor  spread  by  the  harvest  will  kill  water-dogs  and  worms.  Here 
we  likewise  meet  the  notion  that  the  poisonous  properties  of  the  plant 
are  capable  of  killing  animals,  and  the  sheep  of  the  Chinese  tradition 
is  obviously  suggested  by  the  simile  of  white  sheep-fat  and  the  white 
vegetable  fat  of  asa.  In  reality,  sheep  and  goats  are  fond  of  the  plant 
and  fatten  on  it.5  The  asa  ascribed  to  the  country  Ts'eii-t'an  in  the  Sun 
&6  was  surely  an  imported  article. 

1  Not  to  the  K'un-lun  mountains,  as  assumed  by  STUART  (Chinese  Materia 
Medica,  p.  173). 

2  Needless  to  say,  this  Malayan  asafoetida  can  have  been  but  a  substitute;  but 
to  what  plant  it  refers,  I  am  unable  to  say.    The  Tun  si  yan  k'ao  (Ch.  2,  p.  18;  3, 
p.  6  b),  published  in  1618,  mentions  a-wei  as  product  of  Siam  and  Java.   T'an  Ts'ui 
IS  2^,  in  his  Tien  hai  yii  hen  £i,  written  in  1799  (Ch.  3,  p.  4,  ed.  of  Wen  yin  lou  yu 
ti  ts'un  £«),  states  that  the  a-wei  of  Yun-nan  is  produced  in  Siam,  being  imported 
from  Siam  to  Burma  and  brought  from  Burma  up  the  Kin-Sa  kian. 

3  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  47. 

4  LECLERC,  Trait6  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  447. 

6  E.  KAEMPFER,  Amoenitates  exoticae,  p.  540;  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite", 
Vol.  II,  p.  100. 

8  Ch.  490;  cf.  HIRTH,  Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  127.  I  am  not  convinced  that  Ts'en-t'an 
is  identical  with  Ts 'en-pa  or  Zanguebar. 


ASAFCETIDA  361 

In  regard  to  the  modern  employment  of  the  article,  S.  W.  WILLIAMS  1 
writes,  "It  is  brought  from  Bombay  at  the  rate  of  $15  a  picul,  and 
ranks  high  in  the  Materia  Medicaof  the  Chinese  physician;  it  is  exhibited 
in  cholera,  in  syphilitic  complaints  and  worms,  and  often  forms  an 
ingredient  in  the  pills  advertised  to  cure  opium-smokers."  It  is  chiefly 
believed,  however,  to  assist  in  the  digestion  of  meat  and  to  correct  the 
poison  of  stale  meats  (ptomaine  poisoning),  mushrooms,  and  herbs.2 
In  Annam  it  is  carried  in  small  bags  as  a  preventive  of  cholera.3 

The  following  ancient  terms  for  asafcetida  are  on  record:  — 

(1)  Persian  P3  BE  18  a-yti-tsie,  *a-nu-zet  =  Middle  Persian  *anguzad; 
New  Persian  anguZa,  anguZad,  anguydn,  anguwdn,  angudan,  angi&ak 
(stem  awgtt-h2a<i  =  "gum"4);  Armenian  ankuZad,  anjidan,  Old  Arme- 
nian angu&at,  ang$at;  Arabic  anjuddn.  GARCIA  gives  anjuden  or  angeidan 
as  name  of  the  tree  from  which  asa  is  extracted. 

(2)  Sanskrit  1^11  kin-til,   *hiii-gu;   ^  BE  kin-yU,   *hiii-nu;  HSI 
hiin-k'ti,  *hun-gu;  corresponding  to  Sanskrit  hingu.    In  my  opinion, 
the  Sanskrit  word  is  an  ancient  loan  from  Iranian.5  GARCIA  gives  imgo 
or  imgara  as  Indian  name,  and  forms  with  initial  i  appear  in  Indian 
vernaculars:   cf.  Telugu  inguva;  cf.,  further,  Japanese  ingu,  Malayan 
angu  (according  to  J.  BONTIUS,  who  wrote  in  1658,  the  Javanese  and 
Malayans  have  also  the  word  kin) . 

(3)  M  Jft  a-wei,  *a-nwai;  •&  &.  (in  the  Nirvana-sfltra)  yan-kwei, 
*an-kwai,  correspond  to  an  Indian  or  Iranian  vernacular  form  of  the 
type  *ankwa  or  *ankwai,  that  we  meet  in  Tokharian  B  or  Ku£a  ankwa.6 
This  form  is  obviously  based  on  Iranian  angu,  angwa. 

(4)  Mongol  N&  iaf  ?8  oca-si-ni  (thus  given  as  a  Mongol  term  in  the 
Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  after  the  Yin  Ian  Zen  yao  of  the  Mongol  period,  written 
in  1331),  corresponds  to  Persian  kasni,  kisni,  or  gism  ("asafcetida")> 
derived  from  the  name  of  Gazni  or  Gazna,  the  capital  of  Zabulistan, 
which,  according  to  Huan  Tsan,  was  the  habitat  of  the  plant.  A  Mon- 
gol word  of  this  type  is  not  listed  in  the  Mongol  dictionaries  of  Kova- 
levski  and  Golstunski,  but  doubtless  existed  in  the  age  of  the  Yuan, 

1  Chinese  Commercial  Guide,  p.  80. 

2  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  174. 

8  PERROT  and  HURRIER,  Mat.  m6d.  et  phannacope'e  sino-annamites,  p.  161. 

4  Cf.  Sanskrit  jatuka  (literally,  "gum,  lac ")  =  asaf oetida.  HUBSCHMANN,  Armen. 
Gram.,  p.  98. 

6  D'HERBELOT  (Bibliotheque  orientale,  Vol.  I,  p.  226;  Vol.  II,  p.  327)  derived 
the  Persian  word  (written  by  him  angiu,  engiu,  ingu;  Arabic  ingiu,  ingudan)  from 
Indian  henk  and  hengu,  ingu,  for  the  reason  that  in  India  this  drug  is  principally 
used;  this  certainly  is  not  correct. 

6  Cf.  Toung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  274-275. 


362  SlNO-lRANICA 

v 

when  the  Mongols  introduced  the  condiment  into  China  under  that 
name,  while  they  styled  the  root  S  M  yin-tan.  In  modern  Mongol, 
the  name  of  the  product  is  singun,  which  is  borrowed  from  the  Tibetan 
word  mentioned  below. 

In  the  Tibetan  dialect  of  Ladakh,  asafcetida  is  called  hin  or  sip.1 
The  name  sip  or  sup  was  reported  by  FALCONER,  who  was  the  first  to 
discover  in  1838  Ferula  narthex  in  western  Tibet  on  the  slopes  of  the 
mountains  dividing  Ladakh  from  Kashmir.2  The  word  sip,  however, 
is  not  generally  Tibetan,  but  only  of  local  value;  in  all  probability, 
it  is  not  of  Tibetan  origin.  The  common  Tibetan  word  is  $in-kun, 
which  differs  from  the  Iranian  and  Indian  terms,  and  which,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  the  plant  occurs  in  Tibetan  regions,  may  be  a  purely  Tibe- 
tan formation. 

Finally  it  may  be  mentioned  that,  according  to  BORSZCZOW/ 
Scorodosma  is  generally  known  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Aralo-Caspian 
territory  under  the  name  sasyk-karai  or  keurok-kurai,  which  means 
as  much  as  ''malodorous  rush."  The  Bukharans  call  it  sasyk-kawar 
or  simply  kawar. 

1  RAMSAY,  Western  Tibet,  p.  7. 

2  Transactions  Linnean  Soc.,  Vol.  XX,  pt.  I,  1846,  pp.  285-291. 

3  Op.  cit.,  p.  25. 


GALBANUM 

23.  There  is  only  a  single  Chinese  text  relative  to  galbanum,  which 
is  contained  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,1  where  it  is  said,  "P*i-ts*i  ail2  ^ 
(*bit-dzi,  bir-zi,  bir-zai)  is  a  product  of  the  country  Po-se  (Persia). 
In  Fu-lin  it  is  styled  f I  %J  3H  fll  han-p'o-ti-fa  (*xan-bwi5-li-da).8  The 
tree  grows  to  a  height  of  more  than  ten  feet,  with  a  circumference  of 
over  a  foot.  Its  bark  is  green,  thin,  and  extremely  bright.  The  leaves 
resemble  those  of  the  asafcetida  plant  (a-wei),  three  of  them  growing 
at  the  end  of  a  branch.  It  does  not  flower  or  bear  fruit.  In  the  west- 
ern countries  people  are  accustomed  to  cut  the  leaves  in  the  eighth 
month;  and  they  continue  to  do  this  more  and  more  till  the  twelfth 
month.  The  new  branches  are  thus  very  juicy  and  luxuriant;  without 
the  trimming  process,  they  would  infallibly  fade  away.  In  the  seventh 
month  the  boughs  are  broken  off,  and  there  is  a  yellow  sap  of  the 
appearance  of  honey  and  slightly  fragrant,  which  is  medicinally  em- 
ployed in  curing  disease." 

Hirth  has  correctly  identified  the  transcription  p'i-ts*i  with  Persian 
forzai,  which,  however,  like  the  other  Po-se  words  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu, 
must  be  regarded  as  Pahlavi  or  Middle  Persian;4  and  the  Fu-lin  han- 
p'o-li-fa  he  has  equated  with  Aramaic  xelbanita,  the  latter  from  Hebrew 
xelbendh,  one  of  the  four  ingredients  of  the  sacred  perfume  (Exodus, 
xxx,  34-38).  This  is  translated  by  the  Septuaginta  xaXjS&pq  and  by 
the  Vulgate  galbanum.  The  substance  is  mentioned  in  three  passages 

1  Ch.  18,  p.  ii  b. 

2  HIRTH,  who  is  the  first  to  have  translated  this  text  (Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc. 
Vol.  XXX,  p.  21),  writes  this  character  with  the  phonetic  element  Hf ,  apparently 
in  agreement  with  the  edition  of  the  Tsin  tai  pi  $u;  but  this  character  is  not  author- 
ized by  K'an-hi,  and  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  it  could  have  the  phonetic  value  p'i; 
we  should  expect  ni.   The  above  character  is  that  given  by  K'an-hi,  who  cites  under 
it  the  passage  in  question.    It  is  thus  written  also  in  the  Min  hian  p'u  &  §  fff  by 
Ye  T'in-kwei  ^  S  S  (p-  10,  ed.  of  Hian  yen  ts'un  su)  and  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan 
mu  (Ch.  33,  p.  6),  where  the  pronunciation  is  explained  by  $3  *biet.    The  editors 
of  cyclopaedias  were  apparently  staggered  by  this  character,  and  most  of  them 
have   chosen   the   phonetic   man,   which   is   obviously   erroneous.     None   of   our 
Chinese  dictionaries  lists  the  character. 

3  The  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  (I.  c.)  annotates  that  the  first  character  should  have 
the  sound  ^ffr  to,  *dwat,  which  is  not  very  probable. 

4  There  are  also  the  forms  plrzed,  bdrzed  (LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I, 
p.  201),  berzed,  barije,  and  bazrud;  in  India  bireja,  ganda-biroza.    Another  Persian 
term  given  by  SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  294)  is 

363 


364  SlNO-lRANICA 

by  Theophrastus:1  it  is  produced  in  Syria  from  a  plant  called  Trava£ 
("all-heal");  it  is  only  the  juice  (OTTOS)  which  is  called  xaXjSdpq,  and 
which  "was  used  in  cases  of  miscarriage  as  well  as  for  sprains  and 
such-like  troubles,  also  for  the  ears,  and  to  strengthen  the  voice.  The 
root  was  used  in  childbirth,  and  for  flatulence  in  beasts  of  burden, 
further  in  making  the  iris-perfume  (Ipivov  pvpov)  because  of  its  fra- 
grance; but  the  seed  is  stronger  than  the  root.  It  grows  in  Syria,  and 
is  cut  at  the  time  of  wheat-harvest/'2 

Pliny  says  that  galbanum  grows  on  the  mountain  Amanus  in  Syria 
as  the  exudation  from  a  kind  of  ferula  of  the  same  name  as  the  resin, 
sometimes  known  as  stagonitis*  Its  medicinal  employment  is  treated 
by  him  in  detail.4  DioscoRiDES5  explains  it  as  the  gum  of  a  plant  which 
has  the  form  of  a  ferula,  growing  in  Syria,  and  called  by  some  metopion. 
Abu  Mansur8  discusses  the  drug  under  the  Arabic  name  quinna  and  the 
Persian  name  barzad.  During  the  middle  ages  galbanum  was  well  known 
in  Europe  from  the  fourteenth  century  onward.7 

The  philological  result  is  confirmed  by  the  botanical  evidence, 
although  Twan  C'en-si's  description,  made  from  an  oral  report,  not  as 
an  eye-witness,  is  naturally  somewhat  deficient;  but  it  allows  us  to 
recognize  the  characteristics  of  a  Ferula.  It  is  perfectly  correct  that  the 
leaves  resemble  those  of  the  asafoetida  Ferula,  as  a  glance  at  the  ex- 
cellent plates  in  the  monograph  of  BORSZCZOW  (op.  tit.)  will  convince 
one.  It  is  likewise  correct  that  the  leaves  grow  at  the  ends  of  the  twigs, 
and  usually  by  threes.  It  is  erroneous,  however,  that  the  tree  does  not 
flower  or  bear  fruit.8  The  process  of  collecting  the  sap  is  briefly  but 
well  described.  Nothing  positive  is  known  about  the  importation  of  gal- 
banum into  China,  although  W.  AINSLIE*  stated  in  1826  that  it  was 

1  Histor.  plant.,  IX.  I,  2;  IX.  vn,  2;  IX.  ix,  2.  The  term  occurs  also  in  the 
Greek  papyri. 

a  Cf.  the  new  edition  and  translation  of  Theophrastus  by  A.  HORT  (Vol.  II, 
p.  261).  I  do  not  see  how  the  term  "balsam  of  Mecca"  (ibid.,  p.  219),  which  is  a 
misnomer  anyhow,  can  be  employed  in  the  translation  of  an  ancient  Greek 
author. 

a  Dat  et  galbanum  Syria  in  eodem  Amano  monte  e  ferula,  quae  eiusdem  nominis, 
resinae  modo;  stagonitim  appellant  (xii,  56,  §  126). 

4  xxiv,  13. 

8  in,  87  (cf.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  115). 

6  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  108. 

7  See,  for  instance,  K.  v.  MEGENBERG,  Buch  der  Natur  (written  in  1349-50), 
ed.  F.  Pfeiffer,  p.  367;  FLUCKIGER  and  HANBURY,  Pharmacographia,  p.  321. 

8  The  fruits  are  already  mentioned  by  Theophrastus  (Hist,  plant.,  IX.  ix,  2) 
as  remedies. 

9  Materia  Indica,  Vol.  I,  p.  143. 


GALBANUM  365 

sent  from  Bombay  to  China,  and  SxuART1  regards  this  as  entirely 
probable;  but  this  is  merely  a  supposition  unsupported  by  any  tangible 
data:  no  modern  name  is  known  under  which  the  article  might  come. 
The  three  names  given  for  galbanum  in  the  English-Chinese  Standard 
Dictionary  are  all  wrong:  the  first,  a-yii,  refers  to  asafcetida  (see  above, 
p.  361)  ;2  the  second,  $8,  denotes  Liquidambar  orientalis;  and  the  third, 
pai  sun  hian  ("white  pine  aromatic "),  relates  to  Pinus  bungeana. 
The  Pen  ts'ao  kanmu3has  the  notice  on  p'i-ts'i  as  an  appendix  to  "manna." 
Li  Si-6en,  accordingly,  did  not  know  the  nature  of  the  product.  He  is 
content  to  cite  the  text  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  and  to  define  the  medical 
properties  of  the  substance  after  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  of  the  T'ang.  Only 
under  the  T'ang  was  galbanum  known  in  China. 

The  trees  from  which  the  product  is  obtained  are  usually  identified 
with  Ferula  galbaniflua  and  F.  rubricaulis  or  erubescens,  both  natives 
of  Persia.  The  Syrian  product  used  by  the  Hebrews  and  the  ancients 
was  apparently  derived  from  a  different  though  kindred  species. 
F.  rubricaulis,  said  by  the  botanist  Buhse  to  be  called  in  Persian  khas- 
suih*  is  diffused  all  over  northern  Persia  and  in  the  Daena  Mountains 
in  the  southern  part  of  the  country;  it  is  frequent  in  the  Demawend  and 
on  the  slopes  of  the  Alwend  near  Hamadan.5  No  incisions  are  made 
in  the  plant:  the  sap  flowing  out  of  the  lower  part  of  the  stalks  and  from 
the  base  of  the  leaves  is  simply  collected.  The  gum  is  amber-yellow, 
of  not  disagreeable,  strongly  aromatic  odor,  and  soon  softens  between 
the  fingers.  Its  taste  is  slightly  bitter.  Only  in  the  vicinity  of  Hamadan, 
where  the  plant  is  exuberant,  has  the  collecting  of  galbanum  developed 
into  an  industry. 

SCHLIMMER*  distinguishes  two  kinds, —  a  brown  and  a  white-yel- 
lowish galbanum.  The  former  (Persian  barzed  or  barije),  the  product  of 
Ferula  galbaniflua,  is  found  near  De  Gerdon  in  the  mountains  Sa-ute- 
polagh  between  Teheran  and  Gezwin,  in  the  valleys  of  Lars  (Elburs), 
Khereghan,  and  Sawe,  where  the  villagers  gather  it  under  the  name 
balubu.  The  latter  kind  is  the  product  of  Dorema  anchezi  Boiss.,  en- 

1  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  181. 

2  This  is  the  name  given'  for  galbanum  by  F.  P.  SMITH  (Contributions  towards 
the  Materia  Medica,  p.  100),  but  it  is  mere  guesswork. 

3  Ch.  33,  p.  6. 

4  Evidently  identical  with  what  WATT  (Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  535) 
writes  khassnib,  explaining  it  as  a  kind  of  galbanum  from  Shlraz.    LOEW  (Aram. 
Pflanzennamen,  p.  163)  makes  kassnih  of  this  word.  The  word  intended  is  apparently 
the  kasni  mentioned  above  (p.  361). 

5  BORSZCZOW,  op.  cit.,  p.  35. 

6  Terminologie,  p.  295. 


366  SlNO-lRANICA 

countered  by  Buhse  in  the  low  mountains  near  Reshm  (white  galbanum). 
Galbanum  is  also  called  kilyanl  in  Persian. 

Borszczow  has  discovered  in  the  Aralo-Caspian  region  another 
species  of  Ferula,  named  by  him  F.  schair  from  the  native  word  lair 
(= Persian  ftr,  " milk-juice")  for  this  plant.  The  juice  of  this  species 
has  the  same  properties  as  galbanum;  also  the  plant  has  the  same 
odor. 

Abu  Mansur1  mentions  a  Ferula  under  the  name  sakbinaj  (Arabic 
form,  Persian  sakfona),  which  his  translator,  the  Persian  physician 
Achundow,  has  identified  with  the  Sagapenum  resin  of  Ferula  persica, 
said  to  be  similar  to  galbanum  and  to  be  gathered  in  the  mountains 
of  Luristan.  According  to  FLI^CKIGER  and  HANBURY,Z  the  botanical 
origin  of  Sagapenum  is  unknown;  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  this  word 
(o-ayairrivov  in  Dioscorides,  in,  95,  and  Galenus;  sacopenium  in  Pliny, 
xn,  56),  in  mediaeval  pharmacy  often  written  serapinum,  is  derived 
from  the  Persian  word. 

The  galbanum  employed  in  India  is  imported  from  Persia  to  Bom- 
bay. WATT3  distinguishes  three  kinds  known  in  commerce, — Levant, 
Persian  solid,  and  Persian  liquid.  The  first  comes  from  Shiraz,  the 
second  has  an  odor  of  turpentine,  and  the  third  is  the  gaoshir  or  jawa- 
shir;  the  latter  being  a  yellow  or  greenish  semi-fluid  resin,  generally 
mixed  with  the  stems,  flowers,  and  fruits  of  the  plant.  It  is  obtained  from 
the  stem,  which,  when  injured,  yields  an  orange-yellow  gummy  fluid. 
Generally,  however,  the  galbanum  of  commerce  forms  round,  agglu- 
tinated tears,  about  the  size  of  peas,  orange-brown  outside,  yellowish- 
white  or  bluish-green  inside.  The  odor  is  not  disagreeable,  like  that 
of  asafcetida,  and  the  taste  is  bitter. 

Galbanum  consists  of  about  65  per  cent  resin,  20  per  cent  gum,  and 
from  3  to  7  per  cent  volatile  oil. 

1  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  84. 

2  Pharmacographia,  p.  342. 

3  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  535. 


OAK-GALLS 

\ 

24.  Oak-galls  (French  noix  de  galles,  Portuguese  galhas)  are  globular 
excrescences  caused  by  the  gall-wasp  (Cynips  quercus  folii)  puncturing 
the  twigs,  leaves,  and  buds,  and  depositing  its  ova  in  several  species 
of  oak  (chiefly  Quercus  lusitanica  var.  infectoria),  to  be  found  in  Asia 
Minor,  Armenia,  Syria,  and  Persia.  In  times  of  antiquity,  galls  were 
employed  for  technical  and  medicinal  purposes.  In  consequence  of 
their  large  percentage  (up  to  60  per  cent)  of  tannic  or  Gallo-tannic 
acid,  they  served  for  tanning,  still  further  for  the  dyeing  of  wool  and 
the  manufacture  of  ink.1  Both  Theophrastus2  and  Dioscorides3  men- 
tion galls  under  the  name  KT//CIS.  Abu  Mansur  describes  galls  under 
the  Arabic  name  a/s.4 

The  greater  part  of  the  galls  found  in  Indian  bazars  come  from 
Persia,  being  brought  by  Arab  merchants.5  The  Sanskrit  name 
mdjuphala  (phala,  "fruit")  is  plainly  a  loan-word  from  the  Persian 
mdzu. 

In  Chinese  records,  oak-galls  are  for  the  first  time  mentioned  under 
the  term  wu-$i-tse  $£  'ft  •?•  as  products  of  Sasanian  Persia.6  They 
first  became  known  in  China  under  the  T'ang  from  Persia,  being  intro- 
duced in  the  Materia  Medica  of  the  T'ang  Dynasty  (Tan  pen  ts'ao). 
The  Tan  pen  Zu  Jl  #  i£  states  that  they  grow  in  sandy  deserts,7  and 
that  the  tree  is  like  the  tamarisk  (pen  116  ).  A  commentary,  cited  as 
kin  cu  ^  tt,  adds  that  they  are  produced  in  Persia,  while  the  Cen  lei 
pen  ts'ao*  says  that  they  grow  in  the  country  of  the  Western  2un 
(Iranians).  The  Yu  yah  tsa  tsug  gives  a  description  of  the  plant  as 
follows:  "  Wu-&-tse  $&  J5  ~?  are  produced  in  the  country  Po-se  (Persia), 

1  BLUMNER,  Technologic,  Vol.  I,  26.  ed.,  pp.  251,  268. 

2  Hist,  plant.,  III.  vm,  6. 

3 1,  146  (cf.  LECLERC,  Traite*  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  457).   See  also  Pliny,  xm 
63;  xvi,  26;  xxiv,  109. 

4  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  98. 

5  W.  AINSLIE,  Materia  Indica,  Vol.  I,  p.  145;  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of 
India,  p.  911. 

6  Sui  su,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

7  According  to  another  reading,  "in  sandy  deserts  of  the  Western  Zun"  (that 
is, Iranians). 

8  Ch.  14,  p.  20. 

9  Ch.  1 8,  p.  9. 

367 


368  SlNO-lRANICA 

where  they  are  styled  J^  ftS  mo-tsei,  *mwa-d2ak.1  The  tree  grows  to 
a  height  of  from  six  to  seven  feet,2  with  a  circumference  of  from  eight  to 
nine  feet.  The  leaves  resemble  those  of  the  peach,  but  are  more  oblong. 
It  blossoms  in  the  third  month,  the  flowers  being  white,  and  their 
heart  reddish.  The  seeds  are  round  like  pills,  green  in  the  beginning, 
but  when  ripe  turning  to  yellow-white.  Those  punctured  by  insects 
and  perforated  are  good  for  the  preparation  of  leather;  those  without 
holes  are  used  as  medicine.  This  tree  alternately  produces  galls  one 
year  and  acorns  ($C  9  -f  pa-lu  tse,  *bwa6-lu;  Middle  Persian  *ballu, 
barru  [see  below],  New  Persian  balut),  the  size  of  a  finger  and  three 
inches  long,  the  next."3  The  latter  notion  is  not  a  Chinese  fancy,  but 
the  reproduction  of  a  Persian  belief.4 

The  Geography  of  the  Ming  (Ta  Min  i  fun  &')  states  that  galls  are 
produced  in  the  country  of  the  Arabs  (Ta-Si)  and  all  barbarians,  and 
that  the  tree  is  like  the  camphor-tree  (Laurus  camphor  a),  the  fruits 
like  the  Chinese  wild  chestnuts  (mao-li  IP  3fl) . 

The  Chinese  transcriptions  of  the  Iranian  name  do  not  "all  repre- 
sent Persian  mazu"  as  reiterated  by  Hirth  after  Watters,  but  repro- 
duce older  Middle-Persian  forms.  In  fact,  none  of  the  Chinese  render- 
ings can  be  the  equivalent  of  mazu. 

(1)  IP  ftfi  (Yu  yan  tsa  tsu)  mo-tsei,  *mwa-dz*ak  (dzak,  zak),  answers 
to  a  Middle  Persian  *madz"ak  (madzak  or  mazak). 

(2)  M  ^  mo-&,  *mak-zak,  =  Middle  Persian  *maxzak. 

(3)  &£  ^  wu-&,  *mwu-zak,  =  Middle  Persian  *muzak. 

(4)  iS.  ^f  mu-Uy   *mut-zak,  =  Middle  Persian   *muzak.    Compare 
with  these  various  forms  Tamil  matakai,  Telugu  matikai,  and  the 
magican  of  Barbosa. 

(5)  Jj!  3£5  mo-t'u,  *mwa-du,  =  Middle  Persian  *madu. 

^  $£  &  $a-mu-lii  (in  Cao  2u-kwa),  *sa-mut-lwut,  answers  to  Iranian 

1  Instead  of  tsei,  some  editions  write  &  tso  (*dzak,  dzak),  which  is  phonetically 
the  same. 

2  The  text  has  3Jt,  which  should  be  corrected  into  K-.  for  tne  tree  seldom  rises 
higher  than  six  feet. 

8  The  text  of  the  following  last  clause  is  corrupted,  and  varies  in  the  different 
editions;  it  yields  no  acceptable  sense.  HIRTH'S  translation  (Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  215) 
is  not  intelligible  to  me.  WATTERS  (Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  349)  is 
certainly  wrong  in  saying  that  "the  Chinese  do  not  seem  to  know  even  yet  the 
origin  of  these  natural  products"  (oak-galls);  this  is  plainly  refuted  by  the  above 
description.  The  T'u  $u  tsi  Veh  (XX,  Ch.  310)  and  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao  (Ch.  35, 
p.  21)  even  have  a  tolerably  good  sketch  of  the  tree,  showing  galls  on  the  leaves. 

4  E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  127. 

6  The  character  3fc  Va  in  Cao  Zu-kwa,  and  thus  adopted  by  HIRTH  (p.  2 15),  is 
an  error. 


OAK-GALLS  369 

$ah-balut  ("the  edible  chestnut,"  Castanea  vulgaris),  which  appears  in 
the  Bundahisn  (above,  p.  193),  as  correctly  identified  by  Hirth;  but 
iff  3L  p'u-lu  and  pa-lii  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  (see  above)  would  indicate 
that  the  Chinese  heard  bulu  and  balu  without  a  final  /,  and  such  forms 
may  have  existed  in  Middle-Persian  dialects.  In  fact,  we  have  this 
type  in  the  dialect  of  the  Kurd  in  the  form  berru,  and  in  certain  Kurd 
dialects  baril  and  barru.1 

1  Cf.  J.  DE  MORGAN,  Mission  scientifique  en  Perse,  Vol.  V,  p.  133.  The  Iranian 
term  means  literally  "acorn  of  the  Shah,  royal  acorn,"  somehow  a  certain  analogy 
to  Greek  Ai6s  /SAXavos  ("acorn  of  Zeus").  The  origin  of  Greek  Kaar&vaiov  or 
K&CTTOLVOV  is  sought  in  Armenian  kask  ("chestnut")  and  kaskeni  ("chestnut-tree"; 
see  SCHRADER  in  Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  402).  According  to  the  Armenian  Geog. 
raphy  of  Moses  of  Khorene,  the  tree  flourished  in  the  Old-Armenian  province 
Duruperan  (Daron);  according  to  Galenus,  near  Sardes  in  Asia  Minor;  according  to 
Baud,  on  Cyprus;  according  to  Abu  Mansur,  also  in  Syria;  while,  according  to  the 
same  author,  Persia  imported  chestnuts  from  Adherbeijan  and  Arran;  according  to 
Schlimmer,  from  Russia  (E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  152).  It  is  striking  that  the 
Chinese  did  not  see  the  identity  of  the  Iranian  term  with  their  /«  Jj|f  the  common 
chestnut,  several  varieties  of  which  grow  in  China. 


INDIGO 

25.  As  indicated  by  our  word  "indigo"  (from  Latin  indicum),  this 
dye-stuff  took  its  origin  from  India.  The  indigo-plant  (Indigofera 
tinctoria),  introduced  into  Persia  from  India,  is  discussed  by  Abu  Man- 
sur  under  the  name  nil  or  Ilia.  The  leaves  are  said  to  strengthen  the 
hair.  The  hair,  if  previously  dyed  with  henna,  becomes  brilliant  black 
from  the  pounded  leaves  of  the  plant.  Another  species,  I.  linifolia, 
is  still  used  in  Persia  for  dyeing  beard  and  hair  black.1  The  Persian 
words  are  derived  from  Sanskrit  nila,  as  is  likewise  Arabic  mlej.2  Also 
nili  hindi  (" Indian  indigo")  occurs  in  Persian.  GARCIA  DA  ORTA  has 
handed  down  a  form  on*/,8  and  in  Spanish  the  plant  is  called  anil 
(Portuguese  and  Italian  anil).4  It  may  be  permissible  to  assume  that 
indigo  was  first  introduced  into  Sasanian  Persia  under  the  reign  of 
Khosrau  I  AnOSarwan  (A.D.  531-579);  for  Masudl,  who  wrote  about 
A.D.  943,  reports  that  this  king  received  from  India  the  book  Kallla 
wa  Dimna,  the  game  of  chess,  and  the  black  dye-stuff  for  the  hair, 
called  the  Indian.5 

Under  the  designation  ts'in  tai  W  $5  ("blue  cosmetic  for  painting 
the  eyebrows")  the  Chinese  became  acquainted  with  the  true  indigo 
and  the  Iranian  practice  mentioned  above.  The  term  is  first  on  record 
as  a  product  of  Ts'ao  ftSf  (Jagu(Ja)6  and  Ku-lan  4H  SB  in  the  vicinity  of 
Tokharestan;7  during  the  T'ang  period,  the  women  of  Fergana  did  not 
employ  lead-powder,  but  daubed  their  eyebrows  with  ts'in  tai.8  Ma  Ci 
of  the  tenth  century  says  that  "ts*in  tai  came  from  the  country  Po-se 
(Persia),  but  that  now  in  T'ai-yuan,  Lu-lin,  Nan-k'an,  and  other 

1  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  pp.  144,  271.    SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  395) 
gives  ringi  rl$  and  wesme  as  Persian  words  for  indigo-leaves. 

2  LECLERC,  Trait6  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  384. 

1  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  51.  The  form  anil  is  also  employed  by  F.  PYRARD 
(Vol.  II,  p.  359,  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society),  who  says  that  indigo  is  found  only  in  the 
kingdom  of  Cambaye  and  Surat. 

4  ROEDIGER  and  POTT  (Z.  /.  Kunde  d.  Morg.,  Vol.  VII,  p.  125)  regard  this 
prefix  a  as  the  Semitic  article  (Arabic  al-nil,  an-nil). 

6  BARBIER  DE  MEYNARD  and  PAVET  DE  COURTEILLE,  Les  Prairies  d'or,  Vol.  II, 
p.  203. 

8  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  8  (see  above,  p.  317). 

7  T*ai  p'iA  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.   12.     It  was  also  found  in  Ki-pin  (ibid., 
Ch.  182,  p.  12  b). 

*Ibid.,  Ch.  181,  p.  13  b. 

370 


INDIGO  371 

places,  a  dye-stuff  of  similar  virtues  is  made  from  tien  Wi  (the  indigenous 
Polygonum  tinctorium)"1  Li  Si-Sen  holds  the  opinfon  that  the  Persian 
ts'in  tai  was  the  foreign  lan-tien  H  85:  (Indigo/era  tinctoria).  It  must  not 
be  forgotten  that  the  genus  Indigo/era  comprises  some  three  hundred 
species,  and  that  it  is  therefore  impossible  to  hope  for  exact  identifica- 
tions in  Oriental  records.  Says  G.  WATT2  on  this  point,  "Species  of 
Indigofera  are  distributed  throughout  the  tropical  regions  of  the  globe 
(both  in  the  Old  and  New  Worlds)  with  Africa  as  their  headquarters. 
And  in  addition  to  the  Indigoferas  several  widely  different  plants  yield 
the  self-same  substance  chemically.  Hence,  for  many  ages,  the  dye 
prepared  from  these  has  borne  a  synonymous  name  in  most  tongues, 
and  to  such  an  extent  has  this  been  the  case  that  it  is  impossible  to  say 
for  certain  whether  the  nlla  of  the  classic  authors  of  India  denoted  the 
self -same  plant  which  yields  the  dye  of  that  name  in  modern  com- 
merce." "  Indigo,"  therefore,  is  a  generalized  commercial  label  for  a 
blue  dye-stuff,  but  without  botanical  value.  Thus  also  Chinese  indigo 
is  yielded  by  distinct  plants  in  different  parts  of  China.3 

It  is  singular  that  the  Chinese  at  one  time  imported  indigo  from 
Persia,  where  it  was  doubtless  derived  from  India,  and  do  not  refer 
to  India  as  the  principal  indigo-producing  country.  An  interesting 
article  on  the  term  ts*in  tai  has  been  written  by  HiRTH.4 

1  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  16,  p.  25  b. 

2  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  663. 

3  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  p.  212. 

4  Chinesische  Studien,  pp.  243-258. 


RICE 

26.  While  rice  is  at  present  a  common  article  of  food  of  the  Persian 
people,  being  particularly  enjoyed  as  pilau,1  it  was  entirely  unknown 
in  the  days  of  Iranian  antiquity.  No  word  for  "rice"  appears  in  the 
Avesta.2  Herodotus3  mentions  only  wheat  as  the  staple  food  of  the 
Persians  at  the  time  of  Cambyses.  This  negative  evidence  is  signally 
confirmed  by  the  Chinese  annals,  which  positively  state  that  there  is 
no  rice  or  millet  in  Sasanian  Persia;4  and  on  this  point  Chinese  testi- 
mony carries  weight,  since  the  Chinese  as  a  rice-eating  nation  were 
always  anxious  to  ascertain  whether  rice  was  grown  and  consumed  by 
foreign  peoples.  Indeed,  the  first  question  a  travelling  Chinese  will 
ask  on  arrival  at  a  new  place  will  invariably  refer  to  rice,  its  qualities 
and  valuations.  This  is  conspicuous  in  the  memoirs  of  Can  K'ien, 
the  first  Chinese  who  travelled  extensively  across  Iranian  territory, 
and  carefully  noted  the  cultivation  of  rice  in  Fergana  (Ta-yuan),  fur- 
ther for  Parthia  (An-si),  and  T'iao-6i  (Chaldasa).  The  two  last-named 
countries,  however,  he  did  not  visit  himself,  but  reported  what  he  had 
heard  about  them.  In  the  Sasanian  epoch,  Chinese  records  tell  us 
that  rice  was  plentiful  in  Kuca,  KaSgar  (Su-lek),  Khotan,  and  Ts'ao 
Qaguola)  north  of  the  Ts'ufi-lin;6  also  in  Si  (Tashkend).6  On  the 
other  hand,  Aristobulus,  a  companion  of  Alexander  on  his  expedition 
in  Asia  and  author  of  an  Alexander  biography  written  after  285  B.C., 
states  that  rice  grows  in  Bactriana,  Babylonia,  Susis,  and  in  lower 
Syria;7  and  Diodorus8  likewise  emphasizes  the  abundance  of  rice  in  Susi- 

1  Toung  Pao,  1916,  p.  481. 

2  MODI,  in  Spiegel  Memorial  Volume,  p.  xxxvu. 

3  III,  22. 

4  Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  pp.  5  b-6  a;  Cou  $u,  Ch.  50,  p.  6.    Tabari  (translation  of 
NdLDEKE,  p.  244)  mentions  rice  among  the  crops  taxed  by  Khusrau  I  (A.D.  531-578); 
but  this  is  surely  an  interpolation,  as  in  the  following  list  of  taxes  rice  is  not  men- 
tioned, while  all  other  crops  are.   Another  point  to  be  considered  is  that  in  Arabic 
manuscripts,  when  the  diacritical  marks  are  omitted,  the  word  birinj  may  be  read 
as  well  naranj,  which  means  "orange"  (cf.  OUSELEY,  Oriental  Geography  of  Ebn 
Haukal,  p.  221). 

6  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  pp.  5  b,  7  b. 

8  Tai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  7  b. 

'  Strabo,  XV.  I,  18. 

8  xix,  13. 

372 


RICE  373 

ana.  From  these  data  HEHN1  infers  that  under  the  rule  of  the  Persians, 
and  possibly  inconsequence  of  their  rule,  rice-cultivation  advanced  from 
the  Indus  to  the  Euphrates,  and  that  from  there  came  also  the  Greek 
name  opv£a.  This  rice-cultivation,  however,  can  have  been  but  sporadic 
and  along  the  outskirts  of  Iran;  it  did  not  affect  Persia  as  a  whole.  The 
Chinese  verdict  of  "no  rice"  in  Sasanian  Persia  appears  to  me  con- 
clusive, and  it  further  seems  to  me  that  only  from  the  Arabic  period 
did  the  cultivation  of  rice  become  more  general  in  Persia.  This  con- 
clusion is  in  harmony  with  the  account  of  Hwi  Cao  3R  fe,  a  traveller 
in  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  who  reports  in  regard  to  the 
people  of  Mohammedan  Persia  that  they  subsist  only  on  pastry  and 
meat,  but  have  also  rice,  which  is  ground  and  made  into  cakes.2  This 
conveys  the  impression  that  rice  then  was  not  a  staple  food,  but  merely 
a  side-issue  of  minor  importance.  Yaqut  mentions  rice  for  the  prov- 
inces Khuzistan  and  Sabur.3  Abu  Mansur,  whose  work  is  largely  based 
on  Arabic  sources,  is  the  first  Persian  author  to  discuss  fully  the  subject 
of  rice.4  Solely  a  New-Persian  word  for  "rice"  is  known,  namely  birinj 
or  gurinj  (Armenian  and  Ossetic  brinj),  which  is  usually  regarded  as  a 
loan-word  from  Sanskrit  vrihi;  Afghan  vriXe  (with  Greek  6pu£a,  /3p#a) 
is  still  nearer  to  the  latter.  In  view  of  the  historical  situation,  the 
reconstruction  of  an  Avestan  *verenja5  or  an  Iranian  *vrinji,8  and  the 
theory  of  an  originally  Aryan  word  for  "rice,"  seem  to  me  inadmissible. 

1  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  505. 

2  HIRTH,  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXIII,  1913,  pp.  202,  204,  207. 

3  B.  DE  MEYNARD,  Dictionnaire  g£ographique  de  la  Perse,  pp.  217,  294. 
4AcnuNDow,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  5.  J.  SCHILTBERGER  (1396-1427),  in  his  Bondage 

and  Travels  (p.  44,  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society,  1879)  speaks  of  the  "rich  country  called 
Gilan,  where  rice  and  cotton  alone  is  grown." 

5  P.  HORN,  Neupersische  Etymologic,  No.  208. 

6  H.  HtfBSCHMANN,  Persischc  Studien,  p.  27. 


PEPPER 

27.  The  pepper-plant  (hu  tsiao,  Japanese  ko$o,  $1  V&,  Piper  nigrum) 
deserves  mention  in  this  connection  only  inasmuch  as  it  is  listed  among 
the  products  of  Sasanian  Persia.1  Ibn  Haukal  says  that  pepper,  sandal, 
and  various  kinds  of  drugs,  were  shipped  from  Slraf  in  Persia  to  all 
quarters  of  the  world.2  Pepper  must  have  been  introduced  into  Persia 
from  India,  which  is  the  home  of  the  shrub.3  It  is  already  enumerated 
among  the  plants  of  India  in  the  Annals  of  the  Han  Dynasty.4  The 
Yu  yah  tsa  tsub  refers  it  more  specifically  to  Magadha,6  pointing  out 
its  Sanskrit  name  marica  or  marica  in  the  transcription  Bfc  J3.  :£  mei- 
li-ci.1  The  term  hu  tsiao  shows  that  not  all  plants  whose  names  have 
the  prefix  hu  are  of  Iranian  origin:  in  this  case  hu  distinctly  alludes 
to  India.8  Tsiao  is  a  general  designation  for  spice-plants,  principally 
belonging  to  the  genus  Zanthoxylon.  Li  Si-Sen9  observes  that  the  black 
pepper  received  its  name  only  for  the  reason  that  it  is  bitter  of  taste 
and  resembles  the  tsiao,  but  that  the  pepper-fruit  in  fact  is  not  a  tsiao. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  authors  of  the  various  Pen  ts'ao  seem 
to  have  lost  sight  of  the  fact  of  the  Indian  origin  of  the  plant,  and  do 
not  even  refer  to  the  Han  Annals.  Su  Kun  states  that  hu  tsiao  grows 
among  the  Si  2un,  which  plainly  shows  that  he  took  the  word  hu  in 
the  sense  of  peoples  of  Central  Asia  or  Iranians,  and  substituted  for  it 

1  Sui  Su,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b;  Cou  Su,  Ch.  50,  p.  6;  and  Wei  Su,  Ch.  102,  p.  6.  According 
to  HIRTH  (Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  223),  this  would  mean  that  pepper  was  brought  to  China 
by  Persian  traders  from  India.  I  am  unable  to  see  this  point.  The  texts  in  question 
simply  give  a  list  of  products  to  be  found  in  Persia,  and  say  nothing  about  exporta- 
tion of  any  kind. 

8  W.  OUSELEY,  Oriental  Geography  of  Ebn  Haukal,  p.  133.  Regarding  the  for- 
mer importance  of  Slraf,  which  "in  old  times  was  a  great  city,  very  populous  and 
full  of  merchandise,  being  the  port  of  call  for  caravans  and  ships,"  see  G.  LE  STRANGE, 
Description  of  the  Province  of  Pars,  pp.  41-43. 

*  In  New  Persian,  pepper  is  called  pilpil  (Arabicized  filfil,  fulful),  from  the 
Sanskrit  pippatt. 

4  Hou  Han  Su,  Ch.  118,  p.  5  b. 

8  Ch.  18,  p.  II. 

6  Cf .  Sanskrit  magadha  as  an  epithet  of  pepper. 

T  In  fact,  this  form  presupposes  a  vernacular  type  *meriSi. 

8  Hu  tsiao  certainly  does  not  mean  "Western  Barbarians  (Tartar)  pepper," 
as  conceived  by  WAITERS  (Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  441).  What  had 
the  "Tartars"  to  do  with  pepper?  The  Uigur  adopted  simply  the  Sanskrit  word  in 
the  form  mur£. 

•  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  32,  p.  3  b. 

374 


PEPPER  375 

its  synonyme  Si  Zun;  at  least,  it  appears  certain  that  the  latter  term 
bears  no  reference  to  India.  Li  Si-cen  gives  as  localities  where  the 
plant  is  cultivated,  "all  countries  of  the  Southern  Barbarians  (Nan 
Fan),  Kiao-Si  (Annam),  Yun-nan,  and  Hai-nan." 

Another  point  of  interest  is  that  in  the  T*an  pen  ts'ao  of  Su  Kun 
appears  a  species  called  San  hu  tsiao  ill  $8  IK  or  wild  pepper,  described 
as  resembling  the  cultivated  species,  of  black  color,  with  a  grain  the 
size  of  a  black  bean,  acrid  taste,  great  heat,  and  non-poisonous.  This 
plant-name  has  been  identified  with  Lindera  glauca  by  A.  HENRY/ 
who  says  that  the  fruit  is  eaten  by  the  peasants  of  Yi-6'an,  Se-£'wan. 
The  same  author  offers  a  ye  hu-tsiao  ("wild  pepper"),  being  Zanihoxy- 
lum  setosum. 

Piper  longum  or  Chavica  roxburghii,  Chinese  2j!  $  or  Si  pi-po, 
*pit-pat(pal),  from  Sanskrit  pippall,  is  likewise  attributed  to  Sasanian 
Persia.2  This  pepper  must  have  been  also  imported  into  Iran  from 
India,  for  it  is  a  native  of  the  hotter  parts  of  India  from  Nepal  east- 
ward to  Assam,  the  Khasia  hills  and  Bengal,  westward  to  Bombay, 
and  southward  to  Travancore,  Ceylon,  and  Malacca.3  It  is  therefore 
surprising  to  read  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  of  the  T'ang  that  pi-po  grows  in  the 
country  Po-se:  this  cannot  be  Persia,  but  refers  solely  to  the  Malayan 
Po-se.  For  the  rest,  the  Chinese  were  very  well  aware  of  the  Indian 
origin  of  the  plant,  as  particularly  shown  by  the  adoption  of  the  San- 
skrit name.  It  is  first  mentioned  in  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  cwan,  unless 
it  be  there  one  of  the  interpolations  in  which  this  work  abounds,  but 
it  is  mixed  up  with  the  betel-pepper  (Chavica  betel). 

1  Chinese  Names  of  Plants,  No.  45. 

2  Ccu  su,  Ch.  50,  p.  6. 

3  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  891. 


SUGAR 

28.  The  sugar-cane  (Saccharum  officinarum)  is  a  typically  Indian 
or  rather  Southeast-Asiatic,  and  merely  a  secondary  Iranian  culti- 
vation, but  its  history  in  Iran  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  devote  here 
a  few  lines  to  this  subject.  The  Sui  Annals1  attribute  hard  sugar 
(Si-mi  ^  U,  literally,  " stone  honey")  and  pan-mi  3*  3*  ("half  honey") 
to  Sasanian  Persia  and  to  Ts'ao  (Jaguda).  It  is  not  known  what  kind 
of  sugar  is  to  be  understood  by  the  latter  term.2  Before  the  advent 
of  sugar,  honey  was  the  universal  ingredient  for  sweetening  food-stuffs, 
and  thus  the  ancients  conceived  the  sugar  of  India  as  a  kind  of  honey 
obtained  from  canes  without  the  agency  of  bees.3  The  term  Si-mi  first 
appears  in  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  cwan*  which  contains  the  first  de- 
scription of  the  sugar-cane,  and  refers  it  to  Kiao-<H  (Tonking) ;  according 
to  this  work,  the  natives  of  this  country  designate  sugar  as  Si-mi,  which 
accordingly  may  be  the  literal  rendering  of  a  Kiao-ci  term.  In  A.D.  285 
Fu-nan  (Camboja)  sent  lu-lo  H  M  (" sugar-cane")  as  tribute  to  China.5 

It  seems  that  under  the  T'ang  sugar  was  also  imported  from  Persia 
to  China;  for  Mon  Sen,  who  wrote  the  Si  liao  pen  ts*ao  in  the  second 
half  of  the  seventh  century,  says  that  the  sugar  coming  from  Po-se 
(Persia)  to  Se-c'wan  is  excellent.  Su  Kun,  the  reviser  of  the  T'an  pen 
ts*ao  of  about  A.D.  650,  extols  the  sugar  coming  from  the  Si  Zun,  which 
may  likewise  allude  to  Iranian  regions.  Exact  data  as  to  the  introduc- 
tion and  dissemination  of  the  sugar-cane  in  Persia  are  not  available. 
E.  O.  v.  LiPPMANN6  has  developed  an  elaborate  theory  to  the  effect  that 

1  Sui  Su,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

2  It  is  only  contained  in  the  Sui  Su,  not  in  the  Wei  Su  (Ch.  102,  p.  5  b),  which 
has  merely  Si-mi.    The  sugar-cane  was  also  grown  in  Su-le  (Kashgar):    T'ai  p'in 
hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  181,  p.  12  b. 

8  Pliny,  xii,  17. 

4  Ch.  i,  p.  4. 

6  This  word  apparently  comes  from  a  language  spoken  in  Indo-China;  it  is  already 
ascribed  to  the  dictionary  $wo  wen.  Subsequently  it  was  replaced  by  kan  ~fj* 
("sweet")  Id  or  kan  ^  £0,  presumably  also  the  transcription  of  a  foreign  word. 
The  Nan  Ts'i  Su  mentions  lu-lo  as  a  product  of  Fu-nan  (cf .  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole 
frangaise,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  262).  In  C'i-t'u  ffi  i  (Siam)  a  wine  of  yellow  color  and  fine 
aroma  was  prepared  from  sugar  and  mixed  with  the  root  of  a  Cucurbitacea  (Sui  Su, 
Ch.  82,  p.  2  b). 

6  Geschichte  des  Zuckers,  p.  93  (Leipzig,  1890);  and  Abhandlungen,  Vol.  I, 
p.  263.  According  to  the  same  author,  the  Persians  were  the  inventors  of  sugar- 
refining;  but  this  is  purely  hypothetical. 

376 


SUGAR  377 

the  Christians  of  the  city  GundeSapur,  which  was  in  connection  with 
India  and  cultivated  Indian  medicine,  should  have  propagated  the 
cane  and  promoted  the  sugar-industry.  This  is  no  more  than  an  in- 
genious speculation,  which,  however,  is  not  substantiated  by  any 
documents.  The  facts  in  the  case  are  merely,  that  according  to  the 
Armenian  historian  Moses  of  Khorene,  who  wrote  in  the  second  half 
of  the  fifth  century,  sugar-cane  was  cultivated  in  Elymais  near  Gunde- 
sapur,  and  that  later  Arabic  writers,  like  Ibn  Haukal,  Muqaddasl, 
and  Yaqut,  mention  the  cultivation  of  the  cane  and  the  manufacture 
of  sugar  in  certain  parts  of  Persia.  The  above  Chinese  notice  is  of  some 
importance  in  showing  that  sugar  was  known  under  the  Sasanians  in 
the  sixth  century.  The  Arabs,  as  is  well  known,  took  a  profound  inter- 
est in  the  sugar-industry  after  the  conquest  of  Persia  (A.D.  640),  and 
disseminated  the  cane  to  Palestine,  Syria,  Egypt,  etc.  The  Chinese 
owe  nothing  to  the  Persians  as  regards  the  technique  of  sugar-pro- 
duction. In  A.D.  647  the  Emperor  T'ai  Tsun  was  anxious  to  learn  its 
secrets,  and  sent  a  mission  to  Magadha  in  India  to  study  there  the 
process  of  boiling  sugar,  and  this  method  was  adopted  by  the  sugar- 
cane growers  of  Yan-c"ou.  The  color  and  taste  of  this  product  then  were 
superior  to  that  of  India.1  The  art  of  refining  sugar  was  taught  the 
Chinese  as  late  as  the  Mongol  period  by  men  from  Cairo.2 

1  T'an  hui  yao,  Ch.  100,  p.  21. 

2  YULE,  Marco  Polo,  Vol.  II,  pp.  226,  230.   The  latest  writer  on  the  subject  of 
sugar  in  Persia  is  P.  SCHWARZ  (Der  Islam,  Vol.   VI,  1915,  pp.   269-279),  whose 
researches  are  restricted  to  the  province  of  Ahwaz.   In  opposition  to  C.  Ritter,  who 
regarded  Slraf  on  the  Persian  Gulf  as  the  place  whither  the  sugar-cane  was  first 
transplanted  from  India,  he  assigns  this  r61e  to  Hormuz;  the  first  mention  of  refined 
sugar  he  finds  in  an  Arabic  poet  of  the  seventh  century.    Lippmann's  work  is  not 
known  to  him. 


MYROBALAN 

29.  The  myrobalan  Terminalia  chebula,  ho-li-lo  M  3?  ft  (*ha-ri- 
lak,  Japanese  kariroku,  Sanskrit  haritaki,  Tokharian  arirdk,  Tibetan 
a-ru-ra,  Newarl  halala;  Persian  halila,  Arabic  halllaj  and  ihllligat) ,  was 
found  in  Persia.1  The  tree  itself  is  indigenous  to  India,  and  the  fruit 
was  evidently  imported  from  India  into  Persia.2  This  is  confirmed  by 
the  fact  that  it  is  called  in  New  Persian  hallla  (Old  Armenian  halile), 
or  hatila-i  kabuli,  hinting  at  the  provenience  from  Kabul.3 

In  the  "Treatise  on  Wine,"  Tsiu  p*u  JB  IS,4  written  by  Tou  Kin  ^  S 
of  the  Sung,  it  is  said,  "In  the  country  Po-se  there  is  a  congee  made 
from  the  three  myrobalans  (san-lo  tsian  HftiK),5  resembling  wine,  and 
styled  an-mo-lo  M&  M  ft  (dmalaka,  Phyllanthus  emblica)  or  p'i-li-lo 
PBt  3S  ft  (vibhitaka,  Terminalia  belericd)."  The  source  of  this  state- 
ment is  not  given.  If  Po-se  in  this  case  refers  to  Persia,  it  would  go 
to  show  that  the  three  myrobalans  were  known  there. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  quite  a  different  explanation  of  the 
term  san-lo  tsian.  According  to  Ma  Ci,  who  wrote  in  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, this  is  the  designation  for  a  wine  obtained  from  a  flower  of  sweet 
flavor,  growing  in  the  countries  of  the  West  and  gathered  by  the  Hu. 
The  name  of  the  flower  is  K  Or  t'o-te,  *da-tik.6  In  this  case  the  term 
san-lo  may  represent  a  transcription;  it  answers  to  ancient  *sam-lak, 
sam-raJq 

1  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b;  Cou  $u,  Ch.  50,  p.  6. 

2  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  275-276.    Ho-li-lo  were  products  of  A-lo-yi-lo  P»f 
Ok  Ifa  $t  in  the  north  of  U^iyana  (T'ai  p'in  Tiwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  12  b). 

3  Cf.  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  &  rExtr&me-Orient,  p.  227. 

4  Ed.  of  Tan  Sun  ts*un  Su,  p.  20. 

5  The  san  lo  are  the  three  plants  the  names  of  which  terminate  in  lo, — ho-li-lo 
(Terminalia  chebula),  p'i-li-lo  (T.  belerica,  Sanskrit  vibhitaka,  Persian  baftla),  and 
a-mo-lo  or  an-mo-lo  (Phyllanthus  emblica,  Sanskrit  dmalaka,  Persian  amola). 

8  The  text  is  in  the  T'u  IM  tsi  e'en,  XX,  Ch.  182,  tsa  hwa  ts'ao  pu,  hui  k'ao  2, 
p.  13  b.  I  cannot  trace  it  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu. 


378 


THE  "GOLD  PEACH " 

30.  A  fruit  called  yellow  peach  (hwan  t'ao  31  $£)  or  gold  peach 
(kin  t'ao  dk  $t),  of  the  size  of  a  goose-egg,  was  introduced  into  China 
imder  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  T'ai  Tsufi  of  the  T'ang  (A.D.  629-649), 
being  presented  by  the  country  K'ari  jR  (Sogdiana).1  This  introduction 
is  assigned  to  the  year  647  in  the  T*an  hui  yao,2  where  it  is  said  that 
Sogdiana  offered  to  the  Court  the  yellow  peach,  being  of  the  size  of  a 
goose-egg  and  golden  in  color,  and  hence  styled  also  "gold  peach."  A 
somewhat  earlier  date  for  the  introduction  of  this  fruit  is  on  record  in 
the  Ts'e  fu  yuan  kweif  which  has  the  notice  that  in  A.D.  625  (under 
the  Emperor  Kao  Tsu)  Sogdiana  presented  gold  peaches  (kin  t'ao)  and 
silver  peaches  (yin  fao),  and  that  by  imperial  order  they  were  planted 
in  the  gardens.   This  fruit  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Pen-ts*ao  literature; 
it  is  not  known  what  kind  of  fruit  it  was.    Maybe  it  was  a  peculiar 
variety  of  peach. 

FU-TSE 

31.  Fu-tse  Pft  •?  is  enumerated  among  the  products  of  Sasanian 
Persia  in  the  Sui  $u*  Pai  S  fu-tse  is  attributed  to  the  country  Ts'ao 
(Jaguda)  north  of  the  Ts'un-lin,5  and  to  Ki-pin.6 

In  the  form  $  •?  fu-tse,  it  occurs  in  a  prescription  written  on  a 
wooden  tablet  of  the  Han  period,  found  in  Turkistan.7  Fu-tse  pjj  •?  is 
identified  with  Aconitum  fischeri,  cultivated  on  a  large  scale  in  Can-min 
hien  in  the  prefecture  of  Lu-nan,  Se-6'wan.8  It  is  not  known,  however, 
that  this  species  occurs  in  Persia. 

Yi  Tsiii  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  medicinal  herbs  of  India 
are  not  the  same  as  those  of  China,  and  enumerates  tubers  of  aconite 
together  with  fu-tse  among  the  best  drugs  of  China,  and  which  are  never 
found  in  India.9 

1  Fun  si  wen  kien  ki,  Ch.  7,  p.  I  b  (ed.  of  Kifu  ts'un  $u). 

2  Ch.  200,  p.  14;  also  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  183,  p.  3. 

3  Ch.  970,  p.  8  b. 

4  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b;  also  £ou  su,  Ch.  50,  p.  6. 

5  Sui  $u,  ibid.,  p.  8  a. 

6  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  182,  p.  12  b. 

7  CHAVANNES,  Documents  de  l'e"poque  des  Han,  p.  115,  No.  530. 

8  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  10. 

9  TAKAKUSU,  Record  of  the  Buddhist  Religion,  p.  148. 

379 


BRASSICA 

32.  Of  the  two  species  of  mustard,  Brassica  or  Sinapis  juncea  and 
S.  alba,  the  former  has  always  been  a  native  of  China  (kiai  3F).  The 
latter,  however,  was  imported  as  late  as  the  T'ang  period.  It  is  first 
mentioned  by  Su  Kun  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  of  the  T'ang  (about  A.D.  650)  as 
coming  from  the  Western  Zun  (Si  Zufi),1  a  term  which,  as  noted,  fre- 
quently refers  to  Iranian  regions.  In  the  Su  pen  ts'ao  S)  ^  ^,  published 
about  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  by  Han  Pao-Sen  ^f  fie  ^,  we 
find  the  term  ^^t-hu  kiai  ("mustard  of  the  Hu").  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  of 
the  T'ang  states  that  it  grows  in  T'ai-yiian  and  Ho-tun  Sf  JC  (San-si), 
without  referring  to  the  foreign  origin.  Li  Si-5en2  annotates  that  this 
cultivation  comes  from  the  Hu  and  Zun  and  abounds  in  Su  (Se-£'wan), 
hence  the  names  hu  kiai  and  $u  kiai  ("mustard  of  Se-c"'wan"),  while 
the  common  designation  is  pai  kiai  ("white  mustard").  This  state 
of  affairs  plainly  reveals  the  fact  that  the  plant  was  conveyed  to  China 
over  the  land-route  of  Central  Asia,  while  no  allusion  is  made  to  an 
oversea  transplantation.  As  shown  by  me  on  a  previous  occasion,3 
the  Si-hia  word  si-na  ("mustard")  appears  to  be  related  to 
Greek  sinapi,  and  was  probably  carried  into  the  Si-hia  kingdom 
by  Nestorian  missionaries,  who,  we  are  informed  by  Marco 
Polo,  were  settled  there.  The  same  species  was  likewise  foreign 
to  the  Tibetans,  as  is  evidenced  by  their  designation  "white  turnip" 
(yuns-kar).  In  India  it  is  not  indigenous,  either:  WATT*  says  that 
if  met  with  at  all,  it  occurs  in  gardens  only  within  the  tem- 
perate areas,  or  in  upper  India  during  the  winter  months;  it  is  not 
a  field  crop. 

This  genus  comprises  nearly  a  hundred  species,  all  natives  of  the 
north  temperate  zones,  and  most  of  them  of  ancient  European  cultiva- 
tion (with  an  independent  centre  in  China). 

Abu  Mansur5  distinguishes  under  the  Arabic  name  karnab  five  kinds 
of  Brassica, —  Nabathaean,  Brassica  silvestris,  B.  marina,  B.  cypria 

1  The  same  definition  is  given  by  T'an  Sen-wei  in  his  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao  (Ch.  27, 
P.  15). 

2  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  26,  p.  12. 
8  Toung  Pao,  1915,  p.  86. 

4  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  176. 
B  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  no. 

380 


BRASSICA  381 

(qanblt)  and  Syrian  from  Mosul.  He  further  mentions  Brassica  rapa 
under  the  name  Selgem  (Arabic  Sal  jam).1 

33.  One  of  the  synonymes  of  yun-Vai  8  X  (Brassica  rapa)  is  hu 
ts'ai  ffl  3S  ("vegetable  of  the  Hu").  According  to  Li  Si-6en,2  this  term 
was  first  applied  to  this  vegetable  by  Fu  K'ien  HK  It:  of  the  second 
century  A.D.in  his  T*un  su  wen  J§  f&  X.  If  this  information  were  correct, 
this  would  be  the  earliest  example  of  the  occurrence  of  the  term  Hu  in 
connection  with  a  cultivated  plant;  but  this  Hu  does  not  relate  to 
Iranians,  for  Hu  Hia  $!  ?p ,  in  his  Pai  pin  fail  "5  $$  Jj,  a  medical 
work  of  the  Sui  period  (A.D.  589-618),  styles  the  plant  sai  ts'ai  H  2K, 
which,  according  to  Li  Si-Sen,  has  the  same  significance  as  hu  ts'ai,  and 
refers  to  tH  9\-  Sai-wai,  the  Country  beyond  the  Passes,  Mongolia. 
Some  even  believe  that  Yun-t'ai  is  a  place-name  in  Mongolia,  where 
this  plant  thrives,  and  that  it  received  therefrom  its  name.  Such 
localities  abstracted  from  plant-names  are  usually  afterthoughts  and 
fictitious.3  The  term  yun-t'ai  occurs  in  the  early  work  Pie  lu. 

ScHLiMMER4  mentions  Brassica  capitata  (Persian  kalam  pi£),  B. 
caulozapa  (kalam  gomri),  and  B.  napus  or  rapa  (Selgem).  I  have  already 
pointed  out  that  the  Persians  were  active  in  disseminating  species  of 
Brassica  and  Raphanus  to  Tibet,  the  Turks,  and  Mongolia.5  Reference 
has  been  made  above  (p.  199)  to  the  fact  that  Brassica  rapa  (yun-t'ai) 
was  introduced  into  China  from  Turkish  tribes  of  Mongolia  under  the 
Later  Han  dynasty,  and  it  would  be  reasonable  to  conclude  that  these 
had  previously  received  the  cultivation  from  Iranians.6  Brassica  rapa 
is  very  generally  cultivated  in  Persia^  and  most  parts  of  India  during 
the  dry  season,  from  October  until  March.7  Yun-t'ai  is  enumerated 
among  the  choice  vegetables  of  the  country  ^  Oik  Mo-lu,  *Mar-luk,  in 
Arabia.8 

The  country  of  the  Arabs  produced  the  rape-turnip  (man-tsin 
IE  W,  Brassica  rapa-depressa)  with  roots  the  size  of  a  peck  ^*,  round, 
and  of  very  sweet  flavor.9 

Yi  Tsin,  the  Buddhist  pilgrim  of  the  seventh  century,  makes  some 
comment  on  the  difference  between  Indian  and  Chinese  Brassica  by  saying, 

1  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  87. 

2  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  26,  p.  9  b. 

3  Compare  p.  401. 

4  Terminologie,  p.  93. 

5  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  84,  87. 

6  The  case  would  then  be  analogous  to  the  history  of  the  water-melon. 

7  W.  ROXBURGH,  Flora  Indica,  p.  497. 

8  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  16  b. 

9  Ibid.,  Ch.  186,  p.  15  b. 


382  SlNO-lRANICA 

"Man-tsin  occurs  [in  India]  in  sufficient  quantity  and  in  two  varieties, 
one  with  white,  the  other  with  black  seeds.  In  Chinese  translation  it  is 
called  mustard  (kie-tse  3F  ?) .  As  in  all  countries,  oil  is  pressed  from  it 
for  culinary  purposes.  When  eating  it  as  a  vegetable,  I  found  it  not 
very  different  from  the  man-tsin  of  China;  but  as  regards  the  root,  which 
is  rather  tough,  it  is  not  identical  with  our  man-tsin.  The  seeds  are 
coarse,  and  again  bear  no  relation  to  mustard-seeds.  They  are  like  those 
of  Hovenia  dulcis  (fi-ku  ^  Wi) ,  transformed  in  their  shape  in  conse- 
quence of  the  soil."1 

1  This  sentence  is  entirely  misunderstood  by  J.  TAKAKUSU  in  his  translation  of 
Yi  Tsin's  work  (p.  44),  where  we  read,  "The  change  in  the  growth  of  this  plant  is 
considered  to  be  something  like  the  change  of  an  orange-tree  into  a  bramble  when 
brought  north  of  the  Yangtse  River."  The  text  has:  ^  ?§  ^H  ^  0  i&  }g  ^. 
There  is  nothing  here  about  an  orange  or  a  bramble  or  the  Yangtse.  The  character 
^  is  erroneously  used  for  $|,  as  is  still  the  case  in  southern  China  (see  STUART, 
Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  209),  and  ^  $|>  is  a  well-known  botanical  name  for  a 
rhamnaceous  tree  (not  an  orange),  Hovenia  dulcis.  "Change  of  an  orange-tree  into 
a  bramble"  is  nonsense  in  itself. 


CUMMIN 

34.  Under  the  foreign  term  i^  SI  &-lo,  *2i-la,  the  Chinese  have 
not  described  the  fennel  (Foeniculum  vulgare),  as  erroneously  asserted 
by  WATTERS1  and  STUART,2  but  cummin  (Cuminum  cyminum)  and 
caraway  (Carum  carui).  This  is  fundamentally  proved  by  the  prototype, 
Middle  Persian  %ira  or  zira,  Sanskrit  jlra,  of  which  U-lo  (*zi-la)  forms 
the  regular  transcription.3  In  India,  fira  refers  to  both  cummin  and 
caraway.4  Although  Cuminum  is  more  or  less  cultivated  in  most  prov- 
inces of  India,  except  Bengal  and  Assam,  there  is,  according  to  WATT, 
fairly  conclusive  evidence  that  it  is  nowhere  indigenous;  but  in  several 
districts  it  would  appear  to  be  so  far  naturalized  as  to  have  been  re- 
garded as  "wild,"  even  by  competent  observers.  No  doubt,  it  was 
transmitted  to  India  from  Iran.  Cummin  was  known  to  the  ancient 
Persians,  being  mentioned  in  the  inscription  of  Cyrus  at  Persepolis,5 
and  at  an  early  period  penetrated  from  Iran  to  Egypt  on  the  one  hand, 
and  to  India  on  the  other.6 

Avicenna  distinguishes  four  varieties  of  cummin  (Arabic  kammun),7 
—  that  of  Kirman,  which  is  black;  that  of  Persia,  which  is  yellow  and 
more  active  than  the  others;  that  of  Syria,  and  the  Nabathaean.8  Each 
variety  is  both  spontaneous  and  cultivated.  Abu  Mansur  regards  that 
of  Kirman  as  the  best,  and  styles  it  zlre-i  kirmdn*  This  name,  accord- 
ing to  ScHLiMMER,10  would  refer  to  caraway,  also  called  zlre-i  siah,11 
while  cummin  is  styled  in  Persian  zlre-i  sebze  or  sefid.  Caraway  (Carum 

1  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  440.    He  even  adds  "coriander,"  which 
is  hu  swi  (p.  297). 

2  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  176.   Fennel  is  hwi  hian  ]lj  ^jf,  while  a  synonyme 
of  cummin  is  siao  hwi,  hian  ("small  fennel"). 

3  In  the  same  form,  the  word  occurs  in  Tibetan,  zi-ra  (T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  475). 

4  G.  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  442. 

5  JORET,  Plantes  dans  I'antiquit6,  Vol.  II,  p.  66. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  258. 

7  Hebrew  kammon,  Assyrian  kamanu,  resulting  in  Greek  K&fjuvov,  Latin  cumt- 
num,  cyminum,  or  ciminum;  Armenian  caman;  Persian  kamun. 

8  LECLERC,  Trait6  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  196. 

9  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  pp.  112,  258. 

10  Terminologie,  p.  112. 

11  In  India,  the  Persian  word  siah  refers  to  the  black  caraway  (Carum  bulbocasta- 
num),  which  confirms  Schlimmer's  opinion.    Also  Avicenna's  black  cummin  of 
Kirman  apparently  represents  this  species.    This  plant  is  a  native  of  Baluchistan, 
Afghanistan,  Kashmir,  and  Lahul,  mainly  occurring  as  a  weed  in  cultivated  land. 

383 


384  SlNO-lRANICA 

carui),  however,  is  commonly  termed  in  Persian  loh-zire  ("cummin  of 
the  Shah")  or  zire-i  ruml  ("Byzantine  or  Turkish  cummin").1 

While  the  philological  evidence  would  speak  in  favor  of  a  trans- 
mission of  cummin  from  Persia  to  China,  this  point  is  not  clearly  brought 
out  by  our  records.  C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  who  wrote  in  the  first  half  of  the 
eighth  century,  states  that  $i-lo  grows  in  Fu-si  $?  If  (Bhoja,  Sumatra). 
Li  Sun,  in  his  Hai  yao  pen  ts*ao,  says  after  the  Kwan  Zou  ki  K  ffl  IS 
that  the  plant  grows  in  the  country  Po-se;2  and  Su  Sun  of  the  Sung 
notes  that  in  his  time  it  occurred  in  Lin-nan  (Kwan-tun)  and  adjoining 
regions.  Now,  the  Kwan  Ion  ki  is  said  to  have  been  written  under  the 
Tsin  dynasty  (A.D.  265-420)  ;3  and,  as  will  be  shown  below  in  detail,  the 
Po-se  of  Li  Sun  almost  invariably  denotes,  not  Persia,  but  the  Malayan 
Po-se.  Again,  it  is  Li  Sun  who  does  not  avail  himself  of  the  Iranian  form 
&-/0=£ira,  but  of  the  Sanskrit  form  jiraka,  possibly  conveyed  through 
the  medium  of  the  Malayan  Po-se. 

Li  Si-Sen  has  entered  under  U-lo  another  foreign  word  in  the  form 
^  il:  ft  ts'e-mou-lo  (*dz"i-mu-lak),  which  he  derived  from  the  K*ai 
pao  pen  ts*ao,  and  which,  in  the  same  manner  as  $i-lo,  he  stamps  as  a 
foreign  word.  This  transcription  has  hitherto  defied  identification,4 
because  it  is  incorrectly  recorded.  It  is  met  with  correctly  in  the  Cen 
lei  pen  ts*aob  in  the  form  S  ft  ts*e-lo,  *d2i-lak(rak),  and  this  answers 
to  Sanskrit  firaka.  This  form  is  handed  down  in  the  Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao, 
written  by  Li  Sun  in  the  eighth  century.  Thus  we  have,  on  the  one 
hand  a  Sanskrit  form  jiraka,  conveyed  by  the  Malayan  Po-se  to  Kwan- 
tun  in  the  T'ang  period,  and  on  the  other  hand  the  Iranian  type  Si- 
lo =Zira,  which  for  phonetic  reasons  must  likewise  go  back  to  the  era 
of  the  T'ang,  and  which  we  should  suppose  had  migrated  overland  to 
China.  The  latter  point,  for  the  time  being,  remains  an  hypothesis, 
which  will  perhaps  be  elucidated  by  the  documents  of  Turkistan. 

1  Corresponding  to  Arabic  kardwyd,  the  source  of  our  word  caraway. 

2  The  Gen  lei  pen  teVo  'Oh.  13,  p.  27  b)  repeats  this  without  citing  a  source. 

3  Cf.  below,  p.  475. 

4  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  176. 
6  Ch.  13,  p.  17  b. 


THE  DATE-PALM 

35.  The  Chinese  records  of  the  date-palm  (Phoenix  dactyliferd) 
contain  two  points  that  are  of  interest  to  science:  first,  a  contribution 
to  the  geographical  distribution  of  the  tree  in  ancient  times;  and, 
second,  a  temporary  attempt  at  acclimating  it  in  China.  The  tree  is 
not  indigenous  there.  It  is  for  the  first  time  in  the  T'ang  period  that 
we  receive  some  information  about  it;  but  it  is  mentioned  at  an  earlier 
date  as  a  product  of  Sasanian  Persia  in  both  the  Wei  Su  and  Sui  $u, 
under  the  name  ts'ien  nien  tsao  T  ^F  31  ("  jujubes  of  thousand  years," 
the  jujube,  Zizyphus  vulgaris,  being  a  native  of  China).1  In  the  Yu  yah 
tsa  tsu,2  the  date  is  styled  Po-se  tsao  jft  Sf  3R  ("Persian  jujube"),  with 
the  observation  that  its  habitat  is  in  Po-se  (Persia),  or  that  it  comes 
from  there.3  The  Persian  name  is  then  given  in  the  form  US  I?  k'u-man, 
*k'ut(k'ur)-man,  which  would  correspond  to  a  Middle  Persian  *xurman 
(*khurmang),  Pazand  and  New  Persian  xurma,  that  was  also  adopted 
by  Osmanli  and  Neo-Greek,  xovpjuas  ("date")  and  Koup/zoSijA  ("date- 
palm"),  Albanian  korme*  The  T'ah  $u5  writes  the  same  word  l&  ^ 
hu-man,  *gu5(gur)-man,  answering  to  a  Middle-Persian  form  *gurman 
or  *kurman.  The  New-Persian  word  is  rendered  jS  @  JK  k'u-lu(ru)-ma 
in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kah  mu;&  this  is  the  style  of  the  Yuan  transcriptions,7 

1  This  name  was  bestowed  upon  the  tree,  not,  as  erroneously  asserted  by  HIRTH 
(Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  210),  "evidently  on  account  of  the  stony  hardness  of  the  dates  on 
reaching  China,"  but,  as  stated  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  (Ch.  31,  p.  8),  owing  to  the 
long-enduring  character  of  the  tree  ^  tsj  fe  j$  ty\  -{&.     The  same  explanation 
holds  good  for  the  synonyme  wan  sui  tsao  ("jujube  of  ten  thousand  or  numerous 
years").  Indeed,  this  palm  lives  to  a  great  age,  and  trees  of  from  one  to  two  hundred 
years  old  continue  to  produce  their  annual  crop. 

2  Ch.  1 8,  p.  10. 

3  The  same  term,  Po-se  tsao,  appears  in  a  passage  of  the  Pei  hu  lu  (Ch.  2,  p.  9  b), 
where  the  trunk  and  leaves  of  the  sago-palm  (Sag o  rumphii)  are  compared  with  those 
of  the  date. 

4  In  Old  Armenian  of  the  fifth  century  we  have  the  Iranian  loan-word  armav, 
and  hence  it  is  inferred  that  the  x  of  Persian  was  subsequently  prefixed  (HiiBSCH- 
MANN,  Persische  Studien,  p.  265;  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  in).   The  date  of  the  Chinese 
transcriptions  proves  that  the  initial  x  existed  in  Pahlavi. 

5  Ch.  221  B,  p.  13. 

6  Ch.  31,  p.  21.    It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Li  Si-gen  endeavors  to  make  out 
a  distinction  between  k'u-man  and  k'u-lu-ma  by  saying  that  the  former  denotes  the 
tree,  the  latter  the  fruit;  but  both,  in  his  opinion,  are  closely  allied  foreign  words. 

7  The  T'ang  transcription,  of  course,  is  not  "probably  a  distorted  transcription 
of  khurma,"  as  asserted  by  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  266),  but,  on 
the  contrary,  is  very  exact. 

385 


386  SlNO-lRANICA 

and  first  occurs  in  the  Co  ken  lu  $5  $£  $fr,  published  in  1366.  The  Persian 
word  has  also  migrated  into  the  modern  Aryan  languages  of  Iriia, 
as  well  as  into  the  Malayan  group:  Javanese  kurma;  Cam  kuramo; 
Malayan,  Dayak,  and  Sunda  korma;  Bugi  and  Makassar  koromma; 
also  into  Khmer:  romo,  lomo,  amo. 

Following  is  the  description  of  the  tree  given  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu: 
"It  is  thirty  to  forty  feet  in  height,1  and  has  a  circumference  of  from 
five  to  six  feet.  The  leaves  resemble  those  of  the  f u  fen  dt  J§i  (a  kind 
of  rattan),  and  remain  ever  green.  It  blooms  in  the  second  month. 
The  blossoms  are  shaped  like  those  of  the  banana,  and  have  a  double 
bottom.  They  open  gradually;  and  in  the  fissure  are  formed  more  than 
ten  seed-cases,  two  inches  long,  yellow  and  white  in  color.  When  the 
kernel  ripens,  the  seeds  are  black.  In  their  appearance  they  resemble 
dried  jujubes.  They  are  good  to  eat  and  as  sweet  as  candy." 

Another  foreign  word  for  the  date  is  handed  down  by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i 
in  his  Pen  ts*ao  Si  i,  in  the  form  1$  Wt  wu-lou,  *bu-nu.  He  identifies 
this  term  with  the  "Persian  jujube,"  which  he  says  grows  in  Persia, 
and  has  the  appearance  of  a  jujube.  Li  Si-Sen  annotates  that  the  mean- 
ing of  this  word  is  not  yet  explained.  Neither  Bretschneider  nor  any 
one  else  has  commented  on  this  name.  It  is  strikingly  identical  with 
the  old  Egyptian  designation  of  the  date,  bunnu.2  It  is  known  that 
the  Arabs  have  an  infinite  number  of  terms  for  the  varieties  of  the  date 
and  the  fruit  in  its  various  stages  of  growth,  and  it  may  be  that  they 
likewise  adopted  the  Egyptian  word  and  transmitted  it  to  China.  The 
common  Arabic  names  are  nakhl  and  tamr  (Hebrew  tamar,  Syriac 
temar).  On  the  other  hand,  the  relation  of  wu-lou  to  the  Egyptian  word 
may  be  accidental,  if  we  assume  that  wu-lou  was  originally  the  designa- 
tion of  Cycas  revoluta  (see  below),  and  was  only  subsequently  trans- 
ferred to  the  date-palm. 

The  Lin  piao  lu  i3  by  Liu  Sun  contains  the  following  interesting 
account:  — 

"In  regard  to  the  date  ('Persian  jujube'),  this  tree  may  be  seen  in 
the  suburbs  of  Kwaii-Sou  (Canton).  The  trunk  of  the  tree  is  entirely 
without  branches,  is  straight,  and  rises  to  a  height  of  from  thirty  to 
forty  feet.  The  crown  of  the  tree  spreads  in  all  directions,  and  forms 
over  ten  branches.  The  leaves  are  like  those  of  the  'sea  coir-palm1 

1  It  even  grows  to  a  height  of  sixty  or  eighty  feet. 

2  V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  p.  34.    I  concur  with  Loret  in  the  opinion  that 
the  Egyptian  word  is  the  foundation  of  Greek  <f>olvi£.    The  theory  ^of  HEHN  (Kul- 
turpflanzen,  p.  273)  and  upheld  by  SCHRADER  (ibid.,  p.  284),  that  the  latter  might 
denote  the  Phoenician  tree,  does  not  seem  to  me  correct. 

a  Ch.  B,  p.  4  (see  above,  p.  268). 


THE  DATE-PALM  387 

(hai  tsun  $J  $?,  Chamaerops  excelsa).1  The  trees  planted  in  Kwan-Sou 
bear  fruit  once  in  three  or  five  years.  The  fruits  resemble  the  green 
jujube  growing  in  the  north,  but  are  smaller.  They  turn  from  green 
to  yellow.  When  the  leaves  have  come  out,  the  fruit  is  formed  in 
clusters,  each  cluster  generally  bearing  from  three  to  twenty  berries, 
which  require  careful  handling.  The  foreign  as  well  as  the  domestic 
kind  is  consumed  in  our  country.  In  color  it  resembles  that  of  granulated 
sugar.  Shell  and  meat  are  soft  and  bright.  Baked  into  cakes  or  steamed 
in  water,  they  are  savory.  The  kernel  is  widely  different  from  that  of 
the  jujube  of  the  north.  The  two  ends  are  not  pointed  [as  in  the  jujube], 
but  doubly  rolled  up  and  round  like  a  small  piece  of  red  kino  3?t  8K.2 
They  must  be  carefully  handled.  When  sown,  no  shoots  sprout  forth 
for  a  long  time,  so  that  one  might  suppose  they  would  never  mature." 

The  date  is  clearly  described  in  this  text;  and  we  learn  from  it  that 
the  tree  was  cultivated  in  Kwaii-tun,  and  its  fruit  was  also  imported 
during  the  T'ang  period.  As  Liu  Sun,  author  of  that  work,  lived  under 
the  Emperor  Cao  Tsun  (A.D.  889-904),  this  notice  refers  to  the  end  of 
the  ninth  century.3  A.  DE  CANDOLLE4  states  erroneously  that  the 
Chinese  received  the  tree  from  Persia  in  the  third  century  of  our  era. 

In  his  note  on  the  date,  headed  by  the  term  wu-lou  tse,  Li  Si-£en5 
has  produced  a  confusion  of  terms,  and  accordingly  brought  together 

1  In  the  text  of  this  work,  as  cited  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  this  clause  is  worded 
as  follows:    "The  leaves  are  like  those  of  the  tsun-lu  |<|  fl|J  (Chamaerops  excelsa), 
and  hence  the  people  of  that  locality  style  the  tree  [the  date]  hai  tsun  ('sea,'  that  is, 
'foreign  coir-palm')."    This  would  indeed  appear  more  logical  than  the  passage 
above,  rendered  after  the  edition  of  Wu  yin  tien,  which,  however,  must  be  regarded 
as  more  authoritative.   Not  only  in  this  extract,  but  also  in  several  others,  does  the 
Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  exhibit  many  discrepancies  from  the  Wu  yin  tien  edition;  this 
subject  should  merit  closer  study.   In  the  present  case  there  is  only  one  other  point 
worthy  of  special  mention;  and  this  is,  that  Li  Si-gen,  in  his  section  of  nomenclature, 
gives  the  synonyme  ^§  jfj  fan  tsao  ("foreign  jujube")  with  reference  to  the  Lin 
piao  lu  i.    This  term,  however,  does  not  occur  in  the  text  of  this  work  as  trans- 
mitted by  him,  or  in  the  Wu  yin  tien  edition.   The  latter  has  added  a  saying  of  the 
Emperor  Wen  jjfc  of  the  Wei  dynasty,  which  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  date,  and 
in  which  is  found  the  phrase  j»L  jR  fan  tsao  ("all  jujubes").    In  other  editions,  fan 
("foreign")  was  perhaps  substituted  for   this  fan,  so   that  the  existence  of  the 
synonyme  established  by  Li  and  adopted  by  Bretschneider  appears  to  be  very 
doubtful. 

2  See  below,  p.  478. 

*  It  is  singular  that  Bretschneider,  who  has  given  a  rather  uncritical  digest  of 
the  subject  from  the  Pen  ts'ao,  does  not  at  all  mention  this  transplantation  of  the 
tree.  To  my  mind,  this  is  the  most  interesting  point  to  be  noted.  Whether  date- 
palms  are  still  grown  in  K  wan- tun,  I  am  not  prepared  to  say;  but,  as  foreign  authors 
do  not  mention  the  fact,  I  almost  doubt  it. 

4  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  303. 

5  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  31,  p.  8. 


388  SlNO-lRANICA 

a  number  of  heterogeneous  texts.  BRETSCHNEiDER1  has  accepted  all  this 
in  good  faith  and  without  criticism.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  be  a 
botanist  in  order  to  see  that  the  texts  of  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  Iwan 
and  Co  ken  lu,  alleged  to  refer  to  the  date,  bear  no  relation  to  this  tree.2 
The  hai  tsao  K  31  described  in  the  former  work3  may  very  well  refer 
to  Cycas  rewluta*  The  text  of  the  other  book,  which  Bretschneider  does 
not  quote  by  its  title,  and  erroneously  characterizes  as  "a  writer  of  the 
Ming,"  speaks  of  six  "gold  fruit"  (kin  kwo  ^  :Jft)  trees  growing  in 
C'en-tu,  capital  of  Se-c'wan,  and,  according  to  an  oral  tradition,  planted 
at  the  time  of  the  Han.  Then  follows  a  description  of  the  tree,  the 
foreign  name  of  which  is  given  as  k'u-lu-ma  (see  above),  and  which, 
according  to  Bretschneider,  suits  the  date-palm  quite  well.  It  is  hardly 
credible,  however,  that  this  tree  could  ever  thrive  in  the  climate  of 
Se-6'wan,  and  Bretschneider  himself  admits  that  the  fruit  of  Salisburia 
adiantifolia  now  bears  also  the  name  kin  kwo.  Thus,  despite  the  fact 
that  the  Persian  name  for  the  date  is  added,  the  passage  of  the  Co  ken 
lu  is  open  to  the  suspicion  of  some  misunderstanding. 

Not  only  did  the  Chinese  know  that  the  date  is  a  product  of  Persia, 
but  they  knew  also  that  it  was  utilized  as  food  by  certain  tribes  of  the 

1  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  pp.  265-267. 

2  Bretschneider,  it  should  be  understood,  was  personally  acquainted  with  only 
the  flora  of  Peking  and  its  environment;  for  the  rest,  his  familiarity  with  Chinese 
plants  was  mere  book-knowledge,  and  botany  as  a  science  was  almost  foreign  to 
him.   Research  in  the  history  of  cultivated  plants  was  in  its  very  beginning  in 
his  days;  and  his  methods  relating  to  such  subjects  were  not  very  profound,  and  were 
rather  crude. 

3  Ch.  B,  p.  4.   Also  Wu  K'i-tsun,  author  of  the  Ci  wu  miii  Si  t'u  k'ao  (Ch.  17, 
p.  21),  has  identified  the  term  wu-lou-tse  with  hai  tsao. 

4  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  140;  but  Stuart  falls  into  the  other  ex- 
treme by  identifying  with  this  species  also  the  terms  Po-se  tsao,  ts'ien  nien  tsao, 
etc.,  which  without  any  doubt  relate  to  the  date.    In  Bretschneider's  translation 
of  the  above  text  there  is  a  curious  misunderstanding.   We  read  there,  "In  the  year 
285  A.D.   Lin-yi  offered  to  the  Emperor  Wu-ti  a  hundred  trees  of  the  hai  tsao.   The 
prince  Li-sha  told  the  Emperor  that  in  his  travels  by  sea  he  saw  fruits  of  this  tree, 
which  were,  without  exaggeration,  as  large  as  a  melon."    The  text  reads,  "In  the 
fifth  year  of  the  period  T'ai-k'an  (A.D.  284),  Lin-yi  presented  to  the  Court  a  hundred 
trees.    Li  Sao-kun  ifi  ty  ;§"  (the  well-known  magician)  said  to  the  Emperor  Wu 
of  the  Han,  '  During  my  sea- voyages  I  met  Nan-k'i  Sen  $£  $8  ^fe  (the  magician  of 
the  Blest  Islands),  who  ate  jujubes  of  the  size  of  a  gourd,  which  is  by  no  means  an 
exaggeration.' "  The  two  events  are  not  interrelated;  the  second  refers  to  the  second 
century  B.C.    Neither,  however,  has  anything  to  do  with  the  date.   The  working  of 
Chinese  logic  is  visibly  manifest:   the  sea- travels  of  Li  Sao-kun  are  combined  with 
his  fabulous  jujube  into  the  sea- jujube  (hai  tsao),  and  this  imaginary  product  is 
associated  with  a  real  tree  of  that  name.   Li  Si-Sen's  example  shows  at  what  fancies 
the  Chinese  finally  arrive  through  their  wrong  associations  of  ideas;  and  Bret- 
Schneider's  example  finally  demonstrates  that  any  Chinese  data  must  first  be  taken 
under  our  microscope  before  being  accepted  by  science. 


THE  DATE-PALM  389 

East-African  coast.  The  early  texts  relating  to  Ta  Ts'in  do  not  mention 
the  palm;  but  at  the  end  of  the  article  Fu-lin  (Syria),  the  Tan  $u  speaks 
of  two  countries,  HI  $$>  Mo-lin  (*Mwa-lin,  Mwa-rin)  and  ^  l#  HI 
Lao-p'o-sa  (*Lav-bwi5-sar),  as  being  situated  2000  li  south-west  of 
Fu-lin,  and  sheltering  a  dark-complexioned  population.  The  land  is 
barren,  the  people  feed  their  horses  on  dried  fish,  and  they  themselves 
subsist  on  dates.1  BRETSCHNEiDER2  was  quite  right  in  seeking  this 
locality  in  Africa,  but  it  is  impossible  to  accept  his  suggestion  that 
"perhaps  the  Chinese  names  Mo-lin  and  Lao-p'o-sa  are  intended  to 
express  the  country  of  the  Moors  (Mauritania)  or  Lybia."  HIRTHS 
did  not  discuss  this  weak  theory,  and,  while  locating  the  countries 
in  question  along  the  west  coast  of  the  Red  Sea,  did  not  attempt  to 
identify  the  transcriptions.  According  to  Ma  Twan-lin,  the  country 
Mo-lin  is  situated  south-west  of  the  country  ?&  US.  H  Yan-sa-lo,  which 
Hirth  tentatively  equated  with  Jerusalem.  This  is  out  of  the  question, 
as  Yan-sa-lo  answers  to  an  ancient  An-sa5(sar)-la(ra).4  Moreover,  it 
is  on  record  in  the  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki5  that  Mo-lin  is  south-west  of 
€fr  HI  H  P'o-sa-lo  (*BwiS-sa5-la),  so  that  this  name  is  clearly  identical 
with  that  of  Ma  Twan-lin  and  the  transcription  of  the  T'ang  Annals. 
In  my  opinion,  the  transcription  *Mwa-lin  is  intended  for  the  Malindi 
of  Edrisi  or  Mulanda  of  Yaqut,  now  Malindi,  south  of  the  Equator,  in 
Seyidieh  Province  of  British  East  Africa.  Edrisi  describes  this  place 
as  a  large  city,  the  inhabitants  of  which  live  by  hunting  and  fishing. 
They  salt  sea-fish  for  trade,  and  also  exploit  iron-mines,  iron  being  the 
source  of  their  wealth.6  If  this  identification  be  correct,  the  geographical 
definition  of  the  T'ang  Annals  (2000  li  south-west  of  Fu-lin)  is,  of  course, 
deficient;  but  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  these  data  rest 
on  a  hearsay  report  hailing  from  Fu-lin,  and  that,  generally  speaking, 
Chinese  calculations  of  distances  on  sea-routes  are  not  to  be  taken  too 
seriously.7  Under  the  Ming,  the  same  country  appears  as  j$E  W  Ma-lin, 
the  king  of  which  sent  an  embassy  to  China  in  1415  with  a  gift  of 

1  In  the  transcription  hu-man,  as  given  above,  followed  by  the  explanation  that 
this  is  the  "Persian  jujube."   The  date  is  not  a  native  of  eastern  Africa,  nor  does  it 
.thrive  in  the  tropics,  but  it  was  doubtless  introduced  there  by  the  Arabs  (cf.  F. 
STORBECK,  Mitt.  Sem.  Or.  Spr.,  1914,  II,  p.  158;  A.  ENGLER,  Nutzpflanzen  Ost- 
Afrikas,  p.  12). 

2  Knowledge  possessed  by  the  Chinese  of  the  Arabs,  p.  25. 

3  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  204. 

4  If  Mo-lin  was  on  the  littoral  of  the  Red  Sea,  it  would  certainly  be  an  absurdity 
to  define  its  location  as  south-west  of  Jersualem. 

6Ch.  184,  p.  3. 

6  DOZY  and  DE  GOEJE,  Edrlsl's  description  de  1'Afrique,  p.  56  (Leiden,  1866). 

7  Cf.  Chinese  Clay  Figures,  pp.  80-81,  note. 


390  SlNO-lRANICA 

giraffes.1  It  likewise  appears  in  the  list  of  countries  visited  by  Cen  Ho,2 
where  Ma-lin  and  La-sa  JJ  $ft  are  named,  the  latter  apparently  being 
identical  with  the  older  Lao-p'o-sa.3 

The  Chinese  knew,  further,  that  the  date  thrives  in  the  country  of 
the  Arabs  (Ta-§i),4  further,  in  Oman,  Basra,  and  on  the  Coromandel 
Coast.5  It  is  pointed  out,  further,  for  Aden  and  Ormuz.6 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  date-palm  has  existed  in  southern  Persia 
from  ancient  times,  chiefly  on  the  littoral  of  the  Persian  Gulf  and  in 
Mekran,  Baluchistan.  It  is  mentioned  in  several  passages  of  the 
Bundahisn.7  Its  great  antiquity  in  Babylonia  also  is  uncontested 
(Assyrian  gi&mmaru)  .8  Strabo9  reports  how  Alexander's  army  was 
greatly  distressed  on  its  march  through  the  barren  Gedrosian  desert. 
The  supplies  had  to  come  from  a  distance,  and  were  scanty  and  un- 
frequent,  so  much  so  that  the  army  suffered  greatly  from  hunger,  the 
beasts  of  burden  dropped,  and  the  baggage  was  abandoned.  The  army 
was  saved  by  the  consumption  of  dates  and  the  marrow  of  the  palm- 
tree.10  Again  he  tells  us  that  many  persons  were  suffocated  by  eating 
unripe  dates.11  Philostratus  speaks  of  a  eunuch  who  received  Apollonius 
of  Tyana  when  he  entered  the  Parthian  kingdom,  and  offered  him 
dates  of  amber  color  and  of  exceptional  size.12  In  the  Province  of  Pars, 
the  date-palm  is  conspicuous  almost  everywhere.13  In  Babylon,  Persian 
and  Aramaic  date-palms  were  distinguished,  the  former  being  held  in 
greater  esteem,  as  their  meat  perfectly  detaches  itself  from  the  stone, 
while  it  partially  adheres  in  the  Aramaic  date.14  The  same  distinction 

1  Ta  Min  i  t'un  £i,  Ch.  90,  p.  24. 
a  Min  Si,  Ch.  304. 

I  It  is  not  Ma-lin-la-sa,  the  name  of  a  single  country,  as  made  out  by  GROENE- 
VELDT  (Notes  on  the  Malay  Archipelago,  p.  170). 

4  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yii  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  15  b. 

6  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  pp.  133,  137,  96. 

'RocKHiLL,  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  p.  609.  The  word  to-$a-pu,  not  explained  by 
him,  represents  Arabic  dusab  ("date-wine";  see  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples, 
Vol.  II,  p.  49).  NOLDEKE  (Persische  Studien,  II,  p.  42)  explains  this  word  from 
du$  ("honey")  and  Persian  db  ("water"). 

7  Above,  p.  193. 

8  Herodotus,  i,   193;  E.  BONAVIA,  Flora  of  the  Assyrian  Monuments,  p.  3; 
HANDCOCK,  Mesopotamian  Archaeology,  pp.  12-13. 

9  xv,  2,  §  7. 

10  Cf.  Theophrastus,  Histor.  plant.,  IV.  iv,  13. 

II  Ibid.,  IV.  iv,  5;  and  Pliny,  xm,  9. 

12  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  93. 

13  G.  LE  STRANGE,  Description  of  the  Province  of  Pars,  pp.  31,  33,  35,  39,  40, 
etc. 

14 1.  LOEW,  Aramaeische  Pflanzennamen,  p.  112. 


THE  DATE-PALM  391 

was  made  in  the  Sasanian  empire:  in  the  tax  laws  of  Khosrau  I  (A.D. 
531-578),  four  Persian  date-palms  were  valued  and  taxed  equally  with 
six  common  ones.1  As  already  remarked,  the  Wei  and  Sm  Annals 
attribute  the  date  to  Sasanian  Persia,  and  the  date  is  mentioned  in 
Pahlavi  literature  (above,  p.  193).  At  present  dates  thrive  in  the  low 
plains  of  Kerman  and  of  the  littoral  of  the  Persian  Gulf;  but  the  crops 
are  insufficient,  so  that  a  considerable  importation  from  Bagdad  takes 
place.2 

A.  DE  CANDOLLE3  asserts,  "No  Sanskrit  name  is  known,  whence  it 
may  be  inferred  that  the  plantations  of  the  date-palm  in  western  India 
are  not  very  ancient.  The  Indian  climate  does  not  suit  the  species." 
There  is  the  Sanskrit  name  kharjura  for  Phoenix  sylvestris,  that  already 
occurs  in  the  Yajurveda.4  This  is  the  wild  date  or  date-sugar  palm, 
which  is  indigenous  in  many  parts  of  India,  being  most  abundant  in 
Bengal,  Bihar,  on  the  Coromandel  Coast,  and  in  Gujarat.  The  edible 
date  (P.  dactylifera)  is  cultivated  and  self-sown  in  Sind  and  the  southern 
Panjab,  particularly  near  Multan,  Muzaffargarh,  the  Sind  Sagar  Doab, 
and  in  the  Trans-Indus  territory.  It  is  also  grown  in  the  Deccan  and 
Gujarat.5  Its  Hindi  name  is  khajura,  Hindustani  khajur,  from  Sanskrit 
kharjura.  It  is  also  called  sindhi,  seindi,  sendri,  which  names  allude  to 
its  origin  from  Sind.  Possibly  Sanskrit  kharjura  and  Iranian  khurma(n), 
at  least  as  far  as  the  first  element  is  concerned,  are  anciently  related. 

1  NOLDEKE,  Tabari,  p.  245. 

2  SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  175. 

3  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  303. 

4  MACDONELL  and  KEITH,  Vedic  Index,  Vol.  I,  p.  215. 

5  G.  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  pp.  883,  885. 


THE  SPINACH 

36.  In  regard  to  the  spinach  (Spinacia  oleracea),  BRETSCHNEiDER1 
stated  that  "it  is  said  to  come  from  Persia.  The  botanists  consider 
western  Asia  as  the  native  country  of  spinach,  and  derive  the  names 
Spinacia,  spinage,  spinat,  epinards,  from  the  spinous  seeds;  but  as  the 
Persian  name  is  esfinadsh,  our  various  names  would  seem  more  likely 
to  be  of  Persian  origin."  The  problem  is  not  quite  so  simple,  however. 
It  is  not  stated  straightforwardly  in  any  Chinese  source  that  the  spinach 
comes  from  Persia;  and  the  name  "Persian  vegetable"  (Po-se  ts'ai)  is 
of  recent  origin,  being  first  traceable  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,  where 
Li  Si-Sen  himself  ascribes  it  to  a  certain  Fan  Si-yin  ~i)  it  BL 

Strangely  enough,  we  get  also  in  this  case  a  taste  of  the  Can-K'ien 
myth.  At  least,  H.  L.  JoLY2  asserts,  "The  Chinese  and  Japanese  Reposi- 
tory says  that  Chang  K'ien  brought  to  China  the  spinach."  The  only 
Chinese  work  in  which  I  am  able  to  find  this  tradition  is  the  T'un  li 
38  ;S,3  written  by  Ceri  Tsiao  JIB  ffi  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  who  states  in 
cold  blood  that  Can  K'ien  brought  spinach  over.  Not  even  the  Pen 
ts'ao  kan  mu  dares  repeat  this  fantasy.  It  is  plainly  devoid  of  any 
value,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  spinach  was  unknown  in  the  west  as 
far  back  as  the  second  century  B.C.  Indeed,  it  was  unfamiliar  to  the 
Semites  and  to  the  ancients.  It  is  a  cultivation  that  comes  to  light 
only  in  mediaeval  times. 

In  perfect  agreement  with  this  state  of  affairs,  spinach  is  not  men- 
tioned in  China  earlier  than  the  T'ang  period.  As  regards  the  literature 
on  agriculture,  the  vegetable  makes  its  first  appearance  in  the  Cun  su 
$u  fi  &  fir,  written  toward  the  end  of  the  eighth  century. ;  Here  it  is 
stated  that  the  spinach,  po-lin  $£  H  (*pwa-lin),  came  from  the  country 
Po-liii  $k  f|@  (*Pwa-lin,  Palinga). 

The  first  Pen  ts'ao  that  speaks  of  the  spinach  is  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao 
written  by  T'an  Sen-wei  in  A.D.  no8.5  This  Materia  Medica  describes 
altogether  1746  articles,  compared  with  1118  which  are  treated  in  the 
Kia  yu  pu  £u  pen  ts'ao  (published  in  the  period  Kia-yu,  A.D.  1056—64), 
so  that  628  new  ones  were  added.  These  are  expressly  so  designated  in 

1  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  223. 

2  Legend  in  Japanese  Art,  p.  35. 

3  Ch.  75,  p.  32  b. 

4  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  79. 
6  Ch.  29,  p.  14  b  (print  of  1587). 

392 


THE  SPINACH  393 

the  table  of  contents  preceding  each  chapter,  and  spinach  ranks  among 
these  novelties.  Judging  from  the  description  here  given,  it  must  have 
been  a  favorite  vegetable  in  the  Sung  period.  It  is  said  to  be  particularly 
beneficial  to  the  people  in  the  north  of  China,  who  feed  on  meat  and 
flour  (chiefly  in  the  form  of  vermicelli),  while  the  southerners,  who 
subsist  on  fish  and  turtles,  cannot  eat  much  of  it,  because  their  water 
food  makes  them  cold,  and  spinach  brings  about  the  same  effect.1 
The  Kia  yu  (or  hwa)  lu  B  M  (or  IS)  $fr  by  Liu  Yu-si  t'J  3  fll  (A.D. 
772-842)  is  cited  to  the  effect  that  "po-lin  3§t  ||  was  originally  in  the 
western  countries,  and  that  its  seeds  came  thence  to  China2  in  the 
same  manner  as  alfalfa  and  grapes  were  brought  over  by  Can  K'ien. 
Originally  it  was  the  country  of  Po-lin  $tt  i$,  and  an  error  arose  in  the 
course  of  the  transmission  of  the  word,  which  is  not  known  to  many  at 
this  time." 

The  first  and  only  historical  reference  to  the  matter  that  we  have 
occurs  in  the  T'an  hui  yao?  where  it  is  on  record,  "At  the  time  of  the 
Emperor  T'ai  Tsun  (A.D.  627-649),  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  the  period 
Cen-kwan  (A.D.  647),  Ni-p'o-lo  (Nepal)  sent  to  the  Court  the  vegetable 
po-lin  1$  IS,  resembling  the  flower  of  the  hun-lan  H  H  (Carthamus 
tinctorius),  the  fruit  being  like  that  of  the  tsi-li  H  H  (Tribulus  ter- 
restris).  Well  cooked,  it  makes  good  eating,  and  is  savory."4 

This  text  represents  not  only  the  earliest  datable  mention  of  the 
vegetable  in  Chinese  records,  but  in  general  the  earliest  reference  to  it 
that  we  thus  far  possess.  This  document  shows  that  the  plant  then  was 
a  novelty  not  only  to  the  Chinese,  but  presumably  also  to  the  people 
of  Nepal;  otherwise  they  would  not  have  thought  it  worthy  of  being 
sent  as  a  gift  to  China,  which  was  made  in  response  to  a  request  of  the 

1  JOHN  GERARDE  (The  Herball  or  Generall  Historie  of  Plantes,  p.  260,  London, 
1597)  remarks,  "Spinach  is  evidently  colde  and  moist,  almost  in  the  second  degree, 
but  rather  moist.    It  is  one  of  the  potherbes  whose  substance  is  waterie." 

2  According  to  another  reading,  a  Buddhist  monk  (sen)  is  said  to  have  brought 
the  seeds  over,  which  sounds  rather  plausible.   G.  A.  STUART  remarks  that  the  herb 
is  extensively  used  by  the  monks  in  their  lenten  fare. 

3  Ch.  200,  p.  14  b  (also  Ch.  100,  p.  3  b).   Cf.  Ts'efu  yuan  kwei,  Ch.  970,  p.  12, 
and  Pei  hu  lu,  Ch.  2,  p.  19  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

4  The  T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian  (Ch.  980,  p.  7)  attributes  this  text  to  the  T'ang  Annals. 
It  is  not  extant,  however,  in  the  account  of  Nepal  inserted  in  the  two  Tan  lu,  nor 
in  the  notice  of  Nepal  in  the  T'an  hui  yao.    Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  T'u  su  tsi  e'en,  and 
Ci  wu  min  si  Vu  k'ao  (Ch.  5,  p.  37)  correctly  cite  the  above  text  from  the  T'an  hui 
yao,  with  the  only  variant  that  the  leaves  of  the  po-lin  resemble  those  of  the  hun- 
lan.     The  Fun  si  wen  kien  ki  (Ch.  7,  p.  i  b)  by  Fun  Yen  of  the  ninth  century 
(above,  p.  232),  referring  to  the  same  introduction,  offers  a  singular  name  for  the 
spinach  in  the  form  $fc  H  J£  |j|  po-lo-pa-tsao,  *pa-la-bat-tsaw,  or,  if  tsao,  denot- 
ing several  aquatic  plants,  does  not  form  part  of  the  transcription,  *pa-la-bat(bar). 


394  SlNO-lRANICA 

Emperor  T'ai  Tsuh  that  all  tributary  nations  should  present  their 
choicest  vegetable  products.  Yuan  Wen  A  3$C,  an  author  of  the  Sung 
period,  in  his  work  Wen  yu  kien  p'in  US  f$  M  Jrly  states  that  the  spinach 
(po-lin)  comes  from  (or  is  produced  in)  the  country  Ni-p'o-lo  (Nepal) 
in  the  Western  Regions.2  The  Kia  yu  pen  ts'ao,  compiled  in  A.D.  1057, 
is  the  first  Materia  Medica  that  introduced  the  spinach  into  the  pharma- 
copoeia.3 

The  colloquial  name  is  po  ts'ai  §t^S  ("po  vegetable"),  po  being 
abbreviated  for  po-lin.  According  to  Wan  Si-mou  :£  1iir  §£  (who  died 
in  1591),  in  his  Kwa  su  su  JR  IS  £S,  the  current  name  in  northern  China 
is  Pi  ken  ts*ai  ffi  ffi  3S  (" red-root  vegetable").  The  Kwan  k'unfan  p*u 
uses  also  the  term  yin-wu  ts*ai  ("parrot  vegetable"),  named  for  the 
root,  which  is  red,  and  believed  to  resemble  a  parrot.  Aside  from  the 
term  Po-se  ts'ai,  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  &'  i*  gives  the  synonymes  hun 
ts'ai  &C3K  ("red  vegetable")  and  yan  ff  ts'ai  ("foreign  vegetable"). 
Another  designation  is  $an-hu  ts'ai  ("coral  vegetable"). 

A  rather  bad  joke  is  perpetrated  by  the  Min  $u  ISJ  S,  a  description 
of  Fu-kien  Province  written  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  or  beginning  of 
the  seventeenth  centttry,  where  the  name  po-lin  is  explained  as  Jfe  It 
po  len  ("waves  and  edges"),  because  the  leaves  are  shaped  like  wave- 
patterns  and  have  edges.  There  is  nothing,  of  course,  that  the  Chinese 
could  not  etymologize.5 

There  is  no  account  in  the  traditions  of  the  T'ang  and  Sung  periods 
to  the  effect  that  the  spinach  was  derived  from  Persia;  and  in  view  of 
the  recent  origin  of  the  term  "Persian  vegetable,"  which  is  not  even 
explained,  we  are  tempted  at  the  outset  to  dismiss  the  theory  of 
a  Persian  origin.  STUARTG  even  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that,  "as  the  Chinese 
have  a  tendency  to  attribute  everything  that  comes  from  the  south- 
west to  Persia,  we  are  not  surprised  to  find  this  called  Po-se  ts*ao,  'Per- 

1  Ch.  4,  p.  ii  b  (ed.  of  Wu  yin  Hen,  1775). 

2  ft  5ft  ffi  B  %  H  ^  H  H-    This   could   be   translated   also,    "in   the 
Western  Regions  and  in  the  country  Ni-p'o-lo." 

3  Ci  wu  min  Si  /'«  k'ao,  Ch.  4,  p.  38  b. 

4  Ch.  8,  p.  87  b. 

6  Of  greater  interest  is  the  following  fact  recorded  in  the  same  book.  The 
spinach  in  the  north  of  China  is  styled  "bamboo  (cu  ft)  po-lin,"  with  long  and 
bitter  stems;  that  of  Fu-kien  is  termed  "stone  (Si  ^J)  po-lin,"  and  has  short  and 
sweet  stems. — The  Min  Su,  in  154  chapters,  was  written  by  Ho  K'iao-yuan  $5  ^ 
JH  from  Tsin-kian  in  Fu-kien;  he  obtained  the  degree  of  tsin  Si  in  1586  (cf.  Cat.  of 
the  Imperial  Library,  Ch.  74,  p.  19). 

8  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  417. 


THE  SPINACH  395 

sian  vegetable.'  'n  There  is,  however,  another  side  to  the  case.  In  all 
probability,  as  shown  by  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,Z  it  was  Persia  where  the 
spinach  was  first  raised  as  a  vegetable;  but  the  date  given  by  him, 
"from  the  time  of  the  Graeco-Roman  civilization,"  is  far  too  early.3 
A.  de  Candolle's  statement  that  the  Arabs  did  not  carry  the  plant  to  Spain 
has  already  been  rectified  by  L.  LECLERC;4  as  his  work  is  usually  not  in 
the  hands  of  botanists  or  other  students  using  de  Candolle,  this  may 
aptly  be  pointed  out  here. 

According  to  a  treatise  on  agriculture  (Kitab  el-faldha)  written  by 
Ibn  al-Awwam  of  Spain  toward  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  spinach 
was  cultivated  in  Spain  at  that  time.5  Ibn  Haddjaj  had  then  even 
written  a  special  treatise  on  the  cultivation  of  the  vegetable,  saying  that 
it  was  sown  at  Sevilla  in  January.  From  Spain  it  spread  to  the  rest  of 
Europe.  Additional  evidence  is  afforded  by  the  very  name  of  the 
plant,  which  is  of  Persian  origin,  and  was  carried  by  the  Arabs  to  Europe. 
The  Persian  designation  is  aspanah,  aspandj  or  asfindj;  Arabic  isfenah 
or  isbenah.  Hence  Mediaeval  Latin  spinachium  or  spinariumf  Spanish 

1  The  outcry  of  WAITERS  (Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  347)  against  the 
looseness  of  the  term  Po-se,  and  his  denunciation  of  the  "Persian  vegetable"  as  "an 
example  of  the  loose  way  in  which  the  word  is  used,"  are  entirely  out  of  place.    It 
is  utterly  incorrect  to  say  that  "they  have  made  it  include,  beside  Persia  itself,  Syria, 
Turkey,  and  the  Roman  Empire,  and  sometimes  they  seem  to  use  it  as  a  sort  of 
general  designation  for  the  abode  of  any  barbarian  people  to  the  south-west  of 
the  Middle  Kingdom."    Po-se  is  a  gpod  transcription  of  Parsa,  the  native  designa- 
tion of  Persia,  and  strictly  refers  to  Persia  and  to  nought  else.  When  F.  P.  Smith  applied 
the  name  po-ts*ai  to  Convolvulus  reptans,  this  was  one  of  the  numerous  confusions 
and  errors  to  which  he  fell  victim.    Likewise  is  it  untrue,  as  asserted  by  Watters, 
that  the  term  has  been  applied  even  to  beet  and  carrot  and  other  vegetables  not 
indigenous  in  Persia.   As  on  so  many  other  points,  Watters  was  badly  informed  on 
this  subject  also. 

2  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  pp.  98-100. 

3  This  conclusion,  again,  is  the  immediate  outcome  of  Bretschneider's  Chang- 
kienomania:  for  A.  DE  CANDOLLE  says,  "  Bretschneider  tells  us  that  the  Chinese 
name  signifies  'herb  of  Persia,'  and  that  Western  vegetables  were  commonly  intro- 
duced into  China  a  century  before  the  Christian  era." 

4  TraitS  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  61. 

5  L.  LECLERC,  Histoire  de  la  me"decine  arabe,  Vol.  II,  p.  112.   The  Arabic  work 
has  been  translated  into  French  by  CLEMENT-MULLET  under  the  title  Ibn  al  Awwam, 
le  livre  de  I'agriculture  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1864-67).    De  Candolle's  erroneous  theory 
that  "the  European  cultivation  must  have  come  from  the  East  about  the  fifteenth 
century,"  unfortunately  still  holds  sway,  and  is  perpetuated,  for  instance,  in  the 
last  edition  of  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica. 

6  The  earliest  occurrence  of  this  term  quoted  by  Du  CANGE  refers  to  the  year 
1351,  and  is  contained  in  the  Transactio  inter  Abbatem  et  Monachos  Crassenses. 
Spinach  served  the  Christian  monks  of  Europe  as  well  as  the  Buddhists  of  China. 
O.  SCHRADER  (Reallexikon,  p.  788)  asserts  that  the  vegetable  is  first  mentioned  by 
Albertus  Magnus  (1193-1280)  under  the  name  spinachium,  but  he  fails  to  give  a 


396  SlNO-lRANICA 

espinaca,  Portuguese  espinafre  or  espinacio,  Italian  spinace  or  spinaccio, 
Provencal  espinarc,  Old  French  espinoche  or  epinoche,  French  epinard.1 
The  Persian  word  was  further  adopted  into  Armenian  spanax  or 
asbanax,  Turkish  spandk  or  ispandk,  Comanian  yspanac,  Middle 
Greek  spinakion,  Neo-Greek  spanaki(on)  or  spanakia  (plural). 
There  are  various  spellings  in  older  English,  like  spynnage, 
spenege,  spinnage,  spinage,  etc.  In  English  literature  it  is  not  men- 
tioned earlier  than  the  sixteenth  century.  W.  TURNER,  in  his 
"Herball"  of  1568,  speaks  of  "spinage  or  spinech  as  an  her  be  lately 
found  and  not  long  in  use." 

However,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century,  spinach  was 
well  known  and  generally  eaten  in  England.  D.  REMBERT  DoooENS2 
describes  it  as  a  perfectly  known  subject,  and  so  does  JOHN  GERARDE,S 
who  does  not  even  intimate  that  it  came  but  recently  into  use.  The 
names  employed  by  them  are  Spanachea,  Spinachia,  Spinacheum  olus, 
Hispanicum  olus,  English  spinage  and  spinach.  JOHN  PARKINSON4 
likewise  gives  a  full  description  and  recipes  for  the  preparation  of  the 
vegetable. 

The  earliest  Persian  mention  of  the  spinach,  as  far  as  I  know,  is 
made  in  the  pharmacopoeia  of  Abu  Mansur.5  The  oldest  source  cited 
by  Ibn  al-Baitar  (i  197-1 248)6  on  the  subject  is  the  "Book  of  Nabathaean 
Agriculture"  (Falaha  nabatiya),  which  pretends  to  be  the  Arabic  trans- 
lation of  an  ancient  Nabathsean  source,  and  is  believed  to  be  a  forgery 
of  the  tenth  century.  This  book  speaks  of  the  spinach  as  a  known 
vegetable  and  as  the  most  harmless  of  all  vegetables;  but  the  most 
interesting  remark  is  that  there  is  a  wild  species  resembling  the  culti- 
vated one,  save  that  it  is  more  slender  and  thinner,  that  the  leaves  are 

specific  reference.  It  is  a  gratuitous  theory  of  his  that  the  spinach  must  have  been 
brought  to  Europe  by  the  Crusaders;  the  Arabic  importation  into  Spain  has  escaped 
him  entirely. 

1  The  former  derivation  of  the  word  from  "Spain"  or  from  spina  ("thorn"),  in 
allusion  to  the  prickly  seeds,  moves  on  the  same  high  level  as  the  performance  of  the 
Min  $u.   Littre*  cites  Me"nagier  of  the  sixteenth  century  to  the  effect,  "Les  espinars 
sont  ainsi  appelle"s  a  cause  de  leur  graine  qui  est  espineuse,  bien  qu'il  y  en  ait  de  ronde 
sans  piqueron."  In  the  Supplement,  Littre*  points  out  the  oriental  origin  of  the  word, 
as  established  by  Devic. 

2  A  Niewe  Herball,  or  Historic  of  Plants,  translated  by  H.  LYTE,  p.  556  (Lon- 
don, 1578). 

8  The  Herball  or  Generall  Historie  of  Plantes,  p.  260  (London,  1597). 

4  Paradisus  in  sole  paradisus  terrestris,  p.  496  (London,  1629). 

6  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  6. 

8  L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  60. 


THE  SPINACH  397 

more  deeply  divided,  and  that  it  rises  less  from  the  ground.1  A.  DE 
CANDOLLE  states  that  "spinach  has  not  yet  been  found  in  a  wild  state, 
unless  it  be  a  cultivated  modification  of  Spinacia  tetandra  Steven,  which 
is  wild  to  the  south  of  the  Caucasus,  in  Turkistan,  in  Persia,  and  in 
Afghanistan,  and  which  is  used  as  a  vegetable  under  the  name  of 
Samum."  The  latter  word  is  apparently  a  bad  spelling  or  misreading 
for  Persian  $omm  or  Sumin  (Armenian  zomin  and  Somin),  another' 
designation  for  the  spinach. 

The  spinach  is  not  known  in  India  except  as  an  introduction  by  the 
English.  The  agriculturists  of  India  classify  spinach  among  the  English 
vegetables.2  The  species  Spinacia  tetrandra  Roxb.,  for  which  Rox- 
BURGH3  gives  the  common  Persian  and  Arabic  name  for  the  spinach, 
and  of  which  he  says  that  it  is  much  cultivated  in  Bengal  and  the 
adjoining  provinces,  being  a  pot-herb  held  in  considerable  estimation 
by  the  natives,  may  possibly  have  been  introduced  by  the  Moham- 
medans. As  a  matter  of  fact,  spinach  is  a  vegetable  of  the  temperate 
zones  and  alien  to  tropical  regions.  A  genuine  Sanskrit  word  for  the 
spinach  is  unknown.4  Nevertheless  Chinese  po-lin,  *pwa-lin,  must 
represent  the  transcription  of  some  Indian  vernacular  name.  In  Hin- 
dustani we  have  palak  as  designation  for  the  spinach,  and  palan  or 
palak  as  name  for  Beta  vulgaris,  Pustu  pdlak,5  apparently  developed 
from  Sanskrit  pdlanka,  pdlankya,  palakyu,  pdlakyd,  to  which  our 
dictionaries  attribute  the  meaning  "a  kind  of  vegetable,  a  kind  of 
beet-root,  Beta  bengalensis";  in  Bengali  palun*  To  render  the  coin- 
cidence with  the  Chinese  form  complete,  there  is  also  Sanskrit  Palakka 

1  Perhaps  related  to  A  triplex  L.,  the  so-called  wild  spinach,  chiefly  cultivated 
in  France  and    eaten    like   spinach.     The   above    description,   of   course,    must 
not  be  construed    to   mean   that   the   cultivated   spinach   is  derived   from   the 
so-called   wild  spinach  of  the  Nabathaeans.     The  two  plants  may  not  be  in- 
terrelated at  all. 

2  N.  G.  MUKERJI,  Handbook  of  Indian  Agriculture,  2d  ed.,  p.  300  (Calcutta, 
1907);  but  it  is  incorrect  to  state  that  spinach  originally  came  from  northern  Asia. 
A.  DE  CANDOLLE  (op.  cit.,  p.  99)  has  already  observed,  "Some  popular  works  repeat 
that  spinach  is  a  native  of  northern  Asia,  but  there  is  nothing  to  confirm  this  sup- 
position." 

8  Flora  Indica,  p.  718. 

4  A.  BOROOAH,  in  his  English-Sanskrit  Dictionary,  gives  a  word  $akaprabheda 
with  this  meaning,  but  this  simply  signifies  "a  kind  of  vegetable,"  and  is  accord- 
ingly an  explanation. 

6  H.  W.  BELLE w,  Report  on  the  Yusufzais,  p.  255  (Lahore,  1864). 

6  Beta  is  much  cultivated  by  the  natives  of  Bengal,  the  leaves  being  consumed 
in  stews  (W.  ROXBURGH,  Flora  Indica,  p.  260).  Another  species,  Beta  maritima,  is 
also  known  as  "wild  spinach."  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  genus  Beta  belongs 
to  the  same  family  (Chenopodiaceae)  as  Spinacia. 


398  SlNO-lRANICA 

or  Palaka1  as  the  name  of  a  country,  which  has  evidently  resulted  in 
the  assertion  of  Buddhist  monks  that  the  spinach  must  come  from  a 
country  Palinga.  The  Nepalese,  accordingly,  applied  a  word  relative 
to  a  native  plant  to  the  newly-introduced  spinach,  and,  together  with 
the  product,  handed  this  word  on  to  China.  The  Tibetans  never  became 
acquainted  with  the  plant;  the  word  spo  ts*od,  given  in  the  Polyglot 
Dictionary,2  is  artificially  modelled  after  the  Chinese  term,  spo  (pro- 
nounced po)  transcribing  Chinese  po,  and  ts*od  meaning  "  vegetable." 
Due  regard  being  paid  to  all  facts  botanical  and  historical,  we  are 
compelled  to  admit  that  the  spinach  was  introduced  into  Nepal  from 
some  Iranian  region,  and  thence  transmitted  to  China  in  A.D.  647. 
It  must  further  be  admitted  that  the  Chinese  designation  "Persian 
vegetable,"  despite  its  comparatively  recent  date,  cannot  be  wholly 
fictitious,  but  has  some  foundation  in  fact.  Either  in  the  Yuan  or  in 
the  Ming  period  (more  probably  in  the  former)  the  Chinese  seem  to 
have  learned  the  fact  that  Persia  is  the  land  of  the  spinach.  I  trust  that 
a  text  to  this  effect  will  be  discovered  in  the  future.  All  available  his- 
torical data  point  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Persian  cultivation  can 
be  but  of  comparatively  recent  origin,  and  is  not  older  than  the  sixth 
century  or  so.  The  Chinese  notice  referring  it  to  the  seventh  century 
is  the  oldest  in  existence.  Then  follow  the  Nabathaean  Book  of  Agri- 
culture of  the  tenth  century  and  the  Arabic  introduction  into  Spain 
during  the  eleventh. 

1  The  latter  form  is  noted  in  the  catalogue  of  the  Mahamaytirl,  edited  by  S. 
L£vi  (Journal  asiatique,  1915,  I,  p.  42). 
3  Ch.  27,  p.  19  b. 


SUGAR  BEET  AND  LETTUCE 

37.  In  the  preceding  notes  we  observed  that  the  name  for  a  species 
of  Beta  was  transferred  to  the  spinach  in  India  and  still  serves  in  China 
as  designation  for  this  vegetable.  We  have  also  a  Sino-Iranian  name 
for  a  Beta,  -¥  H,  kun-fa,  *gwun-d'ar,  which  belonged  to  the  choice 
vegetables  of  the  country  ^  flft  Mo-lu,  *Mar-luk,  in  Arabia.1  The 
Cen  su  wen  H  V&  3&C2  says  that  it  is  now  erroneously  called  ken  ta  ts'ai 
fi  Jt  3£  or  ta  ken  ts'ai,  which  is  identical  with  tien  ts'ai  "$$  3fc  ("  sweet 
vegetable").  STUART"*  gives  the  latter  name  together  with  jfl  j|  kiin-t*a, 
identifying  it  with  Beta  vulgaris,  the  white  sugar  beet,  which  he  says 
grows  in  China.  Stuart,  however,  is  mistaken  in  saying  that  this  plant 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  Pen  ts'ao.  It  is  noted  both  in  the  Cen  lei  pen 
ts*ao*  and  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  muf  the  latter  giving  also  the  term  kun-t*a, 
which  is  lacking  in  the  former  work.  Li  Si-Sen  observes  with  reference 
to  this  term  that  its  meaning  is  unexplained,  a  comment  which  usually 
betrays  the  foreign  character  of  the  word,  but  he  fails  to  state  the 
source  from  which  he  derived  it.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this  kiln-fa 
is  merely  a  graphic  variant  of  the  above  ¥  ||.  The  writing  J?  is  as 
early  as  the  T'ang  period,  and  occurs  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsuf  where  the 
leaves  of  the  yu  tien  ts'ao  V&  Ifi  ^  ("herb  with  oily  spots")  are  com- 
pared to  those  of  the  kun-t'a.1  A  description  of  the  kiin-t'a  is  not  con- 
tained in  that  work,  but  from  this  incidental  reference  it  must  be 
inferred  that  the  plant  was  well  known  in  the  latter  half  of  the  ninth 
century. 

Beta  vulgaris  is  called  in  New  Persian  tugundur  or  Zegonder,  and 
is  mentioned  by  Abu  Mansur.8  The  corresponding  Arabic  word  is 
silk*  The  Chinese  transcription  made  in  the  T'ang  period  is  apparently 
based  on  a  Middle-Persian  form  of  the  type  *gundar  or  *gundur.  Beta 
vulgaris  is  a  Mediterranean  and  West-Asiatic  plant  grown  as  far  as  the 

1  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  16  b. 

2  Ch.  12,  p.  3.   This  work  was  published  in  1884  by  Ho  Yi-hin  %$  f&  ff . 
1  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  68. 

4  Ch.  28,  p.  9. 

5  Ch.  27,  p.  i  b.   Cf.  also  Yamato  honzo,  Ch.  5,  p.  26. 

6  Ch.  9,  p.  9  b. 

7  "On  each  leaf  there  are  black  spots  opposite  one  another." 

8  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  81. 

9  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  274. 

399 


400  SlNO-lRANlCA 

Caspian  Sea  and  Persia.  According  to  DE  CANDOLLE/  its  cultivation 
does  not  date  from  more  than  three  or  four  centuries  before  our  era. 
The  Egyptian  illustration  brought  forward  by  F.  WoENiG2  in  favor  of 
the  assumption  of  an  early  cultivation  in  Egypt  is  not  convincing  to 
me. 

It  is  therefore  probable,  although  we  have  no  record  referring  to  the 
introduction,  that  Beta  vulgaris  was  introduced  into  China  in  the  T'ang 
period,  perhaps  by  the  Arabs,  who  themselves  brought  many  Persian 
words  and  products  to  China.  For  this  reason  Chinese  records  some- 
times credit  Persian  words  to  the  Ta-sl  (Arabs);  for  instance,  the 
numbers  on  dice,  which  go  as  Ta-§i,  but  in  fact  are  Persian.3 

The  real  Chinese  name  of  the  plant  is  tien  ts'ai  i|  ££,  the  first 
character  being  explained  in  sound  and  meaning  by  ^ft  tien  ("sweet")- 
Li  Si-£en  identifies  tien  ts*ai  with  kiln-fa.  The  earliest  description 
of  tien  ts'ai  comes  from  Su  Kun  of  the  T'ang,  who  compares  its  leaves  to 
those  of  Sen  ma  51*  ]tt  (Actea  spicata,  a  ranunculaceous  plant),  adding 
that  the  southerners  steam  the  sprouts  and  eat  them,  the  dish  being  very 
fragrant  and  fine.4  It  is  not  stated,  however,  that  tien  ts'ai  is  an  im- 
ported article. 

38.  Reference  was  made  above  to  the  memorable  text  of  the  Tan 
hui  yao,  in  which  are  enumerated  the  vegetable  products  of  foreign 
countries  sent  to  the  Emperor  T'ai  Tsun  of  the  T'ang  dynasty  at  his 
special  request  in  A.D.  647.  After  mentioning  the  spinach  of  Nepal, 
the  text  continues  thus: — 

"Further,  there  was  the  ts*o  ts'ai  B£  ?fS  ('wine  vegetable')  with 
broad  and  long  leaves.5  It  has  a  taste  like  a  good  wine  and  k'u  ts'ai 
^  3&  ('bitter  vegetable/  lettuce,  Lactuca),  and  in  its  appearance  is  like 
kil  JJ  ,6  but  its  leaves  are  longer  and  broader.  Although  it  is  somewhat 
bitter  of  taste,  eating  it  for  a  long  time  is  beneficial.  Hu  k*in  SB  Jr 

1  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  59;  see  also  his  Geographic  botanique,  p.  831 

2  Pflanzen  im  alten  Aegypten,  p.  218. 

3  See  Toung  Pao,  Vol.  I,  1890,  p.  95. 

4  A  tien  ts'ai  mentioned  by  T'ao  Hun-kin,  as  quoted  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu, 
and  made  into  a  condiment  la  fe^  for  cooking-purposes,  is  apparently  a  different 
vegetable. 

6  The  corresponding  text  of  the  Ts'e  fu  yuan  kwei  (Ch.  970,  p.  12)  has  the 
addition,  "resembling  the  leaves  of  the  Sen-hwo  R  ^C."  The  text  of  the  Pei  hu 
lu  (Ch.  2,  p.  19  b)  has,  "resembling  in  its  appearance  the  Sen-kwo,  but  with  leaves 
broader  and  longer."  This  tree,  also  called  kin  t'ien  jjt  ^  (see  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu, 
Ch.  19,  p.  6),  is  believed  to  protect  houses  from  fire;  it  is  identified  with  Sedum  erythro- 
stictum  or  Sempervivum  tectorum  (BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  No.  205; 
STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  401). 

6  A  general  term  for  plants  like  Lactuca,  Cichorium,  Sonchus. 


SUGAR  BEET  AND  LETTUCE  401 

resembles  in  its  appearance  the  k'in  ?r  ('celery,'  Apium  graveolens), 
and  has  a  fragrant  flavor." 

Judging  from  the  description,  the  vegetable  ts'o  ts'ai  appears  to  have 
been  a  species  of  Lactuca,  Cichorium,  or  Sonchus.  These  genera  are 
closely  allied,  belonging  to  the  family  Cichoraceae,  and  are  confounded 
by  the  Chinese  under  a  large  number  of  terms.  A.  DE  CANDOLLE* 
supposed  that  lettuce  (Lactuca  sativd)  was  hardly  known  in  China  at 
an  early  date,  as,  according  to  Loureiro,  Europeans  had  introduced  it 
into  Macao.2  With  reference  to  this  passage,  BRETSCHNEIDERS  thinks 
that  de  Candolle  "may  be  right,  although  the  Pen  ts*ao  says  nothing 
about  the  introduction;  the  Sen  ts'ai  &.  ?K  (the  common  name  of  lettuce 
at  Peking)  or  pai-ku  fi  J?  seems  not  to  be  mentioned  earlier  than  by 
writers  of  the  T'ang  (618-906)."  Again,  DE  CANDOLLE  seized  on  this 
passage,  and  embodied  it  in  his  "Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants"  (p.  96). 
The  problem,  however,  is  not  so  simple.  Bretschneider  must  have 
read  the  Pen  ts*ao  at  that  time  rather  superficially,  for  some  species  of 
Lactuca  is  directly  designated  there  as  being  of  foreign  origin.  Again, 
twenty-five  years  later,  he  wrote  a  notice  on  the  same  subject,4  in  which 
not  a  word  is  said  about  foreign  introduction,  and  from  which,  on  the 
contrary,  it  would  appear  that  Lactuca,  Cichorium,  and  Sonchus,  have 
been  indigenous  to  China  from  ancient  times,  as  the  bitter  vegetable 
(k*u  ts'ai)  is  already  mentioned  in  the  Pen  kin  and  Pie  lu.  The  terms 
pai  ku  6  J?  and  k'u  ku  i§  g  are  supposed  to  represent  Cichorium 
endima;  and  wo-ku  jS  H,  Lactuca  sativa.  In  explanation  of  the  latter 
name,  Li  Si-cen  cites  the  Mo  k'o  hui  si  SI  3tr  W  JP  by  P'eii  C'efi  ^  Si, 
who  wrote  in  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh  century,  as  saying  that  wo 
ts'ai  1$j  ^  ("wo  vegetable")  came  from  the  country  f^i  Kwa,  and  hence 
received  its  name.5  The  Ts'in  i  lu  W  M  ^,  a  work  by  T'ao  Ku  PU  WL 
of  the  Sung  period,  says  that  "envoys  from  the  country  Kwa  came 
to  China,  and  at  the  request  of  the  people  distributed  seeds  of  a  vegetable; 
they  were  so  generously  rewarded  that  it  was  called  ts'ien  kin  ts'ai 
^^56  ('vegetable  of  a  thousand  gold  pieces');  now  it  is  styled  wo- 


1  Geographic  botanique,  p.  843. 

2  This  certainly  is  a  weak  argument.    The  evidence,  in  fact,  proves  nothing. 
Europeans  also  introduce  their  own  sugar  and  many  other  products  of  which  China 
has  a  great  plenty. 

3  Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  223. 

4  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  No.  257. 

5 1  do  not  know  how  STUART  (p.  229)  gets  at  the  definition  "in  the  time  of  the 
Han  dynasty."  The  same  text  is  also  contained  in  the  Su  po  wu  ci  (Ch.  7,  p.  I  b), 
written  by  Li  Si  ^  ^  about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century. 


402  SlNO-lRANICA 

ku.'n  These  are  vague  and  puerile  anecdotes,  without  chronological 
specification.  There  is  no  country  Kwa,  which  is  merely  distilled  from 
the  character  j%,  and  no  such  tradition  appears  in  any  historical  text.2 
The  term  wo-kil  was  well  known  under  the  T'ang,  being  mentioned  in 
the  Pen  ts*ao  U  i  of  C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  who  distinguishes  a  white  and  a 
purple  variety,  but  is  silent  as  to  the  point  of  introduction.3  This 
author,  however,  as  can  be  shown  by  numerous  instances,  had  a  keen 
sense  of  foreign  plants  and  products,  and  never  failed  to  indicate  them 
as  such.  There  is  no  evidence  for  the  supposition  that  Lactuca  was 
introduced  into  China  from  abroad.  All  there  is  to  it  amounts  to  this, 
that,  as  shown  by  the  above  passage  of  the  T'an  hui  yao,  possibly  supe- 
rior varieties  of  the  West  were  introduced. 

In  Persia,  Lactuca  sativa  (Persian  kahu)  occurs  both  wild  and  culti- 
vated.4 Cichoreum  is  kasnl  in  Persian,  hindubd  in  Arabic  and  Osmanli.5 

39.  The  hu  k*in,  mentioned  in  the  above  text  of  the  T'an  hui  yao, 
possibly  represents  the  garden  celery,  Apium  graveolens  (Persian  kerefs 
or  karqfs)  (or  possibly  parsley,  Apium  petroselinum)  of  the  west.6  It 
appears  to  be  a  different  plant  from  the  hu  k'in  mentioned  above  (p.  196). 

Hu  k'in  is  likewise  mentioned  among  the  best  vegetables  of  the 
country  ~M  jjft  Mo-lu,  *Mwat-luk,  Mar-luk,  in  Arabia.7 

In  order  to  conclude  the  series  of  vegetables  enumerated  in  the 
text  of  the  T'an  hui  yao,  the  following  may  be  added  here. 

In  A.D.  647  the  king  of  Gandhara  (in  north-western  India)  sent  to 
the  Chinese  Court  a  vegetable  styled  fu-t'u  IS»  i  £&  ("Buddha-land 
vegetable")?  each  stem  possessing  five  leaves,  with  red  flowers,  a  yellow 
pith,  and  purple  stamens.8 

1  I  have  looked  up  the  text  of  the  Ts'in  i  lu,  which  is  reprinted  in  the  T'an  Sufi 
ts'un  $u  and  Si  yin  huan  ts'un  Su.    The  passage  in  question  is  in  Ch.  2,  p.  7  b,  and 
printed  in  the  same  manner  as  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  save  that  the  country  is  called 
Kao  iilj,  not  Kwa  jB5j.    It  is  easy  to  see  that  these  two  characters  could  be  con- 
founded, and  that  only  one  of  the  two  can  be  correct;  but  Kao  does  not  help  us  any 
more  than  Kwa.   Either  name  is  fictitious  as  that  of  a  country. 

2  We  have  had  several  other  examples  of  alleged  names  of  countries  being 
distilled  out  of  botanical  names. 

3  K'ou  Tsun-sl  is  likewise;  see  his  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i  (Ch.  19,  p.  2). 
*  SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  337. 

5  See  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  146;  E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  134;  LECLERC, 
Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  28. 

6  Cf.  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  pp.  no,  257.   Celery  is  cultivated  only  in  a  few 
gardens  of  Teheran,  but  it  grows  spontaneously  and  abundantly  in  the  mountains 
of  the  Bakhtiaris  (SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  43). 

7  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  16  b. 

8  T'an  hui  yao,  Ch.  200,  p.  4  b;  and  T'an  $u,  Ch.  221  B,  p.  7.    The  name  of 
Gandhara  is  abbreviated  into  *d'ar,  but  in  the  corresponding  passage  of  the  T'an 
hui  yao  (Ch.  100,  p.  3  b)  and  in  the  Ts'e  fu  yuan  kwei  (Ch.  970,  p.  12)  the  name  is 
written  completely  $£  jjj^  Kien-ta,  *G'an-d'ar. 


RICINUS 

40.  In  regard  to  Ricinus  communis  (family  Euphorbiaceae)  the 
accounts  of  the  Chinese  are  strikingly  deficient  and  unsatisfactory. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  an  introduced  plant  in  China,  as  it 
occurs  there  only  in  the  cultivated  state,  and  is  not  mentioned  earlier 
than  the  T'ang  period  (618-906)  with  an  allusion  to  the  Hu.1  Su  Kun 
states  in  the  Tan  pen  ts*ao,  "The  leaves  of  this  plant  which  is  culti- 
vated by  man  resemble  those  of  the  hemp  (Cannabis  saliva),  being  very 
large.  The  seeds  look  like  cattle-ticks  (niu  pei  3r  ft)  .2  The  stems  of 
that  kind  which  at  present  comes  from  the  Hu3  are  red  and  over  ten 
feet  high.  They  are  of  the  size  of  a  tsao  kia  &  ^  (Gleditschia  sinensis). 
The  kernels  are  the  part  used,  and  they  are  excellent."  It  would  seem 
from  this  report  that  two  kinds  of  Ricinus  are  assumed,  one  presumably 
the  white-stemmed  variety  known  prior  to  Su  Kun's  time,  and  the  red- 
stemmed  variety  introduced  in  his  age.  Unfortunately  we  receive  no 
information  as  to  the  exact  date  and  provenience  of  the  introduction. 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  plant  is  made  by  Herodotus,4  who 
ascribes  it  to  the  Egyptians  who  live  in  the  marshes  and  use  the  oil 
pressed  from  the  seeds  for  anointing  their  bodies.  He  calls  the  plant 
sillikyprion?  and  gives  the  Egyptian  name  as  kiki*  In  Hellas  it  grows 
spontaneously  (avr6/zara  <£verai),  but  the  Egyptians  cultivate  it  along 
:  the  banks  of  the  rivers  and  by  the  sides  of  the  lakes,  where  it  produces 
fruit  in  abundance,  which,  however,  is  malodorous.  This  fruit  is 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  17  A,  p.  n.   BRETSCHNEIDER  (Chinese  Recorder,  1871, 
i  p.  242)  says  that  it  cannot  be  decided  from  Chinese  books  whether  Ricinus  is  in- 
digenous to  China  or  not,  and  that  the  plant  is  not  mentioned  before  the  T'ang. 

!  The  allusion  to  the  Hu  escaped  him. 

2  Hence  the  name  J£  or  ^  J§fc  pei  ma  (only  in  the  written  language)  for  the 
j  plant  (Peking  colloquial  ta  ma,  "great  hemp  ").   This  etymology  has  already  been  ad- 
vanced by  Su  Sun  of  the  Sung  and  confirmed  by  Li  Si-Sen,  who  explains  the  insect  as 

I  the  "louse  of  cattle."  This  interpretation  appears  to  be  correct,  for  it  represents  a 
|  counterpart  to  Latin  ricinus,  which  means  a  "tick":  Nostri  earn  ricinum  vocant  a 
j  similitudine  seminis  (Pliny,  xv,  7,  §  25).  The  Chinese  may  have  hit  upon  this  simile 
j  independently,  or,  what  is  even  more  likely,  received  it  with  the  plant  from  the  West. 

3  This  appears  to  be  the  foundation  for  STUART'S  statement  (Chinese  Materia 
j  Medica,  p.  378)  that  the  plant  was  introduced  from  "Tartaiy." 

4  n,  94. 

5  The  common  name  was  *cp6rwp  (Theophrastus,  Hist,  plant.,  I.  x,  i),  Latin 
croton. 

6  This  word  has  not  yet  been  traced  in  the  hieroglyphic  texts,  but  in  Coptic. 
In  the  demotic  documents  Ricinus  is  deqam  (V.  LORET,  Flore  pharaonique,  p.  49). 

403 


404  SlNO-lRANICA 

gathered,  and  either  pounded  and  pressed  or  roasted  and  boiled,  and 
the  oily  fluid  is  collected.  It  is  found  to  be  unctuous  and  not  inferior  to 
olive-oil  for  burning  in  lamps,  save  that  it  emits  a  disagreeable  odor. 
Seeds  of  Ricinus  are  known  from  Egyptian  tombs,  and  the  plant  is  still 
cultivated  in  Egypt.  Pliny1  states  that  it  is  not  so  long  ago  that  the 
plant  was  introduced  into  Italy.  A.  DE  CANDOLLE2  traces  its  home  to 
tropical  Africa,  and  I  agree  with  this  view.  Moreover,  I  hold  that  it  was 
transplanted  from  Egypt  to  India,  although,  of  course,  we  have  no 
documentary  proof  to  this  effect.  Ricinus  does  not  belong  to  the  plants 
which  were  equally  known  to  the  Iranians  and  Indo-Aryans.  It  is  not 
mentioned  in  the  Vedas  or  in  the  Laws  of  Manu.3  The  first  datable 
references  to  it  occur  in  the  Bower  Manuscript,  where  its  oil  and  root 
are  pointed  out  under  the  names  eranda,  gandharva,  rubugaka,  and 
vaksana.  Other  names  are  ruvu,  ruvuka,  or  ruvuka,  citraka,  gandharva- 
hastaka,  vydghrapuccha  ("tiger's-tail").  The  word  eranda  has  become 
known  to  the  Chinese  in  the  form  i-lan  ffi  BU,4  and  was  adopted  into  the 
language  of  Ku5a  (Tokharian  B)  in  the  form  hiranda.5  From  India 
the  plant  seems  to  have  spread  to  the  Archipelago  and  Indo-China 
(Malayan,  Sunda,  and  Javanese  farak;  Khmer  lohon;  Annamese  du  du 
tran,  kai-dua,  or  kai-du-du-tia;  Cam  tamnon,  lahaun,  lahon).6  The 
Miao  and  the  Lo-lo  appear  to  be  familiar  with  the  plant:  the  former 
call  it  zrwa-no;7  the  latter,  Pe-tu-ma  (that  is,  "fruit  for  the  poisoning 
of  dogs").8 

In  Iran  the  cultivation  of  Ricinus  has  assumed  great  importance, 
but  no  document  informs  us  as  to  the  time  of  its  transplantation.  It 
may  be  admitted,  however,  that  it  was  well  known  there  prior  to  our 
era.9  The  Persian  name  is  bedanjir,  pandu,  punde,  or  pendu;  in  Arabic 
it  is  xarva  or  xirua. 

1  xv,  7,  §  25. 

2  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  422. 

3  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  270. 

4  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  section  24. 

5  S.  L£vi,  Journal  asiatique,  1911,  II,  p.  123. 

6  On  the  cultivation  in  Indo-China,  see  PERROT  and  HURRIER,  Mat.  me"d.  et 
pharmacope'e  sino-annamites,  p.  107.    Regarding  the  Archipelago,  see  A.  DE  CAN- 
DOLLE, op.  cit.,  p.  422;  W.  MARSDEN,  History  of  Sumatra,  p.  92;  J.  CRAWFURD, 
History  of  the  Indian  Archipelago,  Vol.  I,  p.  382.    The  plant  is  reported  wild  from 
Sumatra  and  the  Philippines,  but  the  common  Malayan  name  jarak  hints  at  an 
historical  distribution. 

7  F.  M.  SAVINA,  Dictionnaire  miao-tseu-frangais,  pp.  205,  235. 

8  P.  VIAL,  Dictionnaire  francais-lolo,  p.  290.   Also  the  Arabs  used  Ricinus  as  a 
dog-poison  (LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  20). 

9  JORET,  op.  cit.,  p.  72. 


THE  ALMOND 

41.  Iran  was  the  centre  from  which  the  almond  (Amygdalus  corn- 
munis  or  Prunus  amygdalus)  spread,  on  the  one  hand  to  Europe,  and  on 
the  other  to  China,  Tibet,  and  India.  As  to  India,  it  is  cultivated  but 
occasionally  in  Kashmir  and  the  Panjab,  where  its  fruits  are  mediocre. 
It  was  doubtless  imported  there  from  Iran.  The  almond  yields  a  gum 
which  is  still  exported  from  Persia  to  Bombay,  and  thence  re-exported 
to  Europe.1  The  almond  grows  spontaneously  in  Afghanistan  and 
farther  to  the  north-east  in  the  upper  Zarafshan  valley,  and  in  the 
Chotkal  mountains  at  an  altitude  of  ^1000-1300  m,  also  in  Aderbeidjan, 
Kurdistan,  and  Mesopotamia.  According  to  SCHLIMMER,Z  Amygdalus 
coparia  is  very  general  on  the  high  mountains,  and  its  timber  yields 
the  best  charcoal.3 

The  Greeks  derived  the  almond  from  Asia  Minor,  and  from  Greece 
it  was  apparently  introduced  into  Italy.4  In  the  northern  part  of  Media, 
the  people  subsisted  upon  the  produce  of  trees,  making  cakes  of  apples, 
sliced  and  dried,  and  bread  of  roasted  almonds.5  A  certain  quantity  of 
dried  sweet  almonds  was  to  be  furnished  daily  for  the  table  of  the 
Persian  kings.6  The  fruit  is  mentioned  in  Pahlavi  literature  (above, 

P.  193). 

The  Yin  yai  Sen  Ian  mentions  almonds  among  the  fruit  grown  in 
Aden.7  The  Arabic  name  is  lewze  or  lauz.  Under  this  name  the  medicinal 
properties  of  the  fruit  are  discussed  in  the  Persian  pharmacopoeia  of 
Abu  Mansur,  who  knew  both  the  sweet  almond  (bdddm-i  Slrin)  and  the 
bitter  one  (bdddm-i  talx).s  It  is  curious  that  bitter  almonds  were  used 
as  currency  in  the  empire  of  the  Moguls.  They  were  brought  into  the 

1  G.  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  905;  and  Dictionary,  Vol.  VI, 
P-  343-    JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  279.    W.  ROXBURGH  (Flora 
Indica,  p.  403)  concluded  that  the  almond  is  a  native  of  Persia  and  Arabia,  whereas 
it  does  not  succeed  in  India,  requiring  much  nursing  to  keep  it  alive. 

2  Terminologie,  p.  33. 

3  A  really  wild  almond  is  said  to  be  very  common  in  Palestine  and  Syria  (A. 
AARONSOHN,  Agric.  and  Bot.  Explorations  in  Palestine,  p.  14). 

4HEHN,  Kulturpflanzen,  pp.  393,  402;  FLUCKIGER  and  HANBURY,  Pharma- 
cographia,  pp.  244,  245. 

5  STRABO,  XI.  xm,  n. 

6  Polyaenus,  Strategica,  IV,  32. 

7  ROCKHILL,  Toung  Pao,  1915,  p.  609. 

8  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  128. 

405 


406  SlNO-lRANICA 

province  of  Gujarat  from  Persia,  where  they  grow  in  dry  and  arid 
places  between  rocks;  they  are  as  bitter  as  colocynth,  and  there  is  no 
fear  that  children  will  amuse  themselves  by  eating  them.1 

What  WATTERS2  has  stated  about  the  almond  is  for  the  greater  part 
inexact  or  erroneous.  "For  the  almond  which  does  not  grow  in  China 
the  native  authors  and  others  have  apparently  only  the  Persian  name 
which  is  Badan.  This  the  Chinese  transcribe  pa-tan  A  J8  or  EL  IL  and 
perhaps  also,  as  suggested  by  Bretschneider,  pa-Ian  ffi  81."  First,  the 
Persian  name  for  the  almond  is  bdddm;  second,  the  Chinese  characters 
given  by  Watters  are  not  apt  to  transcribe  this  word,  as  the  former 
series  answers  to  ancient  *pat-dam,  the  latter  to  *pa-dan.  Both  A 
and  C<  only  had  an  initial  labial  surd,  but  never  a  labial  sonant,  and 
for  this  reason  could  not  have  been  chosen  for  the  transcription  of  a 
foreign  ba  in  the  T'ang  period,  when  the  name  of  the  almond  made  its 
d£but  in  China.  Further,  the  character  Jl,  which  was  not  possessed 
of  a  final  labial  nasal,  would  make  a  rather  bad  reproduction  of  the 
required  element  dam.  In  fact,  the  characters  given  by  Watters  are 
derived  from  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,3  and  represent  merely  a  comparative- 
ly modern  readjustment  of  the  original  form  made  at  a  time  when 
the  transposition  of  sonants  into  surds  had  taken  effect.  The  first  form 
given  by  Watters,  as  stated  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  itself,  is  taken  from  the 
Yin  fan  len  yao  (see  p.  236),  written  by  Ho  Se-hwi  during  the  Yuan 
period;  while  the  second  form  is  the  work  of  Li  Si-Sen,  as  admitted  by 
himself,  and  accordingly  has  no  phonetic  value  whatever.4  Indeed,  we 
have  a  phonetically  exact  transcription  of  the  Iranian  term,  handed 
down  from  the  T'ang  period,  when  the  Chinese  still  enjoyed  the  pos- 
session of  a  well-trained  ear,  and,  in  view  of  the  greater  wealth  of  sounds 
then  prevailing  in  their  speech,  also  had  the  faculty  of  reproducing 
them  with  a  fair  degree  of  precision.  This  transcription  is  presented  by 
§1  $£  p*o-tan,  *bwa-dam,  almond  (Amygdalus  communis  or  Prunus 
amygdalus),  which  actually  reproduces  Middle  Persian  vadam,  New 
Persian  bdddm  (Kurd  badem,  be'iv  and  baif,  "almond-tree").5  This  term, 

1  TA VERNIER,  Travels  in  India,  Vol.  I,  p.  27. 

2  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  348. 

8  Ch.  29,  p.  4.  Hence  adopted  also  by  the  Japanese  botanists  (MATSUMURA, 
No.  2567),  but  read  amendo  (imitation  of  our  word). 

4  He  further  gives  as  name  for  the  almond  hu-lu-ma  %£  ^  0  =  Persian  xurmd 
(khurmd),  but  this  word  properly  refers  to  the  date  (p.  385).  From  the  Ta  Min  i 
t'un  ci  (Ch.  89,  p.  24),  where  the  almonds  of  Herat  are  mentioned,  it  appears  that 
hu-lu-ma  (xurmd)  was  the  designation  of  a  special  variety  of  almond,  "resembling 
a  jujube  and  being  sweet." 

6  The  assertion  of  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,p.4o),that  pa-tan  may  refer 
to  some  country  in  Asia  Minor  or  possibly  be  another  name  for  Persia,  is  erroneous. 


THE  ALMOND  407 

as  far  as  I  know,  is  first  mentioned  in  the  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu,1  where  it  is 
said,  "The  flat  peach  iM  Ift  grows  in  the  country  Po-se  (Persia),  where 
it  is  styled  p'o-tan.  The  tree  reaches  a  height  of  from  fifty  to  sixty  feet, 
and  has  a  circumference  of  four  or  five  feet.  Its  leaves  resemble  those 
of  the  peach,  but  are  broader  and  larger.  The  blossoms,  which  are 
white  in  color,  appear  in  the  third  month.  When  the  blossoms  drop,  the 
formation  of  the  fruit  has  the  appearance  of  a  peach,  but  the  shape 
is  flat.  Hence  they  are  called  'flat  peaches.'  The  meat  is  bitter  and 
acrid,  and  cannot  be  chewed;  the  interior  of  the  kernel,  however,  is 
sweet,  and  is  highly  prized  in  the  Western  Regions  and  all  other  coun- 
tries." Although  the  fact  of  the  introduction  of  the  plant  into  China 
is  not  insisted  upon  by  the  author,  Twan  C'en-si,  his  description,  which 
is  apparently  based  on  actual  observation,  may  testify  to  a  cultivation 
in  the  soil  of  his  country.  This  impression  is  corroborated  by  the  testi- 
mony of  the  Arabic  merchant  Soleiman,  who  wrote  in  A.D.  851,  and 
enumerates  almonds  among  the  fruit  growing  in  China.2  The  cor- 
rectness of  the  Chinese  reproduction  of  the  Iranian  name  is  confirmed 
by  the  Tibetan  form  ba-dam,  Uigur  and  Osmanli  badam,  and  Sanskrit 
vdtdma  or  bddama,  derived  from  the  Middle  Persian.3 

The  fundamental  text  of  the  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu  has  unfortunately  es- 
caped Li  Si-Sen,  author  of  the  Pen  ts'ao  kah  mu,  and  he  is  accordingly 
led  to  the  vague  definition  that  the  almond  comes  from  the  old  terri- 
tory of  the  Mohammedans;  in  his  time,  he  continues,  the  tree  occurred 
in  all  places  West  of  the  Pass  (Kwan  si;  that  is,  Kan-su  and  Sen-si). 
The  latter  statement  is  suppressed  in  BRETSCHNEIDER'S  translation  of 
the  text,4  probably  because  it  did  not  suit  his  peremptory  opinion  that 
the  almond-tree  does  not  occur  in  China.  He  did  not  know,  either,  of 
the  text  of  the  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu,  and  his  vague  data  were  adopted,  by  A. 

DE  CANDOLLE.5 

LouREiRO6  states  that  the  almond  is  both  wild  and  cultivated  in 

1  Ch.  18,  p.  10  b. 

2  M.  REINAUD,  Relation  des  voyages,  Vol.  I,  p.  22. 

3  Cf.  the  writer's  Loan- Words  in  Tibetan,  No.  in.    It  should  be  repeated  also 
in  this  place  that  the  Tibetan  term  p*a-tint  which  only  means  "dried  apricots," 
bears  no  relation  to  the  Persian  designation  of  the  almond,  as  wrongly  asserted  by 
Watters. — The  almond  is  also  known  to  the  Lo-lo  (Nyi  Lo-lo  ni-ma,  Ahi  Lo-lo 
i-ni-zo,  i-sa). 

4  Chinese  Recorder,  1870,  p.  176. 

5  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  219.    He  speaks  erroneously  of  the  Pen  ts*ao 
published  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  century.    Bretschneider,  of  course,  meant  the 
Pen  ts'ao  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

6  Flora  cochinchinensis,  p.  316.    PERROT  and  HURRIER  (Matiere  me"dicale  et 
pharm.  sino-annamites,  p.  153)  have  an  Amygdalus  cochinchinensis  for  Annam. 


408  SlNO-lRANICA 

China.  Bunge  says  that  it  is  commonly  cultivated  in  North  China;  but 
that  recent  botanists  have  not  seen  it  in  South  China,  and  the  one 
cultivated  near  Peking  is  Prunus  davidiana,  a  variety  of  P.  persica.1 
These  data,  however,  are  not  in  harmony  with  Chinese  accounts  which 
attribute  the  cultivation  of  the  almond  to  China;  and  it  hardly  sounds 
plausible  that  the  Chinese  should  confound  with  this  tree  the  apricot, 
which  has  been  a  native  of  their  country  from  time  immemorial. 
WAITERS  asserts  that  "the  Chinese  have  mixed  up  the  foreign  almond 
with  their  native  apricot.  The  name  of  the  latter  is  hin  •&,  and  the 
kernels  of  its  fruit,  when  dried  for  food,  are  called  hin-Zen  -2F  C.  This 
name  is  given  also  to  the  kernels  of  almonds  as  imported  into  China 
from  their  resemblance  in  appearance  and  to  some  extent  in  taste  to 
the  seeds  of  apricots."  The  fact  that  almond-meat  is  styled  " apricot- 
kernel"  does  not  prove  that  there  is  a  confusion  between  hin  and  hih- 
Zen,  or  between  almond  and  apricot.  The  confusion  may  be  on  the 
part  of  foreigners  who  take  apricot-kernels  for  almonds.2 

It  has  been  stated  by  BRETSCHNEIDERS  that  the  word  pa-Ian  ffi  8f 
(*pa-lam),  used  by  the  travellers  Ye-lu  C'u-ts'ai  and  C'aii  C'un,  might 
transcribe  the  Persian  word  bdddm.  This  form  first  appears  in  the  Sun 
Si  (Ch.  490)  in  the  account  of  Fu-lin,  where  the  first  element  is  written 
phonetically  E<,4  so  that  the  conclusion  is  almost  warranted  that  this 
word  was  transmitted  from  a  language  spoken  in  Fu-lin.  In  all  prob- 
ability, the  question  is  of  a  Fu-lin  word  of  the  type  palam  or  par  am  (per- 
haps *faram,  fram,  or  even  *spram). 

The  fruit  pa-Ian  must  have  been  known  in  China  during  the  Sung, 
for  it  is  mentioned  by  Fan  C'en-ta  ?£  J$c  ;Jc  (1126-93),  m  h*8  Kwei  hai 
yu  hen  &',5  in  the  description  of  the  Si  li  35  HI  (Aleurites  triloba),  which 

1  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Early  Researches  into  the  Flora  of  China,  p.  149;  FORBES 
and  HEMSLEY,  Journal  Linnean  Soc.,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  217.  W.  C.  BLASDALE  (Descrip- 
tion of  Some  Chinese  Vegetable  Food  Materials,  p.  48,  Washington,  1899)  men- 
tions a  peculiar  variety  of  the  almond  imported  from  China  into  San  Francisco. 
The  almond  is  cultivated  in  China  according  to  K.  v.  SCHERZER  (Berichte  osterr. 
Exped.  nach  Siam,  China  und  Japan,  p.  96).    L.  DE  REINACH  (Le  Laos,  p.  280) 
states  that  almond-trees  grow  in  the  northern  part  of  Laos. 

2  F.  N.  MEYER  (Agricultural  Explorations  in  the  Orchards  of  China,  p.  53) 
supposes  erroneously  that  the  consumption  of  apricot-kernels  has  given  rise  to  the 
statement  that  almonds  grow  in  China.    Cf.  SCHLEGEL'S  Nederlandsch-Chineesch 
Woordenboek,  Vol.  I,  p.  226. 

3  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  I,  p.  20. 

4  Cf.  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  63.    His  identification  with 
Greek  /SAXewos,  which  refers  only  to  the  acorn,  a  wild  fruit,  is  hardly  satisfactory, 
for  phonetic  and  historical  reasons.    For  Hirth's  translation  of  iJF  by  "almonds" 
in  the  same  clause  read  "apricots." 

5  Ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  tai  ts'un  $u,  p.  24. 


THE  ALMOND  409 

is  said  to  be  like  pa-lan-tse.  In  the  Gazetteer  of  C'en-te  fu,  pa-Ian  %en 
C  is  given  as  a  variety  of  apricot.1 

Ho  Yi-hin,  in  his  Cen  SH  wen,  published  in  i884,2  observes  that  "at 
present  the  people  of  the  capital  style  the  almond  pa-ta  El  38,  which  is 
identical  with  pa-tan  EL  JL.  The  people  of  Eastern  Ts'i  3K  ^  (San-tun) 
call  the  almond,  if  it  is  sweet  and  fine,  cen  hin  tit  1*F  (hazel-nut  apricot), 
because  it  has  the  taste  of  hazel-nuts.3  According  to  the  Hian  tsu  pi  ki 
^  SL  ^  n£,  a  certain  kind  of  almond,  styled  'almond  of  the  I  wu  hui 
Park'  ^  %  It  ?E,  is  exported  from  Herat  ^  28!.  At  present  it  occurs 
in  the  northern  part  of  China.  The  fruit  offered  in  the  capital  is  large 
and  sweet,  that  of  San-tun  is  small  with  thin  and  scant  meat." 

The  old  tradition  concerning  the  origin  of  the  almond  in  Persia 
is  still  alive  in  modern  Chinese  authors.  The  Gazetteer  of  San-se  cou 
in  the  prefecture  of  T'ai-p'in,  Kwan-si  Province,  states  that  the 
flat  peach  is  a  cultivation  of  the  country  Po-se  (Persia).4  The  tree 
is  (or  was)  cultivated  in  that  region.  Also  the  Hwa  mu  siao  li  ffi  /fC 
*h  nS  (p.  29  b)5  testifies  to  indigenous  cultivation  by  saying  that  almond- 
trees  grow  near  the  east  side  of  mountains.  It  may  be,  of  course,  that 
the  almond  has  shared  the  fate  of  the  date-palm,  and  that  its  cultiva- 
tion is  now  extinct  in  China.6 

1  O.  FRANKE,  Beschreibung  des  Jehol-Gebietes,  p.  75. 

2  Ch.  12,  p.  5  b  (see  above,  p.  399). 

3  This  observation  is  also  made  by  Li  Si-c"en. 

4  San-se  cou  ci  _h  &  #|  ;§,  Ch.  14,  p.  7  b  (published  in  1835). 

5  Published  in  the  £'un  ts'ao  fan  tsi  if£  IpL  ^  jft  during  the  period  Tao-kwan 
(1820-50). 

6  HAUER  (Erzeugnisse  der  Provinz  Chili,  Mitt.  Sem.  or.  Spr.,  1908,  p.  14)  men- 
tions almonds,  large  and  of  sweet  flavor,  as  a  product  of  the  district  of  Mi-vim  in  Ci-H, 
and  both  sweet  and  bitter  almonds  as  cultivated  in  the  district  of  Lwan-p'in  in 
the  prefecture  of  C'en-te  (Jehol),  the  annual  outpu    of  the  latter  locality  being 
given  as  a  hundred  thousand  catties, — a  hardly  credible  figure  should  almonds 
really  be  involved.   Hauer's  article  is  based  on  the  official  reports  submitted  by  the 
districts  to  the  Governor-General  of  the  Province  in  1904;  and  the  term  rendered 
by  him  "almond"  in  the  original  is  ta  pien  fen  ^  JH  ^»  apparently  a  local  or 
colloquial  expression  which  I  am  unable  to  trace  in  any  dictionary.    It  is  at  any 
rate  questionable  whether  it  has  the  meaning  "almond. "  O.  FRANKE,  in  his  description 
of  the  Jehol  territory,  carefully  deals  with  the  flora  and  products  of  that  region 
without  mentioning  almonds,  nor  are  they  referred  to  in  the  Chinese  Gazetteer 
of  C'en-te  fu. 


THE  FIG 

42.  The  fig  (Ficus  carica)  is  at  present  cultivated  in  the  Yang-tse 
valley  as  a  small,  irregular  shrub,  bearing  a  fruit  much  smaller  and 
inferior  in  quality  to  the  Persian  species.1  According  to  the  Pen  ts'ao 
kan  mu,  its  habitat  is  Yan-cou  (the  lower  Yang-tse  region)  and  Yun- 
nan. In  his  time,  Li  Si-cen  continues,  it  was  cultivated  also  in  Ce- 
kian,  Kian-su,  Hu-pei,  Hu-nan,  Fu-kien,  and  Kwafi-tun  (^  ^  IMJ  ®) 
by  means  of  twigs  planted  in  the  ground.  The  latter  point  is  of  par- 
ticular interest  in  showing  that  the  process  of  caprification  has  remained 
unknown  to  the  Chinese,  and,  in  fact,  is  not  mentioned  in  their  works. 
The  fig  is  not  indigenous  to  China;  but,  while  there  is  no  information  in 
Chinese  records  as  to  the  when  and  how  of  the  introduction,  it  is  per- 
fectly clear  that  the  plant  was  introduced  from  Persia  and  India,  not 
earlier  than  the  T'ang  period. 

The  following  names  for  the  fig  are  handed  down  to  us: — 

(1)  Po-se  (Persian)  H  £B  o-&,  *a-zit(zir)  (or  M  H  a-yi,  *a-yik),2 
corresponds  to  an  Iranian  form  without  n,  as  still  occurs  in  Kurd  heffir 
or  ezir.    There  is  another  reading,  ^fi  tsan,  which  is  not  at  the  outset 
to  be  rejected,  as  has  been  done  by  WATTERSS  and  HiRTH.4   The  Pen 
ts'ao  kan  mu5  comments  that  the  pronunciation  of  this  character  (and 
this  is  apparently  an  ancient  gloss)  should  be  >!!  fru,  *dzu,  *tsu,  *ts'u, 
so  that  we  obtain  *adzu,  *atsu,  *ats'u.    This  would  correspond  to  an 
ancient  Iranian  form  *aju*   At  any  rate,  the  Chinese  transcriptions,  in 
whatever  form  we  may  adopt  them,  have  nothing  to  do  with  New 
Persian  anjlr,  as  asserted  by  Hirth,  but  belong  to  an  older  stage  of 
Iranian  speech,  the  Middle  Persian. 

(2)  ft  H     yin-ti*   *aii-z"it(r).     This  is    not   "apparently    a  tran- 

1  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  174.  The  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao  (Ch.  36, 
p.  2),  however,  speaks  of  the  fig  of  Yun-nan  as  a  large  tree.  According  to  F.  N. 
MEYER  (Agricultural  Explorations  in  the  Orchards  of  China,  p.  47),  the  fig  is  grown 
in  northern  China  only  as  an  exotic,  mostly  in  pots  and  tubs.  In  the  milder  parts  of 
the  country  large  specimens  are  found  here  and  there  in  the  open.  He  noticed  black 
and  white  varieties.  They  are  cultivated  in  San-hwa  ^j?  'ffc  in  the  prefecture  of 
C'an-§a,  Hu-nan  (San  hwa  hien  £i,  Ch.  16,  p.  15  b,  ed.  1877),  also  in  the  prefecture 
of  Sun-t'ien,  Ci-li  (Kwan-su  Sun  t'ienfu  ci,  Ch.  50,  p.  10). 

Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,  Ch.  18,  p.  13. 

Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  349. 

Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXX,  p.  20. 

Ch.  31,  p.  9. 

Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  31,  p.  26. 

410 


THE  FIG  411 

scription  of  Hindustani  anjir,"  as  affirmed  by  Hirth,  but  of  New  Persian 
anjlr  or  enjlr,  the  Hindustani  (as  well  as  Sanskrit  anjira)  being  simply 
borrowed  from  the  Persian;  Bukhara  injir,  Afghan  intsir;  Russian 
indzarn. 

(3)  Fu-lin  Jt£  IB  ti-ni  or  ti-cen  3^  or  *B  (*ti-tsen,  *ti-ten) ;  the  latter 
variant  is  not  necessarily  to  be  rejected,  as  is  done  by  Hirth.    Cf. 
Assyrian  tittu  (from  *tintu);  Phoenician  tin;  Hebrew  ti'nu,  te'enah;1 
Arabic  tin,  tine,  tima;  Aramaic  ts'mta,  tenta,  tena;  Pahlavi  tin  (Semitic 
loan-word).   The  Semitic  name  is  said  to  have  taken  its  starting-point 
from  south-eastern  Arabia,  where  also,  in  the  view  of  the  botanists,  the 
origin  of  fig-culture  should  be  sought;  but  in  view  of  the  Assyrian 
word  and  the  antiquity  of  the  fig  in  Assyria,2  this  theory  is  not  probable. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Chinese  transcription  answers  to  a  Semitic 
name;  but  that  this  is  the  Aramaic  name,  as  insisted  on  by  Hirth  in 
favor  of  his  theory  that  the  language  of  Fu-lin  should  have  been  Aramaic, 
is  not  cogent.   The  transcription  ti-ni,  on  the  contrary,  is  much  nearer 
to  the  Arabic,  Phoenician,  and  Hebrew  forms.3 

(4)  ft  5  $£   (or  better  &)   yu-Van-po,   *u-dan-pat(par),   *u-dan- 
bar  =  Sanskrit  udambara  (Ficus  glomerata)*    According  to  Li  Si-6en, 
this  name  is  current  in  Kwan-tun. 

(5)  M  36  ^    wu  hwa  kwo  ("flowerless  fruit"),5  Japanese  icijiku. 
The  erroneous  notion  that  the  fig-tree  does  not  bloom  is  not  peculiar 
to  Albertus  Magnus,  as  Hirth  is  inclined  to  think,  but  goes  back  to 
times  of  antiquity,  and  occurs  in  Aristotle  and  Pliny.6    This  wrong 
observation  arose  from  the  fact  that  the  flowers,  unlike  those  of  most 
fruit-trees,  make  no  outward  appearance,  but  are  concealed  within  the 

1  In  the  so-called  histories  of  the  fig  concocted  by  botanists  for  popular  consump- 
tion, one  can  still  read  the  absurdity  that  Latin  ficus  is  to  be  derived  from  Hebrew 
feg.   Such  a  Hebrew  word  does  not  exist.   What  does  exist  in  Hebrew,  is  the  word  pag, 
occurring  only  in  Canticle  (n,  13),  which,  however,  is  not  a  general  term  for  the  fig, 
but  denotes  only  a  green  fig  that  did  not  mature  and  that  remained  on  the  tree  during 
the  winter.    Phonetically  it  is  impossible  to  connect  this  Hebrew  word  with  the  Latin 
one.   In  regard  to  the  fig  among  the  Semites,  see,  above  all,  the  excellent  article  of 
E.  LEVESQUE  in  the  Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible  (Vol.  II,  col.  2237). 

2  E.  BONAVIA,  Flora  of  the  Assyrian  Monuments,  p.  14. 

3  It  is  surprising  to  read  Hirth's  conclusion  that  "ti-ni  is  certainly  much  nearer 
the  Aramean  word  than  the  Greek  <rvicfj  [better  amov]  for  fig,  or  tptveds  for  capri- 
ficus."  No  one  has  ever  asserted,  or  could  assert,  that  these  Greek  words  are  derived 
from  Semitic;  their  origin  is  still  doubtful  (see  SCHRADER  in  Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen, 
p.  100). 

4  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  Ch.  8,  p.  5. 

5  Also  other  fruits  are  described  under  this  name  (see  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao, 
Ch.  1 6,  pp.  58-60).   The  terms  under  4  and  5  are  identified  by  Kao  Si-ki  ^  ±T  -^ 
in  his  Tien  lu  Siyii^J^^  f|  (Ch.  A,  p.  60,  published  in  1690,  ed.  of  Swo  lin). 

6  xvi,  39. 


412  SlNO-lRANICA 

fruit  on  its  internal  surface.  On  cutting  open  a  fig  when  it  has  attained 
little  more  than  one-third  its  size,  the  flowers  will  be  seen  in  full  develop- 
ment.1 

The  common  fig-tree  (Ficus  caricd)  is  no  less  diffused  over  the  Iran- 
ian plateau  than  the  pomegranate.  The  variety  rupestris  is  found  in 
the  mountains  Kuh-Kiluyeh;  and  another  species,  Ficus  johannis, 
occurs  in  Afghanistan  between  Tebbes  and  Herat,  as  well  as  in  Baluchis- 
tan.2 In  the  mountain  districts  of  the  Taurus,  Armenia,  and  in  the 
Iranian  table-lands,  fig-culture  long  ago  reached  a  high  development. 
Toward  the  east  it  has  spread  to  Khorasan,  Herat,  Afghanistan,  as  well 
as  to  Merw  and  Khiwa.3  There  can  be  no  doubt,  either,  that  the  fig  was 
cultivated  in  Sasanian  Persia;  for  it  is  mentioned  in  Pahlavi  literature 
(above,  p.  192),  and  we  have  a  formal  testimony  to  this  effect  in  the 
Annals  of  the  Liang  dynasty,  which  ascribe  udambara  to  Po-se  (Persia) 
and  describe  the  blossoms  as  charming.4  In  India,  as  stated,  this  term 
refers  to  Ficus  glomerata;  in  China,  however,  it  appears  to  be  also  used 
for  Ficus  carica.  Huan  Tsafi5  enumerates  udambara  among  the  fruits 
of  India. 

Strabo6  states  that  in  Hyrcania  (in  Bactria)  each  fig-tree  annually 
produced  sixty  medimni  (one  bushel  and  a  half)  of  fruit.  According  to 
Herodotus,7  Croesus  was  dissuaded  from  his  expedition  against  Cyrus 
on  the  plea  that  the  Persians  did  not  even  drink  wine,  but  merely  water, 
nor  did  they  have  figs  for  sustenance.  This,  of  course,  is  an  anecdote 
without  historical  value,  for  we  know  surely  enough  that  the  ancient 
Persians  possessed  both  grapes  and  wine.  Another  political  anecdote 
of  the  Greeks  is  that  of  Xerxes,  who,  by  having  Attic  figs  served  at  his 
meals,  was  daily  reminded  of  the  fact  that  the  land  where  they  grow  was 
not  yet  his  own.  The  new  discovery  of  the  presence  of  figs  in  ancient 
Babylonia  warrants  the  conclusion  that  they  were  likewise  known  and 
consumed  in  ancient  Persia. 

We  have  no  means  of  ascertaining  as  to  when  and  how  the  fig 
spread  from  Iran  to  China.  The  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  is  reticent  as  to  the 
transmission,  and  merely  describes  the  tree  as  existing  in  Fu-lin  and 

1  LINDLEY  and  MOORE,  Treasury  of  Botany,  pt.  I,  p.  492. 

2  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  I'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  45. 

3  G.  EISEN,  The  Fig:  Its  History,  Culture,  and  Curing,  p.  20  (U.  S.  Department 
of  Agriculture,  Washington,  1901). 

4  Lian  $u,  Ch.  54,  p.  14  b.    Read  yu-t'an-po  instead  of  yu-po-t'an,  as  there  printed 
through  an  oversight. 

6  Ta  ran  si  yu  ki,  Ch.  2,  p.  8. 
•  II.  I,  14. 
7 1,  7L 


THE  FIG  413 

Persia.1  We  have,  however,  the  testimony  of  the  Arabic  merchant  Solei- 
man,  who  wrote  in  A.D.  851,  to  the  effect  that  the  fig  then  belonged  to 
the  fruits  of  China.2 

Bret  Schneider  has  never  written  on  the  subject,  but  did  communicate 
some  notes  to  the  botanist  Solms-Laubach,  from  whom  they  were  taken 
over  by  G.  EiSEN.3  Here  we  are  treated  to  the  monstrous  statement, 
"The  fig  is  supposed  to  have  reached  China  during  the  reign  of  the 
Emperor  Tschang-Kien  [sic!],  who  fitted  out  an  expedition  to  Turan 
in  the  year  127  A.D."  [sic!].  It  is  safe  to  say  that  Bretschneider  could 
not  have  perpetrated  all  this  nonsense;  but,  discounting  the  obvious 
errors,  there  remains  the  sad  fact  that  again  he  credited  Can  K'ien  with 
an  introduction  which  is  not  even  ascribed  to  him  by  any  Chinese  text. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  be  more  Chinese  than  the  Chinese,  and  this 
Changkienomania  is  surely  disconcerting.  What  a  Hercules  this  Can 
K'ien  must  have  been !  It  has  never  happened  in  the  history  of  the  world 
that  any  individual  ever  introduced  into  any  country  such  a  stupendous 
number  of  plants  as  is  palmed  off  on  him  by  his  epigone  admirers. 

Li  Si-cen,  in  his  notice  of  the  "flowerless  fruit,"  does  not  fall  back 
on  any  previous  Pen  ts*ao;  of  older  works  he  invokes  only  the  Yu  yan 
tsa  tsu  and  the  Fan  yu  li  3f  ]U  J§,  which  mention  the  udambara  of 
Kwan-si. 

The  fig  of  Yun-nan  deserves  special  mention.  Wu  K'i-tsun, 
author  of  the  excellent  botanical  work  Ci  wu  min  $i  t'u  k'ao,  has  de- 
voted a  special  chapter  (Ch.  36)  to  the  plants  of  Yun-nan,  the  first  of 
these  being  the  yu-t'an  (udambara)  flower,  accompanied  by  two  illus- 
trations. From  the  texts  assembled  by  him  it  becomes  clear  that  this 
tree  was  introduced  into  Yiin-nan  from  India  by  Buddhist  monks. 
Among  other  stories,  he  repeats  that  regarding  the  monk  P'u-t'i(Bodhi)- 
pa-po,  which  has  been  translated  by  C.  SAiNSON;4  but  whereas  Yan  Sen, 
in  his  Nan'Zao  ye  &',  written  in  1550,  said  that  one  of  these  trees  planted 
by  the  monk  was  still  preserved  in  the  Temple  of  the  Guardian  Spirit 
rh  3k  US  of  Yiin-nan  fu,  Wu  K'i-tsun  states  after  the  Yun-nan  t'un  ci 
that  for  a  long  time  none  remained  in  existence,  owing  to  the  ravages 
and  burnings  of  troops.  Judging  from  the  illustration,  the  fig-tree  of 
Yun-nan  is  a  species  different  from  Ficus  carica.  The  genus  Ficus 

1  Contrary  to  what  is  stated  by  A.  DE  CANDOLLE  (Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants, 
p.  296)  after  Bretschneider.    But  the  description  of  the  fig  in  that  Chinese  work 
leaves  no  doubt  that  the  author  speaks  from    observation,   and   that  the  fig, 
accordingly,  was  cultivated  in  the  China  of  his  time. 

2  M.  REINAUD,  Relation  des  voyages,  Vol.  I,  p.  22. 

3  Op.  cit.,  p.  20. 

4  Histoire  du  Nan-Tchao,  p.  196. 


414  SlNO-lRANICA 

comprises  nearly  a  hundred  and  sixty  species,  and  of  the  cultivated  fig 
there  is  a  vast  number  of  varieties. 

According  to  the  Yamato-honzo1  of  1709,  figs  (icijiku)  were  first 
introduced  into  Nagasaki  in  the  period  Kwan-ei  Hi  7K  (1624-44)  from 
the  islands  in  the  South-Western  Ocean.  This  agrees  with  E.  KAEM- 
pFER's2  statement  that  figs  were  brought  into  Japan  and  planted  by 
Portuguese. 

1  Ch.  10,  p.  26  b. 

2  History  of  Japan,  Vol.  I,  p.  180  (ed.  reprinted  Glasgow,  1906). 


THE  OLIVE 

43.  The  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu1  has  the  following  notice  of  an  exotic  plant: 
"The  ts'i-t'un  ^  ^  (*dzi-tun,  *zi-tun)  tree  has  its  habitat  in  the  coun- 
try Po-se  (Persia),  likewise  in  the  country  Fu-lin  (Syria).  In  Fu-lin  it 
is  termed  ^  M  ts*i-t*i*  (*dzi,  zi-ti).  The  tree  grows  to  a  height  of  twenty 
or  thirty  feet.  The  bark  is  green,  the  flowers  are  white,  resembling 
those  of  the  shaddock  (yu  tt,  Citrus  grandis),  and  very  fragrant. 
The  fruit  is  similar  to  that  of  the  yan-t'ao  Ul  fft  (Averrhoa  carambold) 
and  ripens  in  the  fifth  month.  The  people  of  the  Western  countries 
press  an  oil  out  of  it  for  frying  cakes  and  fruit,  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  sesame  seeds  (ku-$en  E  0)3  are  utilized  in  China." 

The  transcription  ts*i-t*un  has  been  successfully  identified  by  HiRTH4 
with  Persian  zeitun,  save  that  we  have  to  define  this  form  as  Middle 
Persian;  and  Fu-lin  ts*i-Vi  with  Aramaic  zaita  (Hebrew  zayitf).  This 
is  the  olive-tree  (Olea  Europaea).5  The  Persian  word  is  a  loan  from 
the  Semitic,  the  common  Semitic  form  being  *zeitu  (Arabic  zeitun) .  It 
is  noteworthy  that  the  Fu-lin  form  agrees  more  closely  with  Grusinian 
and  Ossetic  zet'i,  Armenian  jet,  dzet  ("olive-oil"),  zeit  ("olive"),  Arabic 
zaitf  than  with  the  Aramaic  word.  The  olive-tree,  mentioned  in 
Pahlavi  literature  (above,  p.  193),  grows  spontaneously  in  Persia  and 
Baluchistan,  but  the  cultivated  species  was  in  all  likelihood  received 
by  the  Iranians  (as  well  as  by  the  Armenians)  from  the  Semites.  The 
olive-tree  was  known  in  Mesopotamia  at  an  early  date:  objects  in 
clay  in  the  form  of  an  olive  belonging  to  the  time  of  Urukagina,  one 
of  the  pre-Sargonic  rulers  of  Lagash,  are  still  extant.7 

1Ch.  18,  p.  ii. 

2  A  gloss  thus  indicates  the  reading  of  this  character  by  the  fan  ts'ie  §|  ^. 

3  See  above,  p.  292. 

4  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXX,  1910,  p.  19. 

5  See,  for  instance,  the  illustrated  article  "olivier"  in  DUJARDIN-BEAUMETZ 
and  EGASSE,  Plantes  me'dicinales  indigenes  et  exotiques  (p.  492,  Paris,  1889),  which 
is  a  very  convenient  and  commendable  reference-book,  particularly  valuable  for 
its  excellent  illustrations.    Cf.  also  S.  KRAUSS,  Talmudische  Archaologie,  Vol.  II, 
p.  214;  S.  FRAENKEL,  Die  aramaischen  Fremdworter  im  Arabischen,  p.  147. 

6  W.  MILLER,  Sprache  der  Osseten,  p.  10;  HUBSCHMANN,  Arm.  Gram.,  p.  309. 

7  HANDCOCK,   Mesopotamian    Archaeology,    p.    13.     The  contributions  which 
A.  ENGLER  has  made  to  the  olive  in  Hehn's  Kulturpflanzen  (p.  118)  are  just  as  sing- 
ular as  his  notions  of  the  walnut.  Leaves  of  the  olive-tree  have  been  found  in  Pliocene 
deposits  near  Mongardino  north-west  of  Bologna,  and  this  is  sufficient  for  Engler 
to  "prove"  the  autochthonous  character  of  the  tree  in  Italy.   All  it  proves,  if  the 

415 


4l6  SlNO-lRANICA 

ScHLiMMER1  says  that  Olea  europaea  is  largely  cultivated  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Mendjil  between  Besht  and  Ghezwin  in  Persia,  and 
that  the  olives  are  excellent;  nevertheless  the  oil  extracted  is  very  bad 
and  unfit  to  eat.  The  geographical  distribution  of  the  tree  in  Iran 
has  well  been  traced  by  F.  SPIEGEL.2 

The  word  ts'i-t'un  has  been  perpetuated  by  the  lexicographers  of 
the  Emperor  K'ien-lun  (1736-95).  It  makes  its  appearance  in  the 
Dictionary  of  Four  Languages,  in  the  section  "  foreign  fruit."3  For 
the  Tibetan  and  Mongol  forms,  one  has  chosen  the  transcriptions 
c'i-tun  sin  (transcribing  tse  •?)  and  tilun  jimin  respectively;  while  it  is 
surprising  to  find  a  Manchu  equivalent  ulusun,  which  has  been  correctly 
explained  by  H.  C.  v.  d.  Gabelentz  and  Sakharov.  In  the  Manchu- 
Chinese  Dictionary  Ts*ih  wen  pu  hui,  published  in  1771,  we  find  the 

fact  be  correct,  is  that  a  wild  olive  once  occurred  in  the  Pliocene  of  Italy,  which 
certainly  does  not  exclude  the  idea  and  the  well-established  historical  fact  that  the 
cultivated  olive  was  introduced  into  Italy  from  Greece  in  historical  times.  The 
notice  of  Pliny  (xv,  i)  weighs  considerably  more  in  this  case  than  any  alleged 
palseontological  wisdom,  and  the  Pliocene  has  nothing  to  do  with  historical  times 
of  human  history.  The  following  is  truly  characteristic  of  Engler's  uncritical  stand- 
point and  his  inability  to  think  historically:  "Since  the  fruits  of  the  olive-tree  are 
propagated  by  birds,  and  in  many  localities  throughout  the  Mediterranean  the  con- 
ditions for  the  existence  of  the  tree  were  prepared,  it  was  quite  natural  also  that  the 
tree  settled  in  the  localities  suitable  for  it,  before  the  Oriental  civilized  nations 
made  one  of  the  most  important  useful  plants  of  it."  If  the  birds  were  the  sole 
propagators  of  the  tree,  why  did  they  not  carry  it  to  India,  the  Archipelago,  and 
China,  where  it  never  occurred?  The  distribution  of  the  olive  shows  most  clearly 
that  it  was  brought  about  by  human  activity,  and  that  we  are  confronted  with  a 
well-defined  geographical  zone  as  the  product  of  human  civilization, — Western 
Asia  and  the  Mediterranean  area.  There  is  nothing  in  Engler  like  the  vision  and 
breadth  of  thought  of  a  de  Candolle,  in  whose  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants  we  read 
(p.  280),  "The  question  is  not  clearly  stated  when  we  ask  if  such  and  such  olive- 
trees  of  a  given  locality  are  really  wild.  In  a  woody  species  which  lives  so  long  and 
shoots  again  from  the  same  stock  when  cut  off  by  accident,  it  is  impossible  to  know 
the  origin  of  the  individuals  observed.  They  may  have  been  sown  by  man  or  birds 
at  a  very  early  epoch,  for  olive-trees  of  more  than  a  thousand  years  old  are  known. 
The  effect  of  such  sowing  is  a  naturalization,  which  is  equivalent  to  an  extension 
of  area.  The  point  in  question  is,  therefore,  to  discover  what  was  the  home  of  the 
species  in  very  early  prehistoric  times,  and  how  this  area  has  grown  larger  by  dif- 
ferent modes  of  transport.  It 'is  not  by  the  study  of  living  olive-trees  that  this  can 
be  answered.  We  must  seek  in  what  countries  the  cultivation  began,  and  how  it 
was  propagated.  The  more  ancient  it  is  in  any  region,  the  more  probable  it  is  that 
the  species  has  existed  wild  there  from  the  time  of  those  geological  events  which  took 
place  before  the  coming  of  prehistoric  man."  Here  we  meet  a  thinker  of  critical 
acumen,  possessed  of  a  fine  historical  spirit,  and  striving  for  truth  nobly  and  honestly; 
and  there,  a  dry  pedant,  who  thinks  merely  in  terms  of  species  and  genera,  and  is 
unwilling  to  learn  and  to  understand  history. 

1  Terminologie,  p.  406. 

2  Eranische  Altertumskunde,  Vol.  I,  pp.  257-258. 
8  Appendix,  Ch.  3,  p.  10. 


THE  OLIVE  417 

following  definition  of  ulusun  in  Chinese:  "Ts'i-fun  is  a  foreign  fruit, 
which  is  produced  in  the  country  Po-se  (Persia).  The  bark  of  the  tree 
is  green,  the  flowers  are  white  and  aromatic.  Its  fruit  ripens  in  the  fifth 
month  and  yields  an  oil  good  for  frying  cakes."  This  is  apparently  based 
on  the  notice  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu.  The  Manchu  word  ulusun  (-sun 
being  a  Manchu  ending)  seems  to  be  an  artificial  formation  based  on 
Latin  oleum  (from  Greek  elaiori),  which  was  probably  conveyed  through 
the  Jesuit  missionaries. 

The  olive  remained  unknown  to  the  Japanese;  their  modern  bo- 
tanical science  calls  it  oreifu  M  ?!l  ^,  which  reproduces  our  "olive."1 
The  Japanese  botanists,  without  being  aware  of  the  meaning  of  ts'i-tun, 
avail  themselves  of  the  characters  for  this  word  (reading  them  ego-no-ki) 
for  the  designation  of  Sty  rax  japonica.2 

The  so-called  Chinese  olive,  kan-lan  ffi  91,  has  no  affinity  with  the 
true  olive  of  the  West-Asiatic  and  Mediterranean  zone,  although  its 
appearance  comes  very  near  to  this  fruit.3  The  name  kan-lan  applies 
to  Canarium  album  and  C.  pimela,  belonging  to  the  order  Burseraceaej 
while  the  olive  ranks  in  that  of  the  Oleaceae.4  Ma  Ci,  who,  in  his  K'ai 

1  MATSUMURA,  No.  2136. 

2  Ibid.,  No.  3051. 

3  The  kan-lan  tree  itself  is  suspected  to  be  of  foreign  origin;  it  was  most  probably 
introduced  from  Indo-China  into  southern  China.   Following  are  briefly  the  reasons 
which  prompt  me  to  this  opinion.    I.   According  to  Li  Si-cen,  the  meaning  of  the 
name  kan-lan  remains  unexplained,  and  this  comment  usually  hints  at  a  foreign  word. 
The  ancient  pronunciation   was  *kam-lam  or   *kam-ram,  which  we  still  find  in 
Annamese  as  kam-lan.    The  tree  abounds  in  Annam,  the  fruit  being  eatable  and 
preserved  in  the  same  manner  as  olives  (PERROT  and  HURRIER,  Mat.  me"d.  et  phar- 
macope"e  sino-annamites,  p.  141).    Moreover,  we  meet  in  Pa-yi,  a  T'ai  language 
spoken  in  Yiin-nan,  a  word  (maty-k'am,  which  in  a  Pa-yi-Chinese  glossary  is  rendered 
by  Chinese  kan-lan  (the  element  mak  means  "fruit";  see  F.  W.  K.  MULLER,  T'oung 
Pao,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  27).   The  relationship  of  Annamese  to  the  T'ai  languages  has  been 
clearly  demonstrated  by  H.  MASPERO,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  Chinese  *kam-lam 
is  borrowed  from  Annam-T'ai.   There  are  many  more  such  Chinese  botanical  names, 
as  I  hope  to  show  in  the  near  future.    2.   The  plant  appears  in  Chinese  records 
at  a  comparatively  recent  date.    It  is  first  described  in  the  Nan  cou  i  wu  li  of  the 
third  century  as  a  plant  of  Kwan-tun  and  Fu-kien  and  in  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  Iwan 
(Ch.  c,  p.  3  b).    It  is  mentioned  as  a  tree  of  the  south  in  the  Kin  lou  tse  of  the  Em- 
peror Yuan  of  the  Liang  in  the  sixth  century  (see  above,  p.  222).    A  description  of 
it  is  due  to  Liu  Sun  in  his  Lin  piao  lu  i  (Ch.  B,  p.  5  b).    In  the  materia  medica  it 
first  appears  in  the  K'ai  pao  pen  ts'ao  of  the  end  of  the  tenth  century.     3.   The  tree 
remained  always  restricted  to  the  south-eastern  parts  of  China  bordering  on  Indo- 
China.  According  to  the  San  fu  hwan  t'u,  it  belonged  to  the  southern  plants  brought 
to  the  Fu-li  Palace  of  the  Han  Emperor  Wu  after  the  conquest  of  Nan  Yue  (cf. 
above,  p.  262). 

4  The  fruit  of  Canarium  is  a  fleshy  drupe  from  three  to  six  cm  in  length,  which 
contains  a  hard,  triangular,  sharp-pointed  seed.   Within  this  are  found  one  or  more 
oily  kernels.   The  flesh  of  the  fresh,  yellowish-green  fruit,  like  that  of  the  true  olive, 
is  somewhat  acrid  and  disagreeable,  and  requires  special  treatment  before  it  can 


418  SlNO-lRANICA 

pao  pen  ts'ao  (written  between  A.D.  968  and  976),  describes  the  kan-lan, 
goes  on  to  say  that  "there  is  also  another  kind,  known  as  Po-se  kan-lan 
('Persian  kan-lan'),  growing  in  Yun  cou  I  ffl,1  similar  to  kan-lan  in 
color  and  form,  but  different  in  that  the  kernel  is  divided  into  two  sec- 
tions; it  contains  a  substance  like  honey,  which  is  soaked  in  water  and 
eaten."  The  San  se  cou  ci2  mentions  the  plant  as  a  product  of  San-se 
£ou  in  Kwan-si.  It  would  be  rather  tempting  to  regard  this  tree  as  the 
true  olive,  as  tentatively  proposed  by  STUART  ;3  but  I  am  not  ready  to 
subscribe  to  this  theory  until  it  is  proved  by  botanists  that  the  olive- 
tree  really  occurs  in  Kwan-si.  Meanwhile  it  should  be  pointed  out  that 
weighty  arguments  militate  against  this  supposition.  First  of  all,  the 
Po-se  kan-lan  is  a  wild  tree:  not  a  word  is  said  to  the  effect  that  it  is 
cultivated,  still  less  that  it  was  introduced  from  Po-se.  If  it  had  been 
introduced  from  Persia,  we  should  most  assuredly  find  it  as  a  culti- 
vation; and  if  such  an  introduction  had  taken  place,  why  should  it  be 
confined  to  a  few  localities  of  Kwan-si?  Li  Si-Sen  does  not  express  an 
opinion  on  the  question;  he  merely  says  that  the  fan  jfr  Ian,  another 
variety  of  Canarium  to  be  found  in  Kwan-si  (unidentified),  is  a  kind 
of  Po-se  kan-lan,  which  proves  distinctly  that  he  regards  the  latter 
as  a  wild  plant.  The  T'ang  authors  are  silent  as  to  the  introduction  of 
the  olive;  nevertheless,  judging  from  the  description  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa 
tsu,  it  may  be  that  the  fruit  was  imported  from  Persia  under  the  T'ang. 
Maybe  the  Po-se  kan-lan  was  so  christened  on  account  of  a  certain 
resemblance  of  its  fruit  to  the  olive;  we  do  not  know.  There  is  one 
specific  instance  on  record  that  the  Po-se  of  Ma  Ci  applies  to  the 
Malayan  Po-se  (below,  p.  483) ;  this  may  even  be  the  case  here,  but  the 
connection  escapes  our  knowledge. 

S.  JuLiEN4  asserts  that  the  Chinese  author  from  whom  he  derives 
his  information  describes  the  olive-tree  and  its  fruit,  but  adds  that 
the  use  of  it  is  much  restricted.  The  Chinese  name  for  the  tree  is  not 
given.  Finally,  it  should  be  pointed  out  that  Ibn  Batuta  of  the  four- 
be  made  palatable.  Its  most  important  constituent  is  fat,  which  forms  nearly  one- 
fourth  of  the  total  nutritive  material.  Cf.  W.  C.  BLASDALE,  Description  of  Some 
Chinese  Vegetable  Food  Materials,  p.  43,  with  illustration  (U.  S.  Department  of 
Agriculture,  Bull.  No.  68,  1899).  The  genus  Canarium  comprises  about  eighty 
species  in  the  tropical  regions  of  the  Old  World,  mostly  in  Asia  (ENGLER,  Pflan- 
zenfamilien,  Vol.  Ill,  pt.  4,  p.  240). 

1  Name  under  the  T'ang  dynasty  of  the  present  prefecture  Nan-nin  in  Kwan-si 
Province. 

2  Ch.  14,  p.  7  b  (see  above,  p.  409). 
8  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  89. 

4  Industries  de  1'empire  chinois,  p.  120. 


THE  OLIVE  419 

teenth  century  positively  denies  the  occurrence  of  olives  in  China.1 
Of  course,  this  Arabic  traveller  is  not  an  authority  on  Chinese  affairs: 
many  of  his  data  concerning  China  are  out  and  out  absurd.  He  may 
even  not  have  visited  China,  as  suggested  by  G.  Ferrand;  notwith- 
standing, he  may  be  right  in  this  particular  point.  Likewise  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Soltania,  who  wrote  about  1330,  states,  "  There  groweth 
not  any  oil  olive  in  that  country."2 

1  YULE,  Cathay,  Vol.  IV,  p.  118. 

2  Ibid.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  96. 


CASSIA   PODS  AND  CAROB 

44.  In  his  Pen  ts'ao  $i  i,  written  during  the  first  half  of  the  eighth 
century,  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  has  this  notice  regarding  an  exotic  plant: 
"A-lo-p*o  M  f&  tft  (*a-lak-bwut)  grows  in  the  country  Fu-lin  (Syria), 
its  fruit  resembling  in  shape  that  of  the  tsao  kia  -Ib  5^  (Gleditschia  or 
Gymnocladus  sinensis),  save  that  it  is  more  rounded  and  elongated. 
It  is  sweet  of  taste  and  savory."1 

In  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao2  we  read  that  "a-lo-p*o  grows  in  the  country 
Fu-si  ft  ffi";  that  is,  Bhoja,  Sumatra.  Then  follows  the  same  descrip- 
tion as  given  above,  after  C'en  Ts'aii-k'i.  The  name  p'o-lo-men  tsao 
kia  §1  H  Fl  &  35t  is  added  as  a  synonyme.  Li  Si-Sen3  comments  that 
P'o-lo-men  is  here  the  name  of  a  Si-yii  B  ^  ("Western  Regions") 
country,  and  that  Po-se  is  the  name  of  a  country  of  the  south-western 
barbarians;  that  is,  the  Malayan  Po-se.  The  term  p'o-lo-men  tsao  kia, 
which  accordingly  would  mean  "Gleditschia  of  the  P'o-lo-men  coun- 
try," he  ascribes  to  C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  but  in  his  quotation  from  this 
author  it  does  not  occur.  The  country  P'o-lo-men  here  in  question  is 
the  one  mentioned  in  the  Man  Zu* 

A  somewhat  fuller  description  of  this  foreign  tree  is  contained  in 
the  Yu  yah  tsa  tsuf  as  follows:  "The  Persian  tsao  kia  (Gleditschia)  has 
its  habitat  in  the  country  Po-se  (Persia),  where  it  is  termed  hu-ye- 
yen-mo  &  &  @  R,  while  in  Fu-lin  it  is  styled  a-li-k'u-fa  M  M  £  tt.6 
The  tree  has  a  height  of  from  thirty  to  forty  feet,  and  measures  from 
four  to  five  feet  in  circumference.  The  leaves  resemble  those  of  Citrus 
medica  (kou  yuan  $)  $0 ,  but  are  shorter  and  smaller.  During  the  cold 
season  it  does  not  wither.7  It  does  not  flower,  and  yet  bears  fruit.8 
Its  pods  are  two  feet  long.  In  their  interior  are  shells  (ko  ko  IS  IB). 
Each  of  these  encloses  a  single  seed  of  the  size  of  a  finger,  red  of  color, 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  31,  p.  9  b,  where  the  name  of  the  plant  is  wrongly 
written  a-p'o-lo.   The  correct  form  a-lo-p'o  is  given  in  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao. 

2  Ch.  12,  p.  56  (ed.  of  1587). 

3  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  31,  p.  9  b. 

4  See  below,  p.  468. 

6  Ch.  1 8,  p.  12.  Also  Li  Si-Sen  has  combined  this  text  with  the  preceding  one 
under  the  heading  a-p'o-lo  (instead  of  a-lo-p'o). 

6  The  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  (Ch.  31,  p.  9  b),  in  quoting  this  text,  gives  the  Po-se 
name  as  hu-ye-yen  and  the  Fu-lin  name  only  as  a-li. 

7  This  means,  it  is  an  evergreen. 

8  This  is  due  to  erroneous  observation. 

420 


CASSIA  PODS  AND  CAROB  421 

and  extremely  hard.  The  interior  [the  pulp]  is  as  black  as  [Chinese] 
ink  and  as  sweet  as  sugar-plums.  It  is  eatable,  and  is  also  employed  in 
the  pharmacopoeia." 

The  tree  under  consideration  has  not  yet  been  identified,  at  least  not 
from  the  sinological  point  of  view.1  The  name  a-lo-p'o  is  Sanskrit;  and 
the  ancient  form  *a-lak(rak,  rag)-bwut(bud)  is  a  correct  and  logical 
transcription  of  Sanskrit  aragbadha,  aragvadha,  dragvadha,  or  argvadha, 
the  Cassia  or  Caihartocarpus  fistula  (Leguminosai) ,  already  mentioned 
by  the  physician  Caraka,  also  styled  suvarnaka  ("gold-colored")  and 
rajataru  ("king's  tree").2  This  tree,  called  the  Indian  laburnum, 
purging  cassia,  or  pudding  pipe  tree  from  its  peculiar  pods  (French 
caneficier),  is  a  native  of  India,  Ceylon,  and  the  Archipelago3  (hence 
Sumatra  and  Malayan  Po-se  of  the  Chinese),  "uncommonly  beautiful 
when  in  flower,  few  surpassing  it  in  the  elegance  of  its  numerous  long, 
pendulous  racemes  of  large,  bright-yellow  flowers,  intermixed  with  the 
young,  lively  green  foliage."4  The  fruit,  which  is  common  in  most 
bazars  of  India,  is  a  brownish  pod,  about  sixty  cm  long  and  two  cm 
thick.  It  is  divided  into  numerous  cells,  upwards  of  forty,  each  con- 
taining one  smooth,  oval,  shining  seed.  Hence  the  Chinese  comparison 
with  the  pod  of  the  Gleditschia,  which  is  quite  to  the  point.  These  pods 
are  known  as  cassia  pods.  They  are  thus  described  in  the  "  Treasury  of 
Botany  " :  "Cylindrical,  black,  woody,  one  to  two  feet  long,  not  splitting, 
but  marked  by  three  long  furrows,  divided  in  the  interior  into  a  number 
of  compartments  by  means  of  transverse  partitions,  which  project 
from  the  placentas.  Each  compartment  of  the  fruit  contains  a  single 
seed,  imbedded  in  pulp,  which  is  used  as  a  mild  laxative."  Whether 
the  tree  is  cultivated  in  Asia  I  do  not  know;  GARCIA  DA  ORTA  affirms 
that  he  saw  it  only  in  a  wild  state.5  The  description  of  the  tree  and 
fruit  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  is  fairly  correct.  Cassia  fistula  is  indeed 
from  twenty  to  thirty  feet  high  (in  Jamaica  even  fifty  feet) .  The  seed, 
as  stated  there,  is  of  a  reddish-brown  color,  and  the  pulp  is  of  a  dark 
viscid  substance. 

1  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  496)  lists  the  name  a-p'o-lo  (instead  of 
a-lo-p'o)  among  "unidentified  drugs."   Bretschneider  has  never  noted  it. 

2  A  large  number  of  Sanskrit  synonymes  for  the  tree  are  enumerated  by  RODIGER 
and  POTT  (Zeitschrift  /.  d.  K.  d.  Morg.,  Vol.  VII,  p.  154);  several  more  may  be  added 
to  this  list  from  the  Bower  Manuscript. 

3  GARCIA  DA  ORTA  (Markham,  Colloquies,  p.  114)  adds  Malacca  and  Sofala. 
In  Javanese  it  is  tenguli  or  trenguli. 

4  W.  ROXBURGH,  Flora  Indica,  p.  349. 

5  Likewise  F.  PYRARD  (Vol.  II,  p.  361,  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society),  who  states  that 
"it  grows  of  itself  without  being  sown  or  tended." 


422  SlNO-lRANICA 

When  I  had  established  the  above  identification  of  the  Sanskrit 
name,  it  was  quite  natural  for  me  to  lay  my  hands  on  MATSUMURA'S 
"Shokubutsu  mei-i"  and  to  look  up  Cassia  fistula  under  No.  754: 
it  was  as  surprising  as  gratifying  to  find  there,  "Cassia  fistula  M  ffr  16 
namban-saikachi."  This  Japanese  name  means  literally  the  "Gleditschia 
japonica  (saikaci  =  Chinese  tsao-kia-tse)  of  the  Southern  Barbarians" 
(Chinese  Nan  Fan).  The  Japanese  botanists,  accordingly,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  arriving  at  the  same  identification  through  the  description 
of  the  plant;  while  the  philological  equation  with  the  Sanskrit  term 
escaped  them,  as  evidenced  by  their  adherence  to  the  wrong  form 
a-p*o-lo,  sanctioned  by  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu.  The  case  is  of  methodo- 
logical interest  in  showing  how  botanical  and  linguistic  research  may 
supplement  and  corroborate  each  other:  the  result  of  the  identification 
is  thus  beyond  doubt;  the  rejection  of  a-p'o-lo  becomes  complete,  and 
the  restitution  of  a-lo-p'o,  as  handed  down  in  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts*ao, 
ceases  to  be  a  mere  philological  conjecture  or  emendation,  but  is  raised 
into  the  certainty  of  a  fact. 

The  Arabs  know  the  fruit  of  this  tree  under  the  names  xarnub  nindi 
(" Indian  carob")1  and  xiydr  saribar  ("cucumber  of  necklaces,"  from 
its  long  strings  of  golden  flowers).2  Abu'l  Abbas,  styled  en-Nebati 
("the  Botanist"),  who  died  at  Sevilla  in  1239,  the  teacher  of  Ibn 
al-Baitar,  who  preserved  extracts  from  his  lost  work  Rihla  ("The 
Voyage"),  describes  Cassia  fistula  as  very  common  in  Egypt,  par- 
ticularly in  Alexandria  and  vicinity,  whence  the  fruit  is  exported  to 
Syria;3  it  commonly  occurs  in  Bassora  also,  whence  it  is  exported  to 
the  Levant  and  Irak.  He  compares  the  form  of  the  tree  to  the  walnut 
and  the  fruit  to  the  carob.  The  same  comparison  is  made  by  Isak  Ibn 
Amran,  who  states  in  Leclerc's  translation,  "Dans  chacun  de  ces  tubes 
est  renferme'e  une  pulpe  noire,  sucree  et  laxative.  Dans  chaque  com- 
partiment  est  un  noyau  qui  a  le  volume  et  la  forme  de  la  graine  de 
caroubier.  La  partie  employee  est  la  pulpe,  a  1'exclusion  du  noyau  et  du 
tube." 

The  Persians  received  the  fruit  from  the  Arabs  on  the  one  hand,  and 
from  north-western  India  on  the  other.  They  adopted  the  Arabic  word 
xiyar-Sanbar*  in  the  form  xiydr-cambar  (compare  also  Armenian  xiar- 

1  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  17. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  64.   Also  qitta  hindi  ("Indian  cucumber"),  ibid.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  62. 

3  GARCIA  DA  ORTA  says  that  it  grows  in  Cairo,  where  it  was  also  found  by 
Pierre  Belon.    In  ancient  times,  however,  the  tree  did  not  occur  in  Egypt:   LORET, 
in  his  Flore  pharaonique,  is  silent  about  it.    It  was  no  doubt  brought  there  by  the 
Arabs  from  India. 

4  GARCIA  DA  ORTA  spells  it  hiar-xamber. 


CASSIA  PODS  AND  CAROB  423 


Samb,  Byzantine  Greek  xiapaa^p,  xecto-a/zTrdp)  ;  and  it  is  a  Middle- 
Persian  variation  of  this  type  that  is  hidden  in  the  "Persian"  tran- 
scription of  the  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu,  hu-ye-yen-mo  3&  if  8f  i£,  anciently 
*xut(xur)-ya-dzem(dzem)-mVak(bak,  bax).  The  prototype  to  be 
restored  may  have  been  *xaryadz"ambax.  There  is  a  New-Persian  word 
for  the  same  tree  and  fruit,  bakbar.  It  is  also  called  kabuli  ("coming 
from  Kabul"). 

The  Fu-lin  name  of  the  plant  is  H  M  £  K  a-li-fcu-fa,  *a-li(ri')- 
go-va5.  I.  LoEW1  does  not  give  an  Aramaic  name  for  Cassia  fistula, 
nor  does  he  indicate  this  tree,  neither  am  I  able  to  find  a  name  for  it  in 
the  relevant  dictionaries.  We  have  to  take  into  consideration  that  the 
tree  is  not  indigenous  to  western  Asia  and  Egypt,  and  that  the  Arabs 
transplanted  it  there  from  India  (cf  .  the  Arabic  terms  given  above, 
"Indian  carob,"  and  "Indian  cucumber").  The  Fu-lin  term  is  evi- 
dently an  Indian  loan-word,  for  the  transcription  *a-ri-go-va5  cor- 
responds exactly  to  Sanskrit  drgvadha,  answering  to  an  hypothetical 
Aramaic  form  *arigbada  or  *arigfada.  In  some  editions  of  the  Yu  yah 
tsa  tsu,  the  Fu-lin  word  is  written  a-li  or  a-li-fa,  *a-ri-va5.  These  would 
likewise  be  possible  forms,  for  there  is  also  a  Sanskrit  variant  arevata 
and  an  Indian  vernacular  form  ali  (in  Panjabi). 

The  above  texts  of  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  and  Twan  C'en-si,  author  of 
the  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu,  give  occasion  for  some  further  comments.  PELLiox2 
maintained  that  the  latter  author,  who  lived  toward  the  end  of  the 
ninth  century,  frequently  derived  his  information  from  the  former,  who 
wrote  in  the  first  part  of  the  eighth  century;3  from  the  fact  that  C'en 
in  many  cases  indicates  the  foreign  names  of  exotic  plants,  Pelliot  is 
inclined  to  infer  that  Twan  has  derived  from  him  also  his  nomenclature 
of  plants  in  the  Fu-lin  language.  This  is  by  no  means  correct.  I  have 
carefully  read  almost  all  texts  preserved  under  the  name  of  C'en  (or 
his  work,  the  Pen  ts*ao  Si  i)  in  the  Ceh  lei  pen  ts*ao  and  Pen  ts'ao  kah  mu, 
and  likewise  studied  all  notices  of  plants  by  Twan;  with  the  result 
that  Twan,  with  a  few  exceptions,  is  independent  of  C'en.  As  to  Fu-lin 
names,  none  whatever  is  recorded  by  the  latter,  and  the  above  text  is 
the  only  one  in  which  the  country  Fu-lin  figures,  while  he  gives  the 
plant-name  solely  in  its  Sanskrit  form.  In  fact,  all  the  foreign  names 
noted  by  C'en  come  from  the  Indo-Malayan  area.  The  above  case 
shows  plainly  that  Twan's  information  does  not  at  all  depend  on  C'en's 


1  Aramaeische  Pflanzennamen. 

2  Toung  Pao,  1912,  p.  454. 


3  The  example  cited  to  this  effect  (Butt,  de  VEcole  fran$aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  1130) 
is  not  very  lucky,  for  in  fact  the  two  texts  are  clearly  independent. 


424  SlNO-lRANICA 

passage:  the  two  texts  differ  both  as  to  descriptive  matter  and  nomen- 
clature. In  regard  to  the  Fu-lin  information  of  Twan,  HIRTH'S  opinion1 
is  perfectly  correct:  it  was  conveyed  by  the  monk  Wan,  who  had 
hailed  directly  from  Fu-lin.2  The  time  when  he  lived  is  unknown,  but 
most  probably  he  was  a  contemporary  of  Twan.  The  Fu-lin  names, 
accordingly,  do  not  go  back  to  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  but 
belong  to  the  latter  half  of  the  ninth. 

An  interesting  point  in  connection  with  this  subject  is  that  both 
the  Iranian  and  the  Malayan  Po-se  play  their  r61e  with  reference  to 
the  plant  and  fruit  in  question.  This,  as  far  as  I  know,  is  the  only  in- 
stance of  this  kind.  Fortunately,  the  situation  is  perfectly  manifest  on 
either  side.  The  fact  that  Twan  C'eii-si  hints  at  the  Iranian  Po-se 
(Persia)  is  well  evidenced  by  his  addition  of  the  Iranian  name;  while 
the  tree  itself  is  not  found  in  Persia,  and  merely  its  fruit  was  imported 
from  Syria  or  India.  The  Po-se,  alluded  to  in  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao  and 
presumably  traceable  to  C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  unequivocally  represents  the 
Malayan  Po-se:  it  is  joined  to  the  names  of  Sumatra  and  P'o-lo-men; 
and  Cassia  fistula  is  said  to  occur  there,  and  indeed  occurs  in  the  Malayan 
zone.  Moreover,  Li  Si-6en  has  added  such  an  unambiguous  definition 
of  the  location  of  this  Po-se,  that  there  is  no  room  for  doubt  of  its  identity. 

45.  Reference  has  been  made  to  the  similarity  of  cassia  pods  to 
carob  pods,  and  it  would  not  be  impossible  that  the  latter  were  included 
in  the  "  Persian  Gleditschia"  of  the  Chinese. 

Ceratonia  siliqua,  the  carob-tree,  about  thirty  feet  in  height,  is 
likewise  a  genus  of  the  family  Leguminosae,  a  typical  Mediterranean 
cultivation.  The  pods,  called  carob  pods,  carob  beans,  or  sometimes 
sugar  pods,  contain  a  large  quantity  of  mucilaginous  and  saccharine 
matter,  and  are  commonly  employed  in  the  south  of  Europe  for  feeding 
live-stock,  and  occasionally,  in  times  of  scarcity,  as  human  food.  The 
popular  names  " locust-pods"  or  "St.  John's  Bread"  rest  on  the  suppo- 
sition that  the  pods  formed  the  food  of  St.  John  in  the  wilderness 
(LUKE,  xv,  1 6);  but  there  is  better  reason  to  believe  that  the  locusts 
of  St.  John  were  the  animals  so  called,  and  these  are  still  eaten  in  the 
Orient.  The  common  Semitic  name  for  the  tree  and  fruit  is  Assyrian 
xarubu,  Aramaic  xdrubd,  Arabic  xarrub  and  xarnub.5  New  Persian 
xurnub  (khurnub)  or  xarnub,  also  xarrub  (hence  Osmanli  xarup,4  Neo- 

1  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXX,  1910,  p.  18. 

2  Cf.  above,  p.  359. 

8  Egyptian  d£arud£,  garuta,  darruga;  Coptic  garate,  are  Greek  loan-words 
(the  tree  never  existed  in  Egypt,  as  already  stated  by  Pliny,  xni,  16),  from  /cepdna. 

4  Also  ketSibujnuzu  ("goat's  horn"). 


CASSIA  PODS  AND  CAROB  425 

Greek  xapoviriov,  Italian  carrobo  or  carrubo,  Spanish  algarrobo,  French 
caroube  or  carouge),  is  based  on  the  Semitic  name.  Lelekl  is  another 
Persian  word  for  the  tree,  according  to  ScHLiMMER,1  peculiar  to  Gilan. 

The  Arabs  distinguish  three  varieties  of  carob,  two  of  which  are 
named  saidalani  and  sabuni?  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Arabs  who 
were  active  in  transplanting  the  tree  to  the  west  conveyed  it  also  to 
Persia.  A.  de  Candolle  does  not  mention  the  occurrence  of  the  carob 
in  that  country.  It  is  pointed  out,  however,  by  the  Mohammedan 
writers  on  Persia.  It  is  mentioned  as  a  cultivation  of  the  province 
Sabur  by  Muqaddasl3  and  Yaqut.4  Abu  Mansur  discusses  the  medicinal 
properties  of  the  fruit  in  his  pharmacopoeia;  he  speaks  of  a  Syrian  and 
a  Nabathasan  xarnub.5  SCHLIMMERG  remarks  that  the  tree  is  very 
common  in  the  forest  of  Gilan;  the  pods  serve  the  cows  as  food,  and  are 
made  into  a  sweet  and  agreeable  syrup.  No  Sanskrit  name  for  the 
tree  exists,  and  the  tree  itself  did  not  anciently  occur  in  India.7 

A  botanical  problem  remains  to  be  solved  in  connection  with  Cassia 
fistula.  DuHALDE8  mentions  cassia-trees  (Cassia  fistula)  in  the  province 
of  Yun-nan  toward  the  kingdom  of  Ava.  "They  are  pretty  tall,  and 
bear  long  pods;  whence  'tis  called  by  the  Chinese,  Chang-ko-tse-shu, 
the  tree  with  long  fruit  (ft  JK.  -?  8f) ;  its  pods  are  longer  than  those  we 
see  in  Europe,  and  not  composed  of  two  convex  shells,  like  those  of 
ordinary  pulse,  but  are  so  many  hollow  pipes,  divided  by  partitions 
into  cells,  which  contain  a  pithy  substance,  in  every  respect  like  the 
cassia  in  use  with  us."  S.  W.  WiLLiAMS9  has  the  following:  ''Cassia 
fistula,  t^  ffi  W  hwai  hwa  ts*in,  is  the  name  for  the  long  cylindrical  pods 
of  the  senna  tree  (Cathartocarpus) ,  known  to  the  Chinese  as  c'an  kwo-tse 
$M,  or  tree  with  long  fruit.  They  are  collected  in  Kwan-si  for  their 
pulp  and  seeds,  which  are  medicinal.  The  pulp  is  reddish  and  sweet, 
and  not  so  drastic  as  the  American  sort;  if  gathered  before  the  seeds 
are  ripe,  its  taste  is  somewhat  sharp.  It  is  not  exported,  to  any  great 

1  Terminologie,  p.  120.    The  pods  are  also  styled  tarmil. 

2  L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  16. 

3  P.  SCHWARZ,  Iran,  p.  32. 

4  BARBIER  DE  MEYNARD,  Dictionnaire  ge"ographique  de  la  Perse,  p.  294. 

5  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  59. 

6  Terminologie,  p.  119. 

7  The  alleged  word  for  the  carob,  $imbibheda,  given  in  the  English-Sanskrit 
Dictionary  of  A.  BOROOAH,  is  a  modern  artificial  formation  from  qinibi  or  Qiniba 
("pod").   According  to  WATT,  the  tree  is  now  almost  naturalized  in  the  Salt  Range 
and  other  parts  of  the  Pan  jab. 

8  Description  of  the  Empire  of  China,  Vol.  I,  p.  14  (or  French  ed.,  Vol.  I,  p.  26). 

9  Chinese  Commercial  Guide,  p.  114  (sth  ed.,  1863). 


426  SlNO-lRANICA 

extent,  west  of  the  Cape."  F.  P.  SMITH/  with  reference  to  this  state- 
ment of  Williams,  asserts  that  the  drug  is  unknown  in  Central  China, 
and  has  not  been  met  with  in  the  pages  of  the  Pen  ts'ao.  Likewise 
STUART,2  on  referring  to  DuHalde  and  Williams,  says,  "No  other 
authorities  are  found  for  this  plant  occurring  in  China,  and  it  is  not 
mentioned  in  the  Pen  ts'ao.  The  Customs  Lists  do  not  mention  it;  so, 
if  exported  as  Williams  claims,  it  must  be  by  land  routes.  The  subject 
is  worthy  of  investigation."  Cassia  fistula  is  not  listed  in  the  work  of 
Forbes  and  Hemsley. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  trees  described  by  DuHalde  and  Williams 
exist,  but  the  question  remains  whether  they  are  correctly  identified. 
The  name  hwai  used  by  Williams  would  rather  point  to  a  Sophora, 
which  likewise  yields  a  long  pod  containing  one  or  five  seeds,  and  his 
description  of  the  pulp  as  reddish  does  not  fit  Cassia  fistula.  Contrary 
to  the  opinions  of  Smith  and  Stuart,  the  species  of  Williams  is  referred 
to  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu?  As  an  appendix  to  his  a-p'o-lo  (instead  of 
a-lo-p'o),  Li  Si-Sen  treats  of  the  seeds  of  a  plant  styled  lo-wan-tse  it 
H  -?,  quoting  the  Kwei  hai  yu  hen  li  by  Fan  C'eii-ta  (1126-93)  as 
follows:  "Its  habitat  is  in  Kwan-si.  The  pods  are  several  inches  long, 
and  are  like  those  of  thefei  tsao  JJE  &  (Gleditschia  or  Gymnocladus  sinen- 
sis)  and  the  tao  tou  73  U  (Canavallia  ensiformis) .  The  color  [of  the 
pulp]  is  standard  red  JE  JJ.  Inside  there  are  two  or  three  seeds,  which 
when  baked  are  eatable  and  of  sweet  and  agreeable  flavor."4  This  lo-wan 
is  identified  with  Tamarindus  indica;5  and  this,  I  believe,  is  also  the 
above  plant  of  Williams,  which  must  be  dissociated  from  Cassia  fistula; 
for,  while  Li  Si-Sen  notes  the  latter  as  a  purely  exotic  plant,  he  does  not 
state  that  it  occurs  in  China;  as  to  lo-wan ,  he  merely  regards  it  as  a 
kindred  affair  on  account  of  the  peculiar  pods:  this  does  not  mean,  of 
course,  that  the  trees  yielding  these  pods  are  related  species.  The 
fruit  of  Tamarindus  indica  is  a  large  swollen  pod  from  four  to  six  inches 
long,  filled  with  an  acid  pulp.  In  India  it  is  largely  used  as  food,  being 
a  favorite  ingredient  in  curries  and  chutnies,  and  for  pickling  fish.  It  is 
also  employed  in  making  a  cooling  drink  or  sherbet.6 

1  Contributions  towards  the  Materia  Medica  of  China,  p.  53. 

2  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  96. 
»Ch.  31,  p.  9b. 

4  The  text  is  exactly  reproduced  (see  the  edition  in  the  Ci  pu  tsu  lai  ts'un  su, 
p.  24). 

5  MATSUMURA,  No.  3076  (in  Japanese  £dsen-modama-rabo$i). 
8  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  1067. 


NARCISSUS 

46.  The  Yu  yah  tsa  tsu1  contains  the  following  notice:  "The 
habitat  of  the  nai-k'i  tft  ffi  is  in  the  country  Fu-lin  (Syria).  Its  sprouts 
grow  to  a  height  of  three  or  four  feet.  Its  root  is  the  size  of  a  duck's 
egg.  Its  leaves  resemble  those  of  the  garlic  (Allium  sativum).  From  the 
centre  of  the  leaves  rises  a  very  long  stem  surmounted  by  a  six-petaled 
flower  of  reddish-white  color.2  The  heart  of  this  flower  is  yellow-red,  and 
does  not  form  fruit.  This  plant  grows  in  the  winter  and  withers  during 
the  summer.  It  is  somewhat  similar  to  shepherd's-purse  (tsi  ?¥, 
Capsella  bursa-pastoris)  and  wheat.3  An  oil  is  pressed  from  the  flowers, 
with  which  they  anoint  the  body  as  a  preventive  of  colds,  and  is  em- 
ployed by  the  king  of  Fu-lin  and  the  nobles  in  his  country." 

Li  Si-cen,  in  his  Pen  ts'ao  kan  muf  has  placed  this  extract  in  his 
notice  of  $wi  sien  ^K  \&  (Narcissus  tazetta*),5  and  after  quoting  it,  adds 
this  comment:  "Judging  from  this  description  of  the  plant,  it  is  similar 
to  Narcissus;  it  cannot  be  expected,  of  course,  that  the  foreign  name 
should  be  identical  with  our  own."6  He  is  perfectly  correct,  for  the 
description  answers  this  flower  very  well,  save  the  comparison  with 
Capsella.  Dioscorides  also  compares  the  leaves  of  Narcissus  to  those  of 
Allium,  and  says  that  the  root  is  rounded  like  a  bulb.7 

The  philological  evidence  agrees  with  this  explanation;  for  nai-k*it 
*nai-gi,  apparently  answers  to  Middle  Persian  *nargi,  New  Persian 
nargis  (Arabic  narjis),8  Aramaic  narkim,  Armenian  narges  (Persian 

1  Ch.  18,  p.  12  b. 

2  Cf.  the  description  of  Theophrastus  (Hist,  plant.,  vn,  13):    "In  the  case  of 
narcissus  it  is  only  the  flower- stem  which  comes  up,  and  it  immediately  pushes  up 
the  flower."  Also  Dioscorides  (iv,  158)  and  Pliny  (xxi,  25)  have  given  descriptions 
of  the  flower. 

3  This  sentence  is  omitted  (and  justly  so)  in  the  text,  as  reprinted  in  the  Pen 
ts'ao  kan  mu;  for  these  comparisons  are  lame. 

4  Ch.  13,  p.  16. 

5  Also  this  species  is  said  to  have  been  introduced  from  abroad  (Hwa  mu  siao  li 
xfE  >fc  /h  ;S»  P-  19  b,  in  &un  ts'ao  fan  tsi,  Ch.  25). 

6  In  another  passage  of  his  work  (Ch.  14,  p.  10)  he  has  the  same  text  under 
San  nai  \\j  §ff  (Kcempferia  galanga},  but  here  he  merely  adds  that  the  description 
of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  is  "a  little  like  san  nai." 

7  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  368. 

8  According  to  HUBSCHMANN  (Armen.  Gram.,  p.  201),  the  New-Persian  form 
would  presuppose  a  Pahlavi  *narkis.  In  my  opinion,  Greek  pdp/ao-o-os  is  derived  from 
an  Iranian  language  through  the  medium  of  an  idiom  of  Asia  Minor,  not  vice  versa, 
as  believed  by  NOELDEKE  (Persische  Studien,  II,  p.  43). 

427 


428  SlNO-lRANICA 

loan-word),  denoting  Narcissus  tazetta,  which  is  still  cultivated  in 
Persia  and  employed  in  the  pharmacopoeia.1  Oil  was  obtained  from  the 
narcissus,  which  is  called  vapdaawv  in  the  Greek  Papyri.2 

HiRTH3  has  erroneously  identified  the  Chinese  name  with  the  nard. 
Aside  from  the  fact  that  the  description  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  does  not 
at  all  fit  this  plant,  his  restoration,  from  a  phonetic  viewpoint,  remains 
faulty.  K'aii-hi  does  not  indicate  the  reading  not  for  the  first  character, 
as  asserted  by  Hirth,  but  gives  the  readings  nai,  ni,  and  yin.  The  second 
character  reads  k*i,  which  is  evolved  from  *gi,  but  does  not  repre- 
sent tij  as  Hirth  is  inclined  to  make  out.4 

For  other  reasons  it  is  out  of  the  question  to  see  the  nard  in  the 
term  nai-k'i;  for  the  nard,  a  product  of  India,  is  well  known  to  the 
Chinese  under  the  term  kan  sun  hian  ~H*  ^  §  .5  The  Chinese  did  not 
have  to  go  to  Fu-lin  to  become  acquainted  with  a  product  which  reached 
them  from  India,  and  which  the  Syrians  themselves  received  from 
India  by  way  of  Persia.6  Hebrew  nerd  (Canticle),  Greek  vapdos,7 
Persian  nard  and  nard,  are  all  derived  from  Sanskrit  nalada,  which 
already  appears  in  the  Atharvaveda.8  Hirth 's  case  would  also  run 
counter  to  his  theory  that  the  language  of  Fu-lin  was  Aramaic,  for 
the  word  nard  does  not  occur  there. 

1  SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  390.   Narcissus  is  mentioned  among  the  aromatic 
flowers  growing  in  great  abundance  in  Bi§avur,  province  of  Pars,  Persia  (G.  LE 
STRANGE,  Description  of  the  Province  of  Pars,  p.  51).    It  is  a  flower  much  praised 
by  the  poets  Hafiz  and  Jaml. 

2  T.  REIL,  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  des  Gewerbes  im  hellenistischen  Aegypten, 
p.  146.     Regarding  narcissus-oil,  see  Dioscorides,  I,  50;  and  LECLERC,  Traite"  des 
simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  103. 

3  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXX,  1910,  p.  22. 

4  See  particularly  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  I'EcolefranQaise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  291. 
6  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  278. 

6  I.  LOEW,  Aram.  Pflanzennamen,  pp.  368-369. 

7  First  in  Theophrastus,  Hist,  plant.,  IX.  vn,  2. 
s  See  p.  455. 


THE  BALM  OF  GILEAD 

47.  The  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu1  has  the  following  notice  of  an  exotic  plant 
referred  exclusively  to  Syria:  "The  plant  H  ^  &  a-p'o-ts'an  (*a-bwut- 
sam)  has  its  habitat  in  the  country  Fu-lin  (Syria) .  The  tree  is  over  ten 
feet  high.  Its  bark  is  green  and  white  in  color.  The  blossoms  are 
fine  &lfl,  two  being  opposite  each  other  (biflorate) .  The  flowers  resemble 
those  of  the  rape-turnip,  man-tsm  IE  W  (Brassica  rapa-depressa) , 
being  uniformly  yellow.  The  seeds  resemble  those  of  the  pepper-plant, 
hu-tsiao  ~$ft  $&  (Piper  nigrum).  By  chopping  the  branches,  one  obtains 
a  juice  like  oil,  that  is  employed  as  an  ointment,  serving  as  a  remedy  for 
ringworm,  and  is  useful  for  any  disease.  This  oil  is  held  in  very  high 
esteem,  and  its  price  equals  its  weight  in  gold." 

As  indicated  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  $i  i?  the  notice  of  the  plant 
a-p'o-san  has  been  adopted  by  two  works, —  the  C*enfu  t'un  hwi  @  S$t 
^t  H",  which  simply  notes  that  it  grows  in  Fu-lin;  and  the  Hwa  i  hwa 
mu  k'ao  IS  Jt  ffi  /fC  ^  ("Investigations  into  the  Botany  of  China  and 
Foreign  Countries"))  which  has  copied  the  account  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa 
tsu  without  acknowledgment.  Neither  of  these  books  gives  any  addi- 
tional information,  and  the  account  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  remains  the 
only  one  that  we  possess. 

The  transcription  *a-bwut(bwur)-sam,  which  is  very  exact,  leads 
to  Aramaic  and  Talmudic  afursama  NDD^BNS  (Greek  fiaXcranov, 
Arabic  balessdn),  the  balm  of  Gilead  (Amyris  gileadensis,  Balsamoden- 
dron  giliadense,  or  Commiphora  opobalsamum,  family  Burseraceae)  of 
ancient  fame.  This  case  splendidly  corroborates  Hirth's  opinion  that 
the  language  of  Fu-lin  (or  rather  one  of  the  languages  of  Fu-lin)  was 
Aramaic.  The  last  two  characters  p'o-ts'an  (*bwut-sam)  could  very 
well  transcribe  Greek  balsam;  but  the  element  H  excludes  Greek  and 
any  other  language  in  which  this  word  is  found,  and  admits  no  other 
than  Aramaic.  In  Syriac  we  have  apursama  and  pursdma  (pursma), 
hence  Armenian  aprsam  or  aprasam*  In  Neo-Hebrew,  afobalsmon  or 

1  Ch.  18,  p.  12. 

2  Ch.  4,  p.  15. 

3 1.  LOEW,  Aramaeische  Pflanzennamen,  p.  73.  Also  afarsma  and  afarsmon 
(].  BUXTORF,  Lexicon  chaldaicum,  p.  109;  J.  LEVY,  Neuhebr.  Worterbuch,  Vol.  I, 
p.  151).  Cf.  S.  KRAUSS,  Talmudische  Archaologie,  Vol.  I,  pp.  234-236. 

4  HUBSCHMANN,  Armenische  Grammatik,  p.  107.  I  do  not  believe  in  the  Persian 
origin  of  this  word,  as  tentatively  proposed  by  this  author. 

429 


43°  SlNO-lRANICA 


afofalsmon  is  derived  from  the  Greek  oTrofiaXo-anov.1  It  is  supposed  also 
that  Old-Testament  Hebrew  bdsdm  refers  to  the  balsam,  and  might 
represent  the  prototype  of  Greek  balsamon,  while  others  deny  that  the 
Hebrew  word  had  this  specific  meaning.2  In  my  opinion,  the  Greek 
/  cannot  be  explained  from  the  Hebrew  word. 

Twan  C'en-si's  description  of  the  tree,  made  from  a  long-distance 
report,  is  tolerably  exact.  The  Amyris  gileadensis  or  balsam-tree  is  an 
evergreen  shrub  or  tree  of  the  order  Amyridaceae  ,  belonging  to  the 
tropical  region,  chiefly  growing  in  southern  Arabia,  especially  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Mecca  and  Medina,  and  in  Abyssinia.  As  will  be  seen, 
it  was  transplanted  to  Palestine  in  historical  times,  and  Twan  was 
therefore  justified  in  attributing  it  to  Fu-lin.  The  height  of  the  tree  is 
about  fourteen  feet,  with  a  trunk  eight  or  ten  inches  in  diameter.  It 
has  a  double  bark,  —  an  exterior  one,  thin  and  red,  and  an  interior  one, 
thick  and  green;  when  chewed,  it  has  an  unctuous  taste,  and  leaves  an 
aromatic  odor.  The  blossoms  are  biflorate,  and  the  fruit  is  of  a  gray 
reddish,  of  the  size  of  a  small  pea,  oblong,  and  pointed  at  both  ends. 
The  tree  is  very  rare  and  difficult  to  cultivate.  Twan's  oil,  of  course, 
is  the  light  green,  fragrant  gum  exuded  from  the  branches,  always  highly 
valued  as  a  remedy,  especially  efficacious  in  the  cure  of  wounds.3  It 
was  always  a  very  costly  remedy,  and  Twan's  valuation  (equaling  its 
weight  in  gold)  meets  its  counterpart  in  the  statement  of  Theophrastus 
that  it  sells  for  twice  its  weight  in  silver. 

Flavius  Josephus  (first  century  A.D.)4  holds  that  the  introduction 
of  the  balsam-tree  into  Palestine,  which  still  flourished  there  in  his 
time,  is  due  to  the  queen  of  Saba.  In  another  passage5  he  states  that 
the  opobalsamum  (sap  of  the  tree)  grows  at  Engedi,  a  city  near  the  lake 
Asphaltitis,  three  hundred  furlongs  from  Jerusalem;  and  again,6  that  it 
grows  at  Jericho:  the  balsam,  he  adds  in  the  latter  passage,  is  of  all 
ointments  the  most  precious,  which,  upon  any  incision  made  in  the  wood 
with  a  sharp  stone,  exudes  out  like  juice. 

From  the  time  of  Solomon  it  was  cultivated  in  two  royal  gardens. 

1  J.  LEVY,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  137. 

2  E.  LEVESQUE  in  Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible,  Vol.  I,  col.  1517.     The  rapproche- 
ment of  basam  and  balsamon  has  already  been  made  by  D'HERBELOT  (Bibliotheque 
orientale,  Vol.  I,  p.  377),  though  he  gives  basam  only  as  Persian.   The  Arabic  form 
is  derived  from  the  Greek. 

3  Jeremiah,  vm,  22.    Regarding  its  employment  in  the  pharmacology  of  the 
Arabs,  see  LECLERC,  Traite*  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  pp.  255-257. 

4  Antiquitates  judaicae,  VIII.  VI,  6. 
^  Ibid.,  IX.  i,  2. 

•  Ibid.,  XIV.  iv,  i. 


THE  BALM  OF  GILEAD  431 

This  fact  was  already  known  to  Theophrastus,1  who  gives  this  account: 
"Balsam  grows  in  the  valley  of  Syria.  They  say  that  there  are  only 
two  parks  in  which  it  grows,  one  of  about  four  acres,  the  other  much 
smaller.  The  tree  is  as  tall  as  a  good-sized  pomegranate,  and  is  much 
branched;  it  has  a  leaf  like  that  of  rue,  but  it  is  pale;  and  it  is  ever- 
green. The  fruit  is  like  that  of  the  terebinth  in  size,  shape,  and  color, 
and  this  too  is  very  fragrant,  indeed  more  so  than  the  gum.  The  gum, 
they  say,  is  collected  by  making  incisions,  which  is  done  with  bent 
pieces  of  iron  at  the  time  of  the  Dog-star,  when  there  is  scorching  heat; 
and  the  incisions  are  made  both  in  the  trunks  and  in  the  upper  parts 
of  the  tree.  The  collecting  goes  on  throughout  the  summer;  but  the 
quantity  which  flows  is  not  very  large:  in  a  day  a  single  man  can 
collect  a  shell-full.  The  fragrance  is  exceedingly  great  and  rich,  so  that 
even  a  small  portion  is  perceived  over  a  wide  distance.  However, 
it  does  not  reach  us  in  a  pure  state:  what  is  collected  is  mixed  with 
other  substances;  for  it  mixes  freely  with  such,  and  what  is  known  in 
Hellas  is  generally  mixed  with  something  else.2  The  boughs  are  also 
very  fragrant.  In  fact,  it  is  on  account  of  these  boughs,  they  say,  that 
the  tree  is  pruned  (as  well  as  for  a  different  reason),  since  the  boughs 
cut  off  can  be  sold  for  a  good  price.  In  fact,  the  culture  of  the  trees  has 
the  same  motive  as  the  irrigation  (for  they  are  constantly  irrigated). 
And  the  cutting  of  the  boughs  seems  likewise  to  be  partly  the  reason 
why  the  trees  do  not  grow  tall ;  for,  since  they  are  often  cut  about,  they 
send  out  branches  instead  of  putting  out  all  their  energy  in  one  direc- 
tion. Balsam  is  said  not  to  grow  wild  anywhere.  From  the  larger  park 
are  obtained  twelve  vessels  containing  each  about  three  pints,  from  the 
other  only  two  such  vessels.  The  pure  gum  sells  for  twice  its  weight 
in  silver,  the  mixed  sort  at  a  price  proportionate  to  its  purity.  Balsam 
then  appears  to  be  of  exceptional  value." 

As  the  tree  did  not  occur  wild  in  Palestine,  but  only  in  the  state  of 
cultivation,  and  as  its  home  is  in  southern  Arabia,  the  tradition  of 
Josephus  appears  to  be  well  founded,  though  it  is  not  necessary  to 
connect  the  introduction  with  the  name  of  the  Queen  of  Saba. 

Strabo,3  describing  the  plain  of  Jericho,  speaks  of  a  palace  and  the 
garden  of  the  balsamum.  "The  latter,"  he  says,  "is  a  shrub  with  an 
aromatic  odor,  resembling  the  cytisus  (Medicago  arbored)  and  the 
terminthus  (terebinth-tree) .  Incisions  are  made  in  the  bark,  and  vessels 

1  Hist,  plant.,  IX,  6  (cf.  the  edition  and  translation  of  A.  HORT,  Vol.  II,  p.  245). 

2  E.  WIEDEMANN  (Sitzber.  phys.-med.  Soz.  Erl.,  1914,  pp.  178,  191)  has  dealt 
with  the  adulteration  of  balsam  from  Arabic  sources. 

3  XVI.  n,  41. 


432  SlNO-lRANICA 

are  placed  beneath  to  receive  the  sap,  which  is  like  oily  milk.  When 
collected  in  vessels,  it  becomes  solid.  It  is  an  excellent  remedy  for  head- 
ache, incipient  suffusion  of  the  eyes,  and  dimness  of  sight.  It  bears 
therefore  a  high  price,  especially  as  it  is  produced  in  no  other  place. " 

Dioscorides1  asserts  erroneously  that  balsam  grows  only  in  a  certain 
valley  of  India  and  in  Egypt;  while  Ibn  al-Baitar,2  in  his  Arabic  trans- 
lation of  Dioscorides,  has  him  correctly  say  that  it  grows  only 'in  Judaea, 
in  the  district  called  Rur  (the  valley  of  the  Jordan).  It  is  easily  seen 
how  Judasa  in  Greek  writing  could  be  misread  for  India. 

To  Pliny,3  balsamum  was  only  known  as  a  product  of  Judaea  (uni 
terrarum  ludaeae  concessum).  He  speaks  of  the  two  gardens  after 
Theophrastus,  and  gives  a  lengthy  description  of  three  different  kinds 
of  balsamum. 

In  describing  Palestine,  Tacitus4  says  that  in  all  its  productions  it 
equals  Italy,  besides  possessing  the  palm  and  the  balsam;  and  the 
far-famed  tree  excited  the  cupidity  of  successive  invaders.  Pompey 
exhibited  it  in  the  streets  of  Rome  in  65  B.C.,  and  one  of  the  wonderful 
trees  accompanied  the  triumph  of  Vespasian  in  A.D.  79.  During  the 
invasion  of  Titus,  two  battles  took  place  at  the  balsam-groves  of  Jericho, 
the  last  being  intended  to  prevent  the  Jews  from  destroying  the  trees. 
They  were  then  made  public  property,  and  were  placed  under  the 
protection  of  an  imperial  guard;  but  it  is  not  recorded  how  long  the  two 
plantations  survived.  Tn  this  respect,  the  Chinese  report  of  the  Yu  yah 
tsa  tsu  is  of  some  importance,  for  it  is  apt  to  teach  that  the  balm  of 
Gilead  must  still  have  been  in  existence  in  the  latter  part  of  the  ninth 
century.  It  further  presents  clear-cut  evidence  of  the  fact  that 
Judaea  was  included  in  the  Chinese  notion  of  the  country  Fu-lin. 

Abd  al-Latif  (n6i-i23i)5  relates  how  in  his  time  balsam  was  col- 
lected in  Egypt.  The  operation  was  preferably  conducted  in  the  summer. 
The  tree  was  shorn  of  its  leaves,  and  incisions  were  made  in  the  trunk, 
precaution  being  taken  against  injuring  the  wood.  The  sap  was  col- 
lected in  jars  dug  in  the  ground  during  the  heat,  then  they  were  taken 
out  to  be  exposed  to  the  sun.  The  oil  floated  on  the  surface  and  was 
cleanc  d  of  foreign  particles.  This  was  the  true  and  purest  balsam,  form- 
ing omy  th^  tenth  part  of  the  total  quantity  produced  by  a  tree.  At 
present,  in  Arabia  leaves  and  branches  of  the  tree  are  boiled.  The  first 

1 1,  18. 

2  LECLERC,  Trait6  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  255. 

»xn,  25,  §  in. 

4  Hist.,  v,  6. 

6  SILVESTRE  DE  SACY,  Relation  de  1'Egypte,  p.  20  (Paris,  1810). 


THE  BALM  OF  GILEAD  433 

floating  oil  is  the  best,  and  reserved  for  the  harem;  the  second  is  for 
commerce. 

The  tree  has  existed  in  Egypt  from  the  eleventh  to  the  beginning 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  It  was  presumably  introduced  there  by  the 
Arabs.  D'HERBELOT1  cites  an  Arabic  author  as  saying  that  the  balm 
of  Mathara  near  Cairo  was  much  sought  by  the  Christians,  owing  to 
the  faith  they  put  in  it.  It  served  them  as  the  chrism  in  Confirmation. 

The  Irish  pilgrim  Symon  Semeonis,  who  started  on  his  journey  to 
the  Holy  Land  in  1323,  has  the  following  interesting  account  of  the 
balsam-tree  of  Egypt:2  "To  the  north  of  the  city  is  a  place  called 
Matarieh,  where  is  that  famous  vine  said  to  have  been  formerly  in 
Engaddi  (cf.  Cant.,  i,  13),  which  distils  the  balsam.  It  is  diligently 
guarded  by  thirty  men,  for  it  is  the  source  of  the  greater  portion  of  the 
Sultan's  wealth.  It  is  not  like  other  vines,  but  is  a  small,  low,  smooth 
tree,  and  odoriferous,  resembling  in  smoothness  and  bark  the  hazel 
tree,  and  in  leaves  a  certain  plant  called  nasturtium  aquaticum.  The 
stalk  is  thin  and  short,  usually  not  more  than  a  foot  in  length;  every 
year  fresh  branches  grow  out  from  it,  having  from  two  to  three  feet  in 
length  and  producing  no  fruit.  The  keepers  of  the  vineyard  hire  Chris- 
tians, who  with  knives  or  sharp  stones  break  or  cut  the  tops  of  these 
branches  in  several  places  and  always  in  the  sign  of  a  cross.  The  balsam 
soon  distils  through  these  fractures  into  glass  bottles.  The  keepers 
assert  that  the  flow  of  balsam  is  more  abundant  when  the  incision 
is  made  by  a  Christian  than  by  a  Saracen."  3 

In  1550  PIERRE  BELON*  still  noted  the  tree  in  Cairo.  Two  speci- 
mens Were  still  alive  in  1612.  In  1615,  however,  the  last  tree  died. 

The  Semitic  word  introduced  into  China  by  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu 
seems  to  have  fallen  into  oblivion.  It  is  not  even  mentioned  in  the 
Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu.  The  word  "balsam,"  however,  was  brought  back  to 
China  by  the  early  Jesuits.  In  the  famous  work  on  the  geography  of 
the  world,  the  Cifan  wai  ki  tt  3f  9\-  £S,5  first  draughted  by  Pantoja,  and 
after  his  death  enlarged  and  edited  in  1623  by  Giulio  Aleni  (1582-1649), 
the  Peru  balsam  is  described  under  the  name  pa'r-sa-mo  $t  Iff  3St  If . 
The  same  word  with  reference  to  the  same  substance  is  employed  by 

1  Bibliotheque  orientale,  Vol.  I,  p.  392. 

2  M.  ESPOSITO,  The  Pilgrimage  of  Symon  Semeonis:    A  Contribution  to  the 
History  of  Mediaeval  Travel  (Geographical  Journal,  Vol.  LI,  1918,  p.  85). 

3  Cf.  the  similar  account  of  K.  v.  MEGENBERG  (Buch  der  Natur,  p.  358,  writ- 
ten in  1349-50). 

4  Observations  de  plusieurs  singularitez  et  choses  memorables,   trouve"es  en 
Grece,  Asie,  Iud£e,  Egypte,  Arabie,  p.  246. 

5  Ch.  4,  p.  3  (ed.  of  Sou  San  ko  ts*un  $u). 


434  SlNO-lRANICA 

Ferdinand  Verbiest  (1623-88)  in  his  K'un  yti  t*u  $wo  ty  H  [3  1£,  and 
was  hence  adopted  in  the  pharmacopoeia  of  the  Chinese,  for  it  figures 
in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  &  i.1  The  Chinese  Gazetteer  of  Macao2  mentions 
pa  'r-su-ma  aromatic  B  W  §?  Ok  W  as  a  kind  of  benjoin.  In  this  case 
we  have  a  transcription  of  Portuguese  bdlsamo. 

1  Ch.  6,  p.  19.   See,  further,  WAITERS,  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  339. 

2  Ao-men  li  lio,  Ch.  B,  p.  41  (cf.  WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  60). 


NOTE  ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  FU-LIN 

48.  The  preceding  notes  on  Fu-lin  plants  have  signally  confirmed 
Hirth's  opinion  in  regard  to  the  language  of  Fu-lin,  which  was  Aramaic. 
There  now  remains  but  one  Fu-lin  plant-name  to  be  identified.  This  is 
likewise  contained  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu.1  The  text  runs  as  follows: — 

"The  p'an-nu-se  ^^^  tree  has  its  habitat  in  Po-se  (Persia), 
likewise  in  Fu-lin.  In  Fu-lin  it  is  styled  k'un-han  l¥  St.  The  tree  is 
thirty  feet  high,  and  measures  from  three  to  four  feet  in  circumference. 
Its  leaves  resemble  those  of  the  si  Sun  %®  $?  (the  Banyan  tree,  Ficus 
retusa).  It  is  an  evergreen.  The  flowers  resemble  those  of  the  citrus, 
ku  ®,  and  are  white  in  color.  The  seeds  are  green  and  as  large  as  a 
sour  jujube,  swan  tsao  Sc  Si  (Diospyros  lotus).  They  are  sweet  of  taste 
and  glossy  (fat,  greasy).  They  are  eatable.  The  people  of  the  western 
regions  press  oil  out  of  them,  to  oint  their  bodies  with  to  ward  off 
ulcers." 

The  transcription  p'an-nu-se  answers  to  ancient  *bwan-du-sek; 
and  k'un-han,  to  ancient  g'win-xan.  Despite  a  long-continued  and 
intensive  search,  I  cannot  discover  any  Iranian  plant-name  of  the  type 
bandusek  or  wandusek,  nor  any  Aramaic  word  like  ginxan.  The  botanical 
characteristics  are  too  vague  to  allow  of  a  safe  identification.  Never- 
theless I  hope  that  this  puzzle  also  will  be  solved  in  the  future.2 

In  the  Fu-lin  name  a-li-k'u-fa  we  recognized  an  Indian  loan-word  in 
Aramaic  (p.  423).  It  would  be  tempting  to  regard  as  such  also  the 
Fu-lin  word  for  "pepper"  *a-li-xa-da  Rf  83  M  RE  (a-U-ho-Vo),  which 
may  be  restored  to  *alixada,  arixada,  arxad;  but  no  such  word  is  known 
from  Indian  or  in  Aramaic.  The  common  word  for  "  pepper  "  in  Aramaic 
isfilfol  (from  Sanskrit  pippala).  In  certain  Kurd  dialects  ].  DE  MORGANS 
has  traced  a  word  alat  for  "pepper,"  but  I  am  not  certain  that  this  is 

1  Ch.  18,  p.  10  b. 

2  My  colleague,  Professor  M.  Sprengling  at  the  University  of  Chicago,  kindly 
sent  me  the  following  information:    "Olive-oil  was  used  to  ward  off  ulcers  (see 
WINER,  Bibl.  Realwortb.,  Vol.  II,  p.  170;  and  KRAUSS,  Archaeologie  des  Talmud, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  229,  233,  683).    Neither  in  Krauss  nor  elsewhere  was  I  able  to  find  the 
name  of  an  oil-producing  tree  even  remotely  resembling  ginxan.    There  is  a  root 
qnx  ('to  wipe,  to  rub,  to  anoint').    It  is  theoretically  possible  that  q  is  pronounced 
voiced  and  thus  becomes  a  guttural  g,  and  that  from  this  root,  by  means  of  the 
suffix  -an,  may  be  derived  a  noun  *qmxan,  *ginxan  to  which  almost  any  significance 
derived  from  'rubbing,  anointing'  might  be  attached.   But  for  the  existence  of  such 
a  noun  or  adjective  I  have  not  the  slightest  evidence." 

3  Mission  scientifique  en  Perse,  Vol.  V,  p.  132. 

435 


436  SlNO-lRANICA 

connected  with  our  Fu-lin  word,  which  at  any  rate  represents  a  loan- 
word. 

There  is  another  Fu-lin  word  which  has  not  yet  been  treated  cor- 
rectly. The  T'ang  Annals,  in  the  account  of  Fu-lin  (Ch.  221),  mention 
a  mammal,  styled  ts'un  If,  of  the  size  of  a  dog,  fierce,  vicious,  and 
strong.1  BRETSCHNEiDER,2  giving  an  incorrect  form  of  the  name,  has 
correctly  identified  this  beast  with  the  hyena,  which,  not  being  found 
in  eastern  Asia,  is  unknown  to  the  Chinese.  Ma  Twan-lin  adds  that 
some  of  these  animals  are  reared,3  and  the  hyena  can  indeed  be  tamed. 
The  character  for  the  designation  of  this  animal  is  not  listed  in  K'an-hi's 
Dictionary;  but  K'an-hi  gives  it  in  the  form  U4  with  the  pronunciation 
hien  (fan-ts'ie  3t  ffc,  sound  equivalent  JS),  quoting  a  commentary  to 
the  dictionary  Er  ya,  which  is  identical  with  the  text  of  Ma  Twan-lin 
relative  to  the  animal  ts'un.  This  word  hien  (or  possibly  hiian)  can  be 
nothing  but  a  transcription  of  Greek  vaiva,  hyaena,  or  valvrj.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  should  be  noted  that  this  Greek  word  has  also  passed  as 
a  loan  into  Syriac;5  and  it  would  therefore  not  be  impossible  that  it 
was  Syrians  who  transmitted  the  Greek  name  to  the  Chinese.  This 
question  is  altogether  irrelevant;  for  we  know,  and  again  thanks  to 
Hirth's  researches,  that  the  Chinese  distinguished  two  Fu-lin, —  the 
Lesser  Fu-lin,  which  is  identical  with  Syria,  and  the  Greater  Fu-lin,  the 
Byzantine  Empire  with  Constantinople  as  capital.6  Byzantine  Greek, 
accordingly,  must  be  included  among  the  languages  spoken  in  Fu-lin. 

As  to  the  origin  of  the  name  Fu-lin,  I  had  occasion  to  refer  to  Pel- 
liot's  new  theory,  according  to  which  it  would  be  based  on  Rom, 
Rum.7  I  am  of  the  same  opinion,  and  perfectly  in  accord  with  the 
fundamental  principles  by  which  this  theory  is  inspired.  In  fact,  this 
is  the  method  followed  throughout  this  investigation:  by  falling 
back  on  the  ancient  phonology  of  Chinese,  we  may  hope  to  restore 
correctly  the  prototypes  of  the  Chinese  transcriptions.  Pelliot  starts 
from  the  Old-Armenian  form  Hrom  or  HrOm,8  in  which  h  represents 

1  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  pp.  60,  107,  220. 

2  Knowledge  possessed  by  the  Ancient  Chinese  of  the  Arabs,  p.  24. 

3  HIRTH  (op.  cit.,  p.  79)  translates,  "Some  are  domesticated  like  dogs."    But 
the  phrase  f£{  J6j  following  ^f  ^  ^  forms  a  separate  clause.    In  the  text  printed 
by  Hirth  (p.  115,  Q  22)  the  character  jfr  is  to  be  eliminated. 

4  Thus  reproduced  by  PALLADIUS  in  his  Chinese-Russian  Dictionary  (Vol.  I, 
p.  569)  with  the  reading  siian. 

5  R.  P.  SMITH,  Thesaurus  syriacus,  Vol.  I,  col.  338. 

6  Cf.  HIRTH,  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXIII,  1913,  pp.  202-208. 

7  The  Diamond  (this  volume,  p.  8).    PELLIOT'S  notice  is  in  Journal  asiatique, 
1914,  I,  pp.  498-500. 

8  Cf.  HUBSCHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  362. 


NOTE  ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  FU-LIN  437 

the  spiritus  asper  of  the  initial  Greek  r.  In  some  Iranian  dialects  the 
spiritus  asper  is  marked  by  an  initial  vowel:  thus  in  Pahlavi  Arum,  in 
Kurd  Urum.  The  ancient  Armenian  words  with  initial  hr,  as  explained 
by  A.  Meillet,  were  borrowed  from  Parthian  dialects  which  transformed 
initial  Iranian  /  into  h:  for  instance,  Old  Iranian  framana  (now  fermanj 
"order")  resulted  in  Armenian  hraman,  hence  from  Parthian  *hraman. 
Thus  *From,  probably  conveyed  by  the  Sogdians,  was  the  prototype 
from  which  Chinese  Fu-lin,  *Fu-lim,  was  fashioned.  In  my  opinion, 
the  Chinese  form  is  not  based  on  *From,  but  on  *Frim  or  *Frim.  Rim 
must  have  been  an  ancient  variant  of  Rum;  Rim  is  still  the  Russian 
designation  of  Rome.1  What  is  of  still  greater  importance  is  that,  as 
has  been  shown  by  J.  J.  MoDi,2  there  is  a  Pahlavi  name  Sairima,  which 
occurs  in  the  Farvardin  Yast,  and  is  identified  with  Rum  in  the  Bun- 
dahisn;  again,  in  the  Sahnameh  the  corresponding  name  is  Rum.  This 
country  is  said  to  have  derived  its  name  from  Prince  Selam,  to  whom 
it  was  given;  but  this  traditional  opinion  is  not  convincing.  A  form 
Rima  or  Rim  has  accordingly  existed  in  Middle  Persian;  and,  on  the 
basis  of  the  Chinese  transcription  *Fu-lim  or  *Fu-rim,  it  is  justifiable 
to  presuppose  the  Iranian  (perhaps  Parthian)  prototype  *Frim,  from 
which  the  Chinese  transcription  was  made. 

1  What  Pelliot  remarks  on  the  Tibetan  names  Ge-sar  and  P'rom  is  purely 
hypothetical,  and  should  rather  be  held  in  abeyance  for  the  present.    We  know  so 
little  about  the  Ge-sar  epic,  that  no  historical  conclusions  can  be  derived  from  it. 
For  the  rest,  the  real  Tibetan  designation  for  Byzance  or  Turkey,  in  the  same 
manner  as  in  New  Persian,  is  Rum  (T'oung  Poo,  1916,  p.  491).    In  regard  to  the 
occurrence  of  this  name  in  Chinese  transcriptions  of  more  recent  date,  see  BRET- 
SCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  II,  p.  306;  and  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  141. 

2  Asiatic  Papers,  p.  244  (Bombay,  1905). 


THE  WATER-MELON 

49.  This  Cucurbitacea  (Citrullus  wlgaris  or  Cucurbita  citrullus) 
is  known  to  the  Chinese  under  the  name  si  kwa  B  jK.  ("  melon  of  the 
west").  The  plant  now  covers  a  zone  from  anterior  Asia,  the  Caucasus 
region,  Persia  to  Turkistan  and  China,  also  southern  Russia  and  the 
regions  of  the  lower  Danube.  There  is  no  evidence  to  lead  one  to  sup- 
pose that  the  cultivation  was  very  ancient  in  Iran,  India,  Central  Asia, 
or  China;  and  this  harmonizes  with  the  botanical  observation  that 
the  species  has  not  been  found  wild  in  Asia.1 

A.  ENGLER2  traces  the  home  of  the  water-melon  to  South  Africa, 
whence  he  holds  it  spread  to  Egypt  and  the  Orient  in  most  ancient  times, 
and  was  diffused  over  southern  Europe  and  Asia  in  the  pre-Christian 
era.  This  theory  is  based  on  the  observation  that  the  water-melon 
grows  spontaneously  in  South  Africa,  but  it  is  not  explained  by  what 
agencies  it  .was  disseminated  from  there  to  ancient  Egypt.  Neverthe- 
less the  available  historical  evidence  in  Asia  seems  to  me  to  speak 
in  favor  of  the  theory  that  the  fruit  is  not  an  Asiatic  cultivation;  and, 
since  there  is  no  reason  to  credit  it  to  Europe,  it  may  well  be  traceable 
to  an  African  origin. 

The  water-melon  is  not  mentioned  by  any  work  of  the  T'ang  dy- 
nasty; notably  it  is  absent  from  the  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yii  ki.  The  earliest 
allusion  to  it  is  found  in  the  diary  of  Hu  Kiao  iS  ^H,  entitled  Hien  lu  ki 
PS  18  ffi,  which  is  inserted  in  chapter  73  of  the  History  of  the  Five  Dy- 
nasties (Wu  tai  Si),  written  by  Nou-yaii  Siu  Bfc  il  H£  (A.D.  1017-72) 
and  translated  by  E.  CHAVANNES.S  Hu  Kiao  travelled  in  the  country 
of  the  Kitan  from  A.D.  947  to  953,  and  narrates  that  there  for  the  first 
time  he  ate  water-melons  (si  kwa).4  He  goes  on  to  say,  "It  is  told  that 
the  Kitan,  after  the  annihilation  of  the  Uigur,  obtained  this  cultivation. 
They  cultivated  the  plant  by  covering  the  seeds  with  cattle-manure 
and  placing  mats  over  the  beds.  The  fruit  is  as  large  as  that  of  the 

1  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  263. 

2  In  Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  323. 

•  Voyageurs  chinois  chez  les  Khitan  (Journal  asiatique,  1897,  I,  pp.  390-442). 

4  Chavannes'  translation  "melons"  (p.  400)  is  inadequate;  the  water-melon 
is  styled  in  French  past&que  or  melon  d'eau.  Hu  Kiao,  of  course,  was  acquainted 
with  melons  in  general,  but  what  he  did  not  previously  know  is  this  particular  species. 
During  Napoleon's  expedition  to  Egypt,  "on  mangeait  des  lentilles,  des  pigeons,  et 
un  melon  d'eau  exquis,  connu  dans  les  pays  me"ridionaux  sous  le  nom  de  pastique. 
Les  soldats  1'appelaient  sainte  pasttque"  (THIERS,  Histoire  de  la  revolution  francaise). 

438 


THE  WATER-MELON  439 

tun  kwa  4*  JR  (Benincasa  cerifera)1  and  of  sweet  taste."2  The  water- 
melon is  here  pointed  out  as  a  novelty  discovered  by  a  Chinese  among 
the  Kitan,  who  then  occupied  northern  China,  and  who  professed  to 
have  received  it  from  the  Turkish  tribe  of  the  Uigur.  It  is  not  stated 
in  this  text  that  Hu  Kiao  took  seeds  of  the  fruit  along  or  introduced  it 
into  China  proper.  This  should  be  emphasized,  in  view  of  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  (see  below), and  upheld  by  Bretschneider 
and  A.  de  Candolle,  that  the  water-melon  was  in  China  from  the  tenth 
century.  At  that  time  it  was  only  in  the  portion  of  China  held  by  the 
Kitan,  but  still  unknown  in  the  China  of  the  Chinese.3 

1  "Cultivated  in  China,  Japan,  India  and  Africa,  and  often  met  with  in  a  wild 
state:  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  it  is  indigenous"  (FORBES  and  HEMSLEY,  Journal 
Linnean  Society,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  315). 

2  Hu  Kiao  was  a  good  observer  of  the  flora  of  the  northern  regions,  and  his 
notes  have  a  certain  interest  for  botanical  geography.    Following  his  above  refer- 
ence to  the  water-melon,  he  continues,  "Going  still  farther  east,  we  arrived  at  Niao- 
t'an,  where  for  the  first  time  willows  [JurSi  suxei]  are  encountered,  also  water-grass, 
luxuriant  and  fine;  the  finest  of  this  kind  is  the  grass  si-ki  J§,  fjt  with  large  blades. 
Ten  of  these  are  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  appetite  of  a  horse.    From  Niao-t'an  we 
advanced  into  high  mountains  which  it  took  us  ten  days'  journey  to  cross.   Then  we 
passed  a  large  forest,  two  or  three  li  long,  composed  entirely  of  elms,  wu-i  Jj|  ^ 
(Ulmus  macrocarpa) ,  the  branches  and  leaves  of  which  are  set  with  thorns  like  arrow- 
feathers.   The  soil  is  devoid  of  grass."   Si-ki  apparently  represents  the  transcription 
of  a  Kitan  word.   Three  species  of  elm  occur  in  the  Amur  region, —  Ulmus  montana, 
U.  campestris,  and    U.  suberosa    (GRUM-GRZIMAILO,  Opisanie  Amurskoi    Oblasti, 
p.  316).    In  regard  to  the  locality  T'an-6'en-tien,  Hu  Kiao  reports,  "The  climat 
there  is  very  mild,  so  that  the  Kitan,  when  they  suffer  from  great  cold,  go  there  to 
warm  up.    The  wells  are  pure  and  cool;  the  grass  is  soft  like  down,  and  makes  a 
good  sleeping-couch.    There  are  many  peculiar  flowers  to  be  found,  of  which  two 
species  may  be  mentioned, — one  styled  han-kin  ^  <£*,  the  size  of  the  palm  of  a 
hand,  of  gold  color  so  brilliant  that  it  dazzles  man;  the  other,  termed  ts*in  zan 
^  ^,  like  the  kin  t*en  ^  j||  (Orithia  edulis)  of  China,  resembling  in  color  an 
Indigofera  (Ian  ijff)  and  very  pleasing."     The  term  han-kin  appears  to  be  the  tran- 
scription of  a  Kitan  word;  so  is  perhaps  also  ts'in  zan,  although,  according  to  STUART 
(Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  404),  the  leaves  of  Sesamum  are  so  called;  this  plant, 
however,  cannot  come  here  into  question. 

3  The  Pien  tse  lei  pien  cites  the  Wu  tai  Si  to  the  effect  that  Siao  Han  fj  ft, 
after  the  subjugation  of  the  Uigur,  obtained  the  seeds  of  water-melons  and  brought 
them  back,  and  that  the  fruit  as  a  product  of  the  Western  Countries  (Si  yu,  that  is, 
Central  Asia)  was  called  "western  melon"  (si  kwa).    I  regret  not  having  been  able  to 
trace  this  text  in  the  Wu  tai  si.    The  biography  of  Siao  Han  inserted  in  the  Kiu 
Wu  tai  Si  (Ch.  98,  pp.  6  b-7  a)  contains  nothing  of  the  kind.    The  statement  itself 
is  suspicious  for  two  reasons.    Siao  Han,  married  to  A-pu-li,  sister  of  the  Emperor 
Wu-yii,  in  A.D.  948  was  involved  in  a  high-treason  plot,  and  condemned  to  death  in 
the  ensuing  year  (cf.  H.  C.  v.  D.  GABELENTZ,  Geschichte  der  grossen  Liao,  p.  65; 
and  CHAVANNES,  op.  cit.,  p.  392).    Hu  Kiao  was  secretary  to  Siao  Han,  and  in  this 
capacity  accompanied  him  to  the  Kitan.    After  his  master's  death,  Hu  Kiao  was 
without  support,  and  remained  among  the  Kitan  for  seven  years  (up  to  the  year  953). 
It  was  in  the  course  of  these  peregrinations  that,  as  related  above,  he  was  first 
introduced  to  water-melons.    Now,  if  Siao  Han  had  really  introduced  this  fruit  into 


440  SlNO-lRANICA 

The  man  who  introduced  the  fruit  into  China  proper  was  Hun  Hao 
$c  6§  (A.D.  1090-1155),  ambassador  to  the  Kin  or  Jurci,  among  whom  he 
remained  for  fifteen  years  (1129-43).  In  his  memoirs,  entitled  Sun  mo 
ki  wen  &  JH  ilfi  1*9,  he  has  the  following  report:1  "The  water-melon 
(si  kwa)  is  in  shape  like  a  flat  Acorus  (p'u  Sf),  but  rounded.  It  is  very 
green  in  color,  almost  blue-green.  In  the  course  of  time  it  will  change 
into  yellow.  This  Cucurbitacea  (t*ie  fi£)  resembles  the  sweet  melon  (tien 
kwa  ?itt  jR,  Cucumis  melo),  and  is  sweet  and  crisp.2  Its  interior  is  filled 

China  during  his  lifetime  (that  is,  prior  to  the  year  949),  we  might  justly  assume 
that  his  secretary  Hu  Kiao  must  have  possessed  knowledge  of  this  fact,  and  would 
hardly  speak  of  the  fruit  as  a  novelty.  Further,  the  alleged  introduction  of  the 
fruit  by  Siao  Han  conflicts  with  the  tradition  that  this  importation  is  due  to  Hun 
Hao  in  the  twelfth  century  (see  above).  It  would  be  nothing  striking,  of  course,  if,  as 
the  fruit  was  cultivated  by  the  Kitan,  several  Chinese  ambassadors  to  this  people 
should  have  carried  the  seeds  to  their  country;  but,  as  a  rule,  such  new  acquisitions 
take  effect  without  delay,  and  if  Siao  Han  had  imported  the  seeds,  there  was  no 
necessity  for  Hun  Hao  to  do  so  again.  Therefore  it  seems  preferable  to  think  either 
that  the  text  of  the  above  quotation  is  corrupted,  or  that  the  tradition,  if  it  existed, 
is  a  subsequent  makeshift  or  altogether  erroneous. 

1  Not  having  access  to  an  edition  of  this  work,  I  avail  myself  of  the  extract,  as 
printed  in  the  Kwan  k'unfan  p'u  (Ch.  14,  p.  17  b),  the  texts  of  which  are  generally 
given  in  a  reliable  form. 

2  In  regard  to  the  melon  (Cucumis  melo],  A.  DE  CANDOLLE  (Origin  of  Cultivated 
Plants,  p.  261)  says  with  reference  to  a  letter  received  from  Bretschneider  in  1881, 
"Its  introduction  into  China  appears  to  date  only  from  the  eighth  century  of  our 
era,  judging  from  the  epoch  of  the  first  work  which  mentions  it.    As  the  relations 
of  the  Chinese  with  Bactriana,  and  the  north-west  of   India  by  the  embassy  of 
Chang-Kien,  date  from  the  second  century,  it  is  possible  that  the  culture  of  the 
species  was  not  then  widely  diffused  in  Asia."   Nothing  to  the  effect  is  to  be  found  in 
Bretschneider's  published  works.    In  his  Bot.  Sin.  (pt.  II,  p.  197)  he  states  that  all 
the  cucurbitaceous  plants  now  cultivated  for  food  in  China  are  probably  indigenous 
to  the  country,  with  the  exception  of  the  cucumber  and  water-melon,  which,  as  their 
Chinese  names  indicate,  were  introduced  from  the  West.    In  the  texts  assembled 
in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  regarding  tien  kwa,  no  allusion  is  made  to  foreign  origin. 
Concerning  the  gourd  or   calabash  (Lagenaria  vulgaris),  A.  DE   CANDOLLE  (/.  c., 
p.  246)  states  after  a  letter  of  Bretschneider  that  "the  earliest  work  which  mentions 
the  gourd  is  that  of  Tchong-tchi-chou,  of  the  first  century  before  Christ,  quoted  in 
a  work  of  the  fifth  or  sixth  century."    This  seems  to  be  a  confusion  with  the  Cun 
$u  $u  of  the  T'ang  period  (BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  I,  p.  79).   The  gourd,  of 
course,  occurs  in  ancient  canonical  literature  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  II,  p.  198).   The  history 
of  this  and  other  cucurbitaceous  plants  requires  new  and  critical  investigation,  the 
difficulty  of  which  is  unfortunately  enhanced  by  a  constant  confusion  of  terms  in 
all  languages,  the  name  of  one  species  being  shifted  to  another.   It  means  very  little, 
of  course,  that  at  present,  as  recently  emphasized  again  by  H.  J.  SPINDEN  (Pro- 
ceedings Nineteenth  Congress  of  Americanists,  p.  271,  Washington,  1917),  Lagenaria 
is  distributed  over  the  New  and  Old  Worlds  alike;  the  point  is,  where  the  centre  of  the 
cultivation  was  (according  to  A.  de  Candolle  it  was  in  India;  see,  further,  ASA  GRAY, 
Scientific  Papers,  Vol.  I,  p.  330),  and  how  it  spread,  or  whether  the  wild  form  had  a 
wide  geographical  range  right  from  the  beginning,  and  was  cultivated  independently 
in  various  countries.    In  view  of  the  great  antiquity  of  the  cultivation  both  in  India 
and  China,  the  latter  assumption  would  seem  more  probable;  but  all  this  requires 
renewed  and  profound  investigation. 


THE  WATER-MELON  441 

with  a  juice  which  is  very  cold.  Hun  Hao,  when  he  went  out  as  envoy, 
brought  the  fruit  back  to  China.  At  present  it  is  found  both  in  the 
imperial  orchards  and  in  village  gardens.  It  can  be  kept  for  several 
months,  aside  from  the  fact  that  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  it  from 
assuming  a  yellow  hue  in  course  of  time.  In  P'o-yaii  SC  il1  there  lived 
a  man  who  for  a  long  time  was  afflicted  with  a  disease  of  the  eyes. 
Dried  pieces  of  water-melon  were  applied  to  them  and  caused  him  relief, 
for  the  reason  that  cold  is  a  property  of  this  fruit."  Accordingly  the 
water-melon  was  transplanted  into  China  proper  only  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  twelfth  century.  Also  the  Si  wu  ki  yuan  9-  $J  $6  H^,2  which 
says  that  in  the  beginning  there  were  no  water-melons  in  China, 
attributes  their  introduction  to  Hun  Hao.  The  Kin  or  Jur£i,  a  nation 
of  Tungusian  origin,  appear  to  have  learned  the  cultivation  from  the 
Kitan.  From  a  Jurci-Chinese  glossary  we  know  also  the  Jurci  designa- 
tion of  the  water-melon,  which  is  xeko,  corresponding  to  Manchu 
xengke,  a  general  term  for  cucurbitaceous  plants.  In  Golde,  xinke 
(in  other  Tungusian  dialects  kemke,  kenke)  denotes  the  cucumber,  and 
seho  or  sego  the  water-melon.  The  proper  Manchu  word  for  the  water- 
melon is  dungga  or  dunggan.  The  Tungusian  tribes,  accordingly,  did 
not  adopt  the  Persian-Turkish  word  karpuz  (see  below)  from  the  Uigur, 
but  applied  to  the  water-melon  an  indigenous  word,  that  originally 
denoted  another  cucurbitaceous  species. 

Following  is  the  information  given  on  the  subject  in  the  Pen  ts'ao 
kan  mu. 

Wu  Zui  ^  S,  a  physician  from  the  province  of  Ce-kian  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  author  of  the  Zi  yun  pen  ts'ao  0  $§  ^  ^,  is  cited 
in  this  work  as  follows:  "When  the  Kitan  had  destroyed  the  Uigur, 
they  obtained  this  cultivation.  They  planted  this  melon  by  covering 
the  seeds  with  cattle-manure.  The  formation  of  this  fruit  is  like  the 
peck  tou  ^TJ  it  is  large  and  round  like  a  gourd,  and  in  color  like  green 
jade.  The  seeds  have  a  color  like  gold,  but  some  like  black  hemp.  In 
the  northern  part  of  our  country  the  fruit  is  plentiful."  Li  Si-cen  ob- 
serves, " According  to  the  Hien  lu  ki  by  Hu  Kiao  (see  p.  438),  this 
cultivation  was  obtained  after  the  subjugation  of  the  Uigur.  It  is  styled 
'western  melon'  (si  kwd).  Accordingly  it  is  from  the  time  of  the  Wu-tai 
(A.D.  907-960)  that  it  was  first  introduced  into  China.3  At  present  it 
occurs  both  in  the  south  and  north  of  the  country,  though  the  southern 

1  In  the  prefecture  of  Zao-Sou,  Kian-si. 

2  The  work  of  Kao  C'en  g  &  of  the  Sung  dynasty. 

8  The  same  opinion  is  expressed  by  Yan  Sen  (1488-1559)  in  his  Tan  frien  tsuii 
lu  (above,  p.  331). 


442  SlNO-lRANICA 

fruit  is  inferior  in  taste  to  that  of  the  north."  He  distinguishes  sweet, 
insipid,  and  sour  varieties. 

In  the  T*ao  hun  kin  Zu  $0  ;£  7JC  9:1  it  is  stated  that  in  Yun-kia 
3K  $  (in  the  prefecture  of  Wen-5ou,  Ci-li)  there  were  han  kwa  ^  & 
("cold  melons")  of  very  large  size,  which  could  be  preserved  till  the 
coming  spring,  and  which  are  regarded  as  identical  with  the  water- 
melon. Li  Si-cen  justly  objects  to  this  interpretation,  commenting  that, 
if  the  water-melon  was  first  introduced  in  the  Wu-tai  period,  the  name 
si  kwa  could  not  have  been  known  at  that  time.  This  objection  must 
be  upheld,  chiefly  for  the  reason  that  we  have  no  other  records  from  the 
fourth  century  or  even  the  T'ang  period  which  mention  the  water- 
melon: it  is  evidently  a  post-T'ang  introduction.2 

Ye  Tse-k'i,  in  his  Ts*ao  mu  tse  ^  /{C  -f-  written  in  1378,  remarked 
that  water-melons  were  first  introduced*  under  the  Yuan,  when  the 
Emperor  Si-tsu  ft  18.  (Kubilai)  subjugated  Central  Asia.  This  view 
was  already  rejected  under  the  Ming  in  the  Cen  In  Fwan  &  *%>  $n  by 
C'en  Ki-zu  W>  $3  ffir,  who  aptly  referred  to  the  discovery  of  the  fruit  by 
Hu  Kiao,  and  added  that  it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Er  ya,  the  various 
older  Pen  ts*ao,  the  Ts'i  min  yao  $u,  and  other  books  of  a  like  character, 
it  being  well  known  that  the  fruit  did  not  anciently  exist  in  China.  As 
to  this  point,  all  Chinese  writers  on  the  subject  appear  to  be  agreed;  and 
its  history  is  so  well  determined,  that  it  has  not  given  rise  to  attempts 
of  antedating  or  "changkienizing"  the  introduction. 

The  Chinese  travellers  during  the  Mongol  period  frequently  allude 
to  the  large  water-melons  of  Persia  and  Central  Asia.3  On  the  other 
hand,  Ibn  Batuta  mentions  the  excellent  water-melons  of  China,  which 
are  like  those  of  Khwarezm  and  Ispahan.4 

According  to  the  Manchu  officers  Fusamb6  and  Surde,  who  pub- 
lished an  account  of  Turkistan  about  I772,5  the  water-melon  of  this 
region,  though  identical  with  that  of  China,  does  not  equal  the  latter 
in  taste;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  much  inferior  to  it.  Other  species  of  melon 
belong  to  the  principal  products  of  Turkistan;  some  are  called  by  the 
Chinese  "Mohammedan  caps"  and  "Mohammedan  eyes."  The  so- 
called  "Kami  melon,"  which  is  not  a  water-melon,  and  ten  varieties 
of  which  are  distinguished,  enjoys  a  great  reputation.  Probably  it  is 

1  Apparently  a  commentary  to  the  works  of  T'ao  Hun-kin  (A.D.  451-536). 

2  The  alleged  synonyme  han  kwa  for  the  water-melon,  adopted  also  by  BRET- 
SCHNEIDER  (Chinese  Recorder,  1871,  p.  223)  and  others,  must  therefore  be  weeded  out. 

3  Cf.  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  I,  pp.  20,  31,  67,  89. 

4  YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed.,  Vol.  IV,  p.  109. 

6  Hui  k'ian  £i,  see  above,  p.  230;  and  below,  p.  562. 


THE  WATER-MELON  443 

a  variety  of  sweet  melon  (Cucumis  melo),  called  in  Uigur  and  Djagatai 
kogun,  kavyn,  or  kaun,  in  Turk!  qawa  and  qawaq. 

It  is  said  to  have  been  introduced  into  China  as  late  as  the  K'an-hi 
era  (1662-1721),  and  was  still  expensive  at  that  time,  but  became 
ubiquitous  after  the  subjugation  of  Turkistan.1  Of  other  foreign 
countries  that  possess  the  water-melon,  the  Yin  yai  $en  Ian  mentions 
Su-men-ta-la  (Sumatra),  where  the  fruit  has  a  green  shell  and  red 
seeds,  and  is  two  or  three  feet  in  length,2  and  Ku-li  "&  M  (Calicut)  in 
India,  where  it  may  be  had  throughout  the  year.3  In  the  country  of  the 
Mo-ho  the  fruits  are  so  heavy  that  it  takes  two  men  to  lift  them.  They 
are  said  to  occur  also  in  Camboja.4  If  it  is  correct  that  the  first  report 
of  the  water-melon  reached  the  Chinese  not  earlier  than  the  tenth 
century  (and  there  is  no  reason  to  question  the  authenticity  of  this 
account),  this  late  appearance  of  the  fruit  would  rather  go  to  indicate 
that  its  arrival  in  Central  Asia  was  almost  as  late  or  certainly  not  much 
earlier;  otherwise  the  Chinese,  during  their  domineering  position  in 
Central  Asia  under  the  T'ang,  would  surely  not  have  hesitated  to 
appropriate  it.  This  state  of  affairs  is  confirmed  by  conditions  in  Iran 
and  India,  where  only  a  mediaeval  origin  of  the  fruit  can  be  safely  sup- 
posed. 

The  point  that  the  water-melon  may  have  been  indigenous  in 
Persia  from  ancient  times  is  debatable.  Such  Persian  terms  as  hindewane 
("Indian  fruit")  [Afghan  hindwdnd]  or  battix  indi  (" Indian  melon")5 
raise  the  suspicion  that  it  might  have  been  introduced  from  India.6 
GARCIA  DA  ORTA  states,  "According  to  the  Arabs  and  Persians,  this 
fruit  was  brought  to  their  countries  from  India,  and  for  that  reason  they 

1  Hui  k'ian  £i,  Ch.  2;  and  Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  16,  p.  85. 

2  Malayan  mandetikei,  tambikei,  or  semanka  (Javanese  semonka,  Cam  samkai). 
Regarding  other  Malayan  names  of  cucurbitaceous  plants,  see  R.  BRANDSTETTER, 
Mata-Hari,  p.  27;  cf.  also  J.  CRAWFURD,  History  of  the  Indian  Archipelago,  Vol.  I, 
P-  435- 

3  Regarding  other  cucurbitaceous  plants  of  Calicut,  see  ROCKHILL,  T'oung  Pao, 
I9I5.  PP-  459.  460;  but  tun  kwa  is  not,  as  there  stated,  the  cucumber,  it  is  Benincasa 
cerifera. 

4  Kwan  k'iin  fan  p'u,  Ch.  14,  p.  18.    Cf.  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$aise, 
Vol.  II,  p.  169.     Water-melons  are  cultivated  in  Siam  (PALLEGOIX,  Description 
du  royaume  Thai,  Vol.  I,  p.  126). 

5  From  the  Arabic;  Egyptian  bettu-ka,  Coptic   betuke;  hence  Portuguese  and 
Spanish  pasteca,  French  pastegue.    The  batfix  hindi  has  already  been  discussed  by  Ibn 
al-Baitar  (L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  240)  and  by  Abu  Mansur  (AcnuN- 
DOW,  p.  23).   Armenian  ttum  bears  no  relation  to  the  dudaim  of  the  Bible,  as  tenta- 
tively suggested  by  E.  SEIDEL  (Mechithar,  p.  121).    The  latter  refers  to  the  man- 
dragora. 

6  Thus  also  SPIEGEL,  Eranische  Altertumskunde,  Vol.  I,  p.  259. 


444  SlNO-lRANICA 

call  it  Batiec  Indi,  which  means  ' melon  of  India,'  and  Avicenna  so  calls 
it  in  many  places."1  Nor  does  Persian  herbuz*  Middle  Persian  harbojina 
or  ocarbuzak  (literally,  "donkey-cucumber")  favor  the  assumption  of 
an  indigenous  origin.  VAMB^RY3  argues  that  Turkish  karpuz  or  harbuz 
is  derived  from  the  Persian,  and  that  accordingly  the  fruit  hails  from 
Persia,  though  the  opposite  standpoint  would  seem  to  be  equally 
justifiable,  and  the  above  interpretation  may  be  no  more  than  the 
outcome  of  a  popular  etymology.  But  Vambe'ry,  after  all,  may  be  right; 
at  least,  by  accepting  his  theory  it  would  be  comparatively  easy  to 
account  for  the  migration  of  the  water-melon.  In  this  case,  Persia 
would  be  the  starting-point  from  which  it  spread  to  the  Turks  of  Central 
Asia  and  finally  to  China.4  A  philological  argument  may  support  the 
opinion  that  the  Turkish  word  was  derived  from  Persia:  besides  the 
forms  with  initial  guttural,  we  meet  an  alternation  with  initial  dental, 
due  to  phonetic  dissimilation.  The  Uigur,  as  we  know  from  the  Uigur- 
Chinese  vocabulary,  had  the  word  as  karpuz;  but  the  Mongols  term  the 
water-melon  tarbus.  Likewise  in  Turk!  we  have  tarbuz,  but  also  qarpuz. 
This  alternation  is  not  Mongol-Turkish,  but  must  have  pre-existed  in 
Persian,  as  we  have  tarambuja  in  Neo-Sanskrit,  and  in  Hindustani 
there  is  xarbuza  and  tarbuza  (also  tarbuz  and  tarmus) ,  and  correspondingly 
tarbuz  in  West-Tibetan.  In  Pustu,  the  language  of  the  Afghans,  we 
have  tarbuja  in  the  sense  of  "water-melon,"  and  xarbuja  designating 
various  kinds  of  musk-melon.5  Through  Turkish  mediation  the  same 
word  reached  the  Slavs  (Russian  arbuz*  Bulgarian  karpuz,  Polish 
arbuz,  garbuz,  harbuz)  and  Byzantines  (Greek  Kapirovaia) ,  and  Turkish 
tribes  appear  to  have  been  active  in  disseminating  the  fruit  east  and 
west. 

Tt  would  therefore  be  plausible  also  that,  as  stated  by  JORET/  the 
fruit  may  have  been  propagated  from  Iran  to  India,  although  the 
dat ;  of  this  importation  is  unknown.  From  Indian  sources,  on  the  other 
hai  .d,  nothing  is  to  be  found  that  would  indicate  any  great  antiquity  of 
the  cultivation  of  this  species.  Of  the  alleged  Sanskrit  word  chayapula, 

1  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies  by  Garcia  da  Orta,  p.  304. 

2  From  which  Armenian  xarpzag  is  derived. 

8  Primitive  Cultur  des  turko-tatarischen  Volkes,  pp.  217-218. 

4  Vambe'ry,  of  course,  is  wrong  in  designating  Persia  and  India  as  the  mother- 
country  of  this  cultivation.  The  mother-country  was  ancient  Egypt  or  Africa  in 
a  wider  sense. 

6  H.  W.  BELLEW,  Report  on  the  Yusufzais,  p.  255  (Lahore,  1864). 

8  In  the  dialects  of  northern  Persia  we  also  find  such  forms  as  arhuz  and  arhoz 
(J.  DE  MORGAN,  Mission  en  Perse,  Vol.  V,  p.  212). 

7  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  252. 


THE  WATER-MELON  445 

which  A.  DE  CANDOLLE  introduces  as  evidence  for  the  early  diffusion 
of  the  cultivation  into  Asia,  I  cannot  find  any  trace.  The  Sanskrit 
designations  of  the  water-melon,  na\amra  ("mango  of  the  Nata"?), 
godumba,  tarambuja,  sedn,  are  of  recent  origin  and  solely  to  be  found  in 
the  lexicographers;  while  others,  like  kalinga  (Benincasa  cerifera),  orig- 
inally refer  to  other  cucurbitaceous  plants.  WATT  gives  only  modern 
vernacular  names. 

Chinese  si  kwa  has  been  equated  with  Greek  aiKva  by  HiRTH,1  who 
arbitrarily  assigns  to  the  latter  the  meaning  "water-melon."  This 
philological  achievement  has  been  adopted  by  GILES  in  his  Chinese 
Dictionary  (No.  6281).  The  Greek  word,  however,  refers  only  to  the 
cucumber,  and  the  water-melon  remained  unknown  to  the  Greeks  of 
ancient  times.2  A  late  Greek  designation  for  the  fruit  possibly  is  Treirwv, 
which  appears  only  in  Hippocrates.3  A.  DE  CANDOLLE4  justly  remarked 
that  the  absence  of  an  ancient  Greek  name  which  may  with  certainty 
be  attributed  to  this  species  seems  to  show  that  it  was  introduced  into 
the  Graeco-Roman  world  about  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 
The  Middle  and  Modern  Greek  word  xapnov£a  or  /capTrouo-ta,  derived 
from  Persian  or  Turkish,  plainly  indicates  the  way  in  which  the  By- 
zantine world  became  acquainted  with  the  water-melon.  There  is, 
further,  no  evidence  that  the  Greek  word  O-IKUO,  ever  penetrated  into 
Asia  and  reached  those  peoples  (Uigur,  Kitan,  Jurci)  whom  the  Chinese 
make  responsible  for  the  transmission  of  the  water-melon.  The  Chinese 
term  is  not  a  transcription,  but  has  the  literal  meaning  "western  melon " ; 
and  the  "west"  implied  by  this  term  does  not  stretch  as  far  as  Greece,  but, 
as  is  plainly  stated  in  the  Wu  tai  $i,  merely  alludes  to  the  fact  that  the 
fruit  was  produced  in  Turkistan.  Si  kwa  is  simply  an  abbreviation 
for  Si  yil  kwa  H  J&  JR;  that  is,  "melon  of  Turkistan."5 

According  to  the  Yamato-honzoQ  of  1709,  water-melons  were  first 
introduced  into  Japan  in  the  period  Kwan-ei  (1624-44). 

1  Fremde  Einflusse  in  der  chinesischen  Kunst,  p.  17. 

2  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  Geographic  botanique,  p.  909. 

3  Even  this  problematic  interpretation  is  rejected  by  L.  LECLERC  (Trait6  des 
simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  239),  who  identifies  the  Greek  word  with  the  common  gourd. 
Leclerc's  controversy  with  A.  de  Candolle  should  be  carefully  perused  by  those 
who  are  interested  in  the  history  of  the  melon  family. 

4  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  264. 

6  Illustrations  of  Chinese  water-melon  fields  may  be  seen  in  F.  H.  KING,  Farm- 
ers of  Forty  Centuries,  pp.  282,  283. 

«Ch.8,p.3. 


FENUGREEK 

50.  In  regard  to  the  fenugreek  (Trigonella  joenum-graecum,  French 
fenugrec),  Chinese  hu-lu-pa  (Japanese  koroha)  49  M.  EL,  STUART*  states 
without  further  comment  that  the  seeds  of  this  leguminous  plant  were 
introduced  into  the  southern  provinces  of  China  from  some  foreign 
country.  But  BRETSCHNEiDER2  had  correctly  identified  the  Chinese 
name  with  Arabic  hulba  (xulbd).  The  plant  is  first  mentioned  in  the 
Pen  ts'ao  of  the  Kia-yu  period  (A.D.  1056-64)  of  the  Sung  dynasty, 
where  the  author,  Can  Yu-si  ^  S  £&,  says  that  it  grows  in  the  prov- 
inces of  Kwan-tufi  and  Kwei-cou,  and  that,  according  to  some,  the 
species  of  Lin-nan  represents  the  seeds  of  the  foreign  lo-po  (Raphanus 
sativus),  but  that  this  point  has  not  yet  been  investigated.  Su  Sun, 
in  his  T*u  kin  pen  ts*ao,  states  that  "the  habitat  of  the  plant  is  at  present 
in  Kwafi-tun,  and  that  in  the  opinion  of  some  the  seeds  came  from 
Hai-nan  and  other  barbarians;  passengers  arriving  on  ships  planted 
the  seeds  in  Kwan-tuii  (Lin-wai),  where  the  plant  actually  grows,  but 
its  seeds  do  not  equal  the  foreign  article;  the  seeds  imported  into  China 
are  really  good."  Then  their  employment  in  the  pharmacopoeia  is 
discussed.3  The  drug  is  also  mentioned  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i* 

The  transcription  hu-lu-pa  is  of  especial  interest,  because  the 
element  hu  forms  part  of  the  transcription,  but  may  simultaneously 
imply  an  allusion  to  the  ethnic  name  Hu.  The  form  of  the  transcription 
shows  that  it  is  post-T'ang;  for  under  the  T'ang  the  phonetic  equiva- 
lent of  the  character  $J  was  still  possessed  of  an  initial  guttural,  and  a 
foreign  element  xu  would  then  have  been  reproduced  by  a  quite  different 
character. 

The  medical  properties  of  the  plant  are  set  forth  by  Abu  Mansur  in 
his  Persian  pharmacopoeia  under  the  name  hulbat.5  The  Persian  name 

1  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  442. 

2  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  i,  p.  65. 

3  STUART  (/.  c.)  says  wrongly  that  the  seeds  have  been  in  use  as  a  medicine  since 
the  T'ang  dynasty;  this,  however,  has  been  the  cage  only  since  the  Sung.    I  do  not 
know  of  any  mention  of  the  plant  under  the  T'ang.    This  negative  documentary 
evidence  is  signally  confirmed  by  the  transcription  of  the  name,  which  cannot  have 
been  made  under  the  T'ang. 

4  Ch.  12,  p.  4  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

5  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  47.    Another  Persian  form  is  hulya.    In  Arme- 
nian it  is  hulba  or  hulbe  (E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  183).   See  also  LECLERC,  Traitd 

446 


FENUGREEK  447 

is  Sanbalid,  Sanbalile  in  Ispahan,  and  Samliz  in  Shiraz,  which  appears 
in  India  as  Samti.  As  is  well  known,  the  plant  occurs  wild  in  Kashmir, 
the  Panjab,  and  in  the  upper  Gangetic  plain,  and  is  cultivated  in  many 
parts  of  India,  particularly  in  the  higher  inland  provinces.  The  Sanskrit 
term  is  methi,  methika,  or  meihim.1  In  Greek  it  is  /SouKepas  ("ox-horn"),2 
Middle  Greek  -xpvKirev  (from  the  Arabic),  Neo-Greek  rrjXu;  Latin 
foenum  graecum.*  According  to  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,4  the  species  is  wild 
(besides  the  Panjab  and  Kashmir)  in  the  deserts  of  Mesopotamia  and 
of  Persia,  and  in  Asia  Minor.  JOHN  FRYER5  enumerates  it  among  the 
products  of  Persia.6 

Another  West- Asiatic  plant  introduced  by  the  Arabs  into  China  under  the 
Sung  is  ff  ^  jH  ya-pu-lu,  first  mentioned  by  Cou  Mi  ID  tffi  (1230-1320)  as  a 
poisonous  plant  growing  several  thousand  li  west  from  the  countries  of  the  Moham- 
medans (Kwei  sin  tsa  Si,  sil  tsi  A,  p.  38,  ed.  of  Pai  hai;  and  £i  ya  fan  tsa  Z'ao,  Ch.  A, 
p.  40  b,  ed.  of  Yue  ya  fan  ts'un  $u).  This  name  is  based  on  Arabic  yabruh  or  abruh 
(Persian  jabruh),  the  mandragora  or  mandrake.  This  subject  has  been  discussed  by 
me  in  detail  in  a  monograph  "La  Mandragore"  (in  French),  T'oung  Pao,  1917, 
pp.  1-30. 

des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  443.  SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  547)  remarks,  "L'infusion 
de  la  semence  est  un  remede  favori  des  me"decins  indigenes  dans  les  blennorhagies 
urethriques  chroniques." 

1  It  occurs,  for  instance,  as  a  condiment  in  an  Indian  tale  of  King  Vikramaditya 
(A.  WEBER,  Abh.  Berl.  Akad.,  1877,  p.  67). 

2  Hippocrates;  Theophrastus,  Hist,  plant.,  IV.  rv,  10;  or  rfjXts:  ibid.,  III.  xvi, 
2;  Dioscorides,  II,  124. 

3  Pliny,  xxiv,  120. 

4  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  112. 

5  New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia,  Vol.  II,  p.  311. 

6  For  further  information  see  FLUCKIGER  and  H ANBURY,  Pharmacographia, 
p.  172. 


NUX-VOMICA 

51.  The  nux-vomica  or  strychnine  tree  (Strychnos  nuoo-wmicd) 
is  mentioned  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  under  the  name  §  ^C  IS  fan 
mu-pie  ("  foreign  mu-pie,"  Momordica  cochinchinensis,  a  cucurbitaceous 
plant),  with  the  synonymes  $1  IS  •?  ma  ts'ien-tse  ("horse-coins,"  re- 
ferring to  the  coins  on  a  horse's  bridle,  hence  Japanese  matin),  ^  K 
JC  5  k'u  Si  pa  tou  (lt  pa-tou  [Croton  tiglium]  with  bitter  fruits"),1  and 
^C  ^  J&  JC  %$  hwo-$i-k'o  pa-tu.  The  latter  term,  apparently  of  foreign 
origin,  has  not  yet  been  identified;  and  such  an  attempt  would  also 
have  been  futile,  as  there  is  an  error  in  the  transcription.  The  correct 
mode  of  writing  the  word  which  is  given  in  the  Co  ken  lu,2  written  in 
A.D.  1366,  is  ^C  ^  $0  hwo-Si-la,  and  this  is  obviously  a  transcription  of 
Persian  kutla  or  kutula  ("nux-vomica"),  a  name  which  is  also  current 
in  India  (thus  in  Hindustani;  Bengali  kutila).  The  second  element 
pa-tu  is  neither  Persian  nor  Arabic,  and,  in  my  opinion,  must  be  ex- 
plained from  Chinese  pa-tou  (Croton  tiglium). 

The  text  of  the  Co  ken  lu  is  as  follows:  "As  regards  hwo-Si-la  pa-tu , 
it  is  a  drug  growing  in  the  soil  of  Mohammedan  countries.  In  appear- 
ance it  is  like  mu-pie-tse  (Momordica  cochinchinensis),  but  smaller.  It 
can  cure  a  hundred  and  twenty  cases;  for  each  case  there  are  special 
ingredients  and  guides."  This  is  the  earliest  Chinese  mention  of  this 
drug  that  I  am  able  to  trace;  and  as  it  is  not  yet  listed  in  the  Cen  lei 
pen  ts'ao  of  1108,  the  standard  work  on  materia  medica  of  the  Sung 
period,  it  is  justifiable  to  conclude  that  it  was  introduced  into  China 
only  in  the  age  of  the  Mongols,  during  the  fourteenth  century.  This  is 
further  evidenced  by  the  very  form  of  the  transcription,  which  is  in 
harmony  with  the  rules  then  in  vogue  for  writing  foreign  words.  The 
Kwan  k'iln  fan  p*u*  cites  no  other  source  relative  to  the  subject  than 
the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  which  indeed  appears  to  be  the  first  and  only 


1  This  name  does  not  mean,  as  asserted  by  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica, 
p.  425),  "bitter-seeded  Persian  bean."    STUART  (ibid.,  p.  132)  says  that  the  Arabic 
name  for  Croton  tiglium  is  "batoo,  which  was  probably  derived  from  the  Chinese 
name  pa  tou  C<  S-"   True  it  is  that  the  Arabs  are  acquainted  with  this  plant  as  an 
importation  from  China  (L.  LECLERC,  Trait6  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  95),  but  only 
under  the  name  dend.   I  fail  to  trace  a  word  batu  in  any  Arabic  dictionary  or  in  Ibn 
al-Baitar. 

2  Ch.  7,  p.  5  b.   See  above,  p.  386. 

3  Ch.  6,  p.  7. 

448 


Nux-VoMiCA  449 

Pen  ts'ao  to  notice  it.  The  point  is  emphasized  that  the  drug  serves 
for  the  poisoning  of  dogs.  The  plant  now  grows  in  Se-c'wan. 

The  Sanskrit  term  for  nux-vomica  is  kupilu,  from  which  is  derived 
Tibetan  go-byi-la  or  go-bye-la.1  The  latter  is  pronounced  go-ji-la,  hence 
the  Mongols  adopted  it  as  gojila.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  Sanskrit 
name  is  related  to  Persian  kucla  or  not. 

According  to  FLUCKIGER  and  HANBURY,2  the  tree  is  indigenous  to 
most  parts  of  India,  especially  the  coast  districts,  and  is  found  in  Burma. 
Siam,  Cochin-China,  and  northern  Australia.  The  use  of  the  drug  in 
India,  however,  does  not  seem  to  be  of  ancient  date,  and  possibly  was 
taught  there  by  the  Mohammedans.  It  is  mentioned  in  the  Persian 
pharmacopoeia  of  Abu  Mansur  (No.  113)  under  the  Arabic  name  jauz 
ul-qei.3  ScHLiMMER4  gives  also  the  terms  azaragi  and  gatel  el-kelbe,  and 
observes,  "Son  emploi  dans  la  paralysie  est  d'ancienne  date,  car  Pauteur 
du  Mexzen  el-Edviyeh  en  parle  deja,  a  j  out  ant  en  outre  que  la  noix  vo- 
mique  est  un  remede  qui  change  le  temperament  froid  en  temperament 
chaud;  le  merae  auteur  recommande  les  cataplasmes  avec  sa  poudre 
dans  la  coxalgie  et  dans  les  maladies  articulaires." 

The  Arabs,  who  say  that  the  tree  occurs  only  in  the  interior  of 
Yemen,  were  well  acquainted  with  the  medicinal  properties  of  the  fruit.5 
Nux-vomica  is  likewise  known  in  Indo-China  (Cam  salain  and  phun 
akam,  Khmer  slen,  Annamese  ku-ci;  the  latter  probably  a  transcription 
of  kucila)* 

The  Kew  Bulletin  for  1917  (p.  341)  contains  the  following  notice  on 
Strychnos  nux-vomica  in  Cochin-China:  "In  K.  B.  1917  (pp.  184,  185), 
some  evidence  is  given  as  to  the  occurrence  of  this  species  in  Cochin- 
China  in  the  wild  state.  Since  the  account  was  written  a  letter  and  a 
packet  of  undoubted  nux-vomica  seeds  have  been  received  from  the 
Director,  Agricultural  and  Commercial  Services,  Cochin-China,  with 
the  information  that  the  seeds  were  obtained  from  trees  growing  wild 
in  the  country.  H.  B.  M.'s  Consul,  Saigon,  also  sends  the  following 
information  about  5.  nux-vomica  in  Cochin-China  which  he  has  received 
from  Monsieur  Morange,  Director  of  the  Agricultural  and  Commercial 

1  Cf.  Loan- Words  in  Tibetan,  No.  50  (T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  457). 

2  Pharmacographia,  p.  428. 

3  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  43. 

4  Terminologie,  p.  402. 

5  L.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  380. 

6  Cf.  E.  PERROT  and  P.  HURRIER,  Matiere  medicale  et  pharmacope"e  sino- 
annamites,  p.  171;  the  Chinese  and  Annamese  certainly  did  not  avail  themselves 
of  this  drug  "from  time  immemorial,"  as  stated  by  these  authors.    See,  further, 
C.  FORD,  China  Review,  Vol.  XV,  1887,  p.  220. 


45°  SlNO-lRANICA 

Services  of  Cochin-China,  and  also  a  sample  of  the  seeds  obtained  from 
a  Chinese  exporter.  The  tree  exists  in  the  Eastern  provinces  of  Cochin- 
China,  principally  in  the  forests  of  Baria.  The  seeds  are  bought  by 
Chinese  from  the  savage  tribes  known  as  Mois,  who  collect  them  in  the 
forest;  the  Chinese  then  export  them  to  China  or  sell  them  again  to 
firms  exporting  to  Europe.  The  time  of  fruiting  is  in  November  and 
December.  M.  Morange  considers  that  the  tree  is  certainly  indigenous 
in  Cochin-China,  and  was  not  introduced  by  early  traders."  If  the 
tree  is  indigenous  there,  it  was  certainly  discovered  there,  as  far  as  the 
Chinese  are  concerned,  only  after  the  Mongol  period.  H.  MAiTRE1  deals 
with  the  poisons  used  by  the  Moi  for  their  arrows,  and  arrives  at  the 
conclusion  that  they  are  derived  from  the  upas  tree  (Antiaris).  He  does 
not  mention  Strychnos. 

1  Les  regions  Moi  du  sud  indo-chinois,  pp.  119-121  (Paris,  1909). 


THE  CARROT 

52.  The  carrot1  (Daucus  carota),  hu  lo-po  (Japanese  ninjin)  iK  fli  'B 
(" Iranian  turnip"),  a  native  of  northern  Europe,  was  first  introduced 
into  China  at  the  time  of  the  Yuan  dynasty  (A.D.  1260-1367).  This  is 
the  opinion  of  Li  Si-cen,  who  states  that  the  vegetable  first  appeared 
at  the  time  of  the  Yuan  from  the  land  of  the  Hu;  and  it  is  likewise  main- 
tained in  the  Kwan  k'un  fan  p*u2  that  the  carrot  first  came  from  the 
countries  beyond  the  frontier  j§  H.  I  know  of  no  text  that  would  give 
a  more  detailed  account  of  its  introduction  or  allude  to  the  country  of 
its  origin.  Nevertheless  it  is  very  likely  that  this  was  some  Iranian 
region.  Li  Si-cen  states  that  in  his  time  it  was  abundantly  culti- 
vated in  the  northern  part  of  the  country  and  in  San-tun,  likewise 
in  middle  China.3 

The  history  of  the  carrot  given  by  WATT4  after  G.  Birdwood  suffers 
from  many  defects.  A  fundamental  error  underlies  the  statement, 
"In  fact,  the  evidence  of  cultivation  would  lead  to  the  inference  that 
the  carrot  spread  from  Central  Asia  to  Europe,  and  if  so  it  might  be 
possible  to  trace  the  European  names  from  the  Indian  and  Persian." 
On  the  contrary,  the  carrot  is  a  very  ancient,  indigenous  European 
cultivation,  which  is  by  no  means  due  to  the  Orient.  Carrots  have  been 
found  in  the  pile-dwellings  of  Robenhausen.5  It  is  not  to  the  point,  either, 
that,  as  stated  by  Watt  and  Birdwood,  "indeed  the  carrot  seems  to 
have  been  grown  and  eaten  in  India,  while  in  Europe  it  was  scarcely 
known  as  more  than  a  wild  plant."  The  Anglo-Saxons  cultivated  the 
carrot  in  their  original  habitat  of  Schleswig-Holstein  at  a  time  when, 
in  my  opinion,  the  carrot  was  not  yet  cultivated  in  India;  and  they  con- 

1  From  French  carote,  now  carotte,  Italian  carota,  Latin  carota;  Greek  napwrbv 
(in  Diphilus).    This  word  has  supplanted  Anglo-Saxon  moru,  from  *morhu  (Old 
High  German  moraha,  morha;  Russian  morkov',  Slovenian  mrkva).    Regarding  the 
origin  of  the  word  lo-po,  cf.  T*oung  Pao,  1916,  pp.  83-86. 

2  Ch.  4,  p.  24. 

3  A  designation  for  the  carrot  not  yet  indicated  is  fu  {£  lo-po,  derived  from  the 
three  fu  H  f£,  the  three  decades  of  the  summer,  extending  from  about  the  middle 
of  July  to  the  middle  of  August:  during  the  first  fu  the  seeds  of  the  carrot  are  planted, 
in  the  second  fu  the  carrots  are  pale  red,  in  the  third  they  are  yellow  (San  hwa  Men 
ci  if  ft  JR  Jg,  Ch.  16,  p.  14  b,  ed.  1877). 

4  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  489,  or  Dictionary,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  45. 

6  J.  HOOPS,  Waldbaume  und   Kulturpflanzen,  p.   297;   G.  BUSCHAN,  Vorge- 
schichtliche  Botanik,  p.  148. 

451 


452  SlNO-lRANICA 

tinued  to  cultivate  it  in  England.1  Moreover,  the  carrot  grows  wild  in 
Britain  and  generally  in  the  north  temperate  zone  of  Europe  and  Asia, 
and  no  doubt  represents  the  stock  of  the  cultivated  carrot,  which  can 
be  developed  from  it  in  a  few  generations.2  It  is  impossible  to  connect 
Anglo-Saxon  morn  (not  mora,  as  in  Watt)  with  Sanskrit  mula  or  mulaka. 
No  evidence  is  given  for  the  bold  assertion  that  "the  carrot  appears  to 
have  been  regularly  used  in  India  from  fairly  ancient  times."  The  only 
sources  quoted  are  Baber's  Memoirs3  and  the  Ain-i  Akbari,  both  works 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  I  fail  to  see  any  proof  for  the  alleged  antiquity 
of  carrot  cultivation  in  India.  There  is  no  genuine  Sanskrit  word  for 
this  vegetable.  It  is  incorrect  that  "the  Sanskrit  gar  jam  originated 
the  Persian  zardak  and  the  Arabic  jegar"  (sic,  for  jezer).  Boehtlingk 
gives  for  gar  jar  a  only  the  meaning  "kind  of  grass."  As  indicated  below, 
it  was  the  Arabs  who  carried  the  carrot  to  Persia  in  the  tenth  century, 
and  I  do  not  believe  that  it  was  known  in  India  prior  to  that  time. 
According  to  Watt,  Daucus  carota  is  a  native  of  Kashmir  and  the  western 
Himalaya  at  altitudes  of  from  5000  to  9000  feet;  and  throughout 
India  it  is  cultivated  by  Europeans,  mostly  from  annually  imported 
seed,  and  by  the  natives  from  an  acclimatised  if  not  indigenous  stock. 
Also  N.  G.  MuKERji4  observes,  "The  English  root-crop  which  has  a 
special  value  as  a  nourishing  famine-food  and  fodder  is  the  carrot.  Up- 
country  carrot  or  gajra  is  not  such  a  nourishing  and  palatable  food  as 
European  carrot,  and  of  all  the  carrots  experimented  with  in  this 
country,  the  red  Mediterranean  variety  grown  at  the  Cawnpore  Experi- 
mental Farm  seems  to  be  the  best." 

W.  ROXBURGH5  states  that  Daucus  carota  "is  said  to  be  a  native 
of  Persia;  in  India  it  is  only  found  in  a  cultivated  state."  He  gives 
two  Sanskrit  names, —  grinjana  and  gargara,  but  his  editor  remarks 
that  he  finds  no  authority  for  these.  In  fact,  these  and  Watt's  alleged 
Sanskrit  names  are  not  at  all  Sanskrit,  but  merely  Hindi  (Hindi 
gajard) ;  and  this  word  is  derived  from  Persian  (not  the  Persian  derived 
from  Sanskrit,  as  alleged  by  Watt).  The  only  Sanskrit  terms  for 
the  carrot  known  to  me  are  yavana  ("Greek  or  foreign  vegetable") 
and  pltakanda  (literally,  "yellow  root"),  which  appears  only  in  the 
Rajanighantu,  a  work  from  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century.  This 

1  HOOPS,  op.  cit.,  p.  600. 

2  A.  DE  CANDOLLE,  Geographic  botanique,  p.  827. 

3  Baber  ate  plenty  of  carrots  on  the  night  (December  21,  1526)  when  an  attempt 
was  made  to  poison  him.  Cf.  H.  BEVERIDGE,  The  Attempt  to  Poison  Babur  Padshah 
(Asiatic  Review,  Vol.  XII,  1917,  pp.  301-304). 

4  Handbook  of  Indian  Agriculture,  2d  ed.,  p.  304. 
6  Flora  Indica,  p.  270. 


THE  CARROT  453 

descriptive  formation  is  sufficient  to  show  that  the  cultivated  carrot 
was  foreign  to  the  Hindu.  Also  W.  AiNSLiE1  justly  concludes,  "Carrots 
appear  to  have  been  first  introduced  into  India  from  Persia." 

According  to  ScHWEiNFURTH,2  Daucus  carota  should  display  a  very- 
peculiar  form  in  Egypt, —  a  sign  of  ancient  cultivation.  This  requires 
confirmation.  At  all  events,  it  does  not  prove  that  the  carrot  was 
cultivated  by  the  ancient  Egyptians.  Neither  Loret  nor  Woenig  men- 
tions it  for  ancient  Egypt. 

In  Greek  the  carrot  is  aracfrvKlvos  (hence  Syriac  istajlm) .  It  is  men- 
tioned by  Theophrastus3  and  Pliny;4  davKos  or  davKov  was  a  kind  of 
carrot  or  parsnip  growing  in  Crete  and  used  in  medicine;  hence  Neo- 
Greek  TO  5cu/>/d  (" carrot"),  Spanish  dauco.  A.  DE  CANDOLLES  is  right 
in  saying  that  the  vegetable  was  little  cultivated  by  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  but,  as  agriculture  was  perfected,  took  a  more  important  place. 

The  Arabs  knew  a  wild  and  a  cultivated  carrot,  the  former  under 
the  name  nehsel  or  nehsel*  the  knowledge  of  which  was  transmitted  to 
them  by  Dioscorides,7  the  latter  under  the  names  jezer,  sefanariya  (in 
the  dialect  of  Magreb  zorudiya),  and  sabahia*  The  Arabic  word  dauku 
or  duqu,  derived  from  Greek  daiiKos,  denotes  particularly  the  seed  of  the 
wild  carrot.9 

JoRET10  presumes  that  the  carrot  was  known  to  the  ancient  Iranians. 
The  evidence  presented,  however,  is  hardly  admissible :  Daucus  maximus 
which  grows  in  Western  Persia  is  only  a  wild  species.  This  botanical 
fact  does  not  prove  that  the  Iranians  were  acquainted  with  the  culti- 
vated Daucus  carota.  An  Iranian  name  for  this  species  is  not  known. 
Only  in  the  Mohammedan  period  does  knowledge  of  it  spring  up  in 
Persia ;  and  the  Persians  then  became  acquainted  with  the  carrot  under 
the  Arabic  name  jazar  or  jezer,  which,  however,  may  have  been  derived 
from  Persian  gazar  (gezer).  It  is  mentioned  under  the  Arabic  name  in 
the  Persian  pharmacopoeia  of  Abu  Mansur,11  who  apparently  copied 
from  Arabic  sources.  He  further  points  out  a  wild  species  under  the 

1  Materia  Indica,  Vol.  I,  p.  57. 

2  Z.  /.  Ethnologic,  Vol.  XXIII,  1891,  p.  662. 

3  Hist,  plant.,  IX.  xv,  5. 

4  xx,  15. 

5  Geographic  botanique,  p.  827. 

6  L.  LECLERC,  Traite  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  380. 

7  LECLERC,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  353. 

8  LECLERC,  ibid.,  and  p.  367. 

9  LECLERC,  ibid.,  p.  138. 

10  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite,  Vol.  II,  p.  66. 

11  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  42. 


454  SlNO-lRANlCA 

name  SaSqdqul,  which,  according  to  ACHUNDOW,  is  Eryngium  campestre. 
It  is  therefore  very  probable  that  it  was  the  Arabs  who  introduced  the 
carrot  into  Persia  during  the  tenth  century.  Besides  gazar  (gezer), 
Persian  names  are  zardak1  and  Sawandar;  the  latter  means  " beet-root'* 
and  "  carrot." 

JOHN  FRYER,  who  travelled  in  India  and  Persia  from  1672  to  1681, 
enumerates  carrots  among  the  roots  of  Persia.2  The  late  arrival  of  the 
vegetable  in  Persia  is  signally  confirmed  by  the  Chinese  tradition 
regarding  its  introduction  under  the  Mongols.  This  is  the  logical 
sequence  of  events.3 

ScHUMMER4  has  the  following  note  on  the  subject:  "Ce  legume, 
forme*  en  comp6te,  est  conside're'  par  les  Persans  comme  un  excellent 
aphrodisiaque,  augmentant  la  quantit£  et  ameliorant  la  qualite*  du 
sperme.  L'alimentation  journaliere  avec  des  carottes  est  fortement 
pr6ne*e  dans  les  hydropisies;  les  carottes  cuites,  conserves  au  vin  aigre, 
dissiperaient  1'engorgement  de  la  rate."  Only  the  yellow  variety  of 
carrot,  with  short,  spindle-shaped  roots,  occurs  in  Fergana.5 

1  Possibly  derived  from  zard  ("yellow").  Persian  murdmun  is  said  to  denote 
a  kind  of  wild  carrot.  In  Osmanli  the  carrot  is  called  hawuj. 

8  New  Account  of  East  India  and  Persia,  Vol.  II,  p.  310  (Hakluyt  Soc.,  1912). 

1  Regarding  the  Tibetan  names  of  the  carrot,  see  my  notes  in  Toung  Pao,  1916, 
pp.  503-505. 

4  Terminologie,  p.  176. 

6  S.  KORZINSKI,  Vegetation  of  Turkistan  (in  Russian),  p.  51. 


AROMATICS 

53.  The  Sui  sul  mentions  two  aromatics  or  perfumes  peculiar  to 
K'an  (Sogdiana), —  kan  hian  IB"2  W  and  a-sa-na  hian  P3  HI  ffi  §•• 
Fortunately  we  have  a  parallel  text  in  the  T*ai  p*in  hwan  yu  kif  where 
the  two  aromatics  of  K'an  are  given  as  ~B*  &  §•  H  HI  M  §.  Hence 
it  follows  that  the  kan  of  the  Sui  Annals  is  no  more  than  an  abbreviation 
of  kan  sun,  which  is  well  known  as  an  aromatic,  and  identical  with  the 
true  spikenard  furnished  by  Nardostachys  jatamansi.  It  is  Sanskrit 
nalada,  Tibetan  span  spos,  Persian  nard  or  sunbul,  Armenian  sumbul, 
smbul,  snbul,  etc.4  It  is  believed  that  the  nard  found  by  Alexander's 
soldiers  in  Gedrosia5  represents  the  same  species,  while  others  hold 
that  it  was  an  Andropogon* 

The  Sanskrit  term  nalada  is  found  in  the  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi7  in  the 
form  8$  H  $£  na-lo-t'o,  *na-la-da.  It  is  accompanied  by  the  fanciful 
analysis  nara-dhara  ("held  or  carried  by  man"),  because,  it  is  said, 
people  carry  the  fragrant  flower  with  them  in  their  girdles.  The  word 
nalada  is  of  ancient  date,  for  it  appears  in  the  Atharvaveda.8  Hebrew 
nerd,  Greek  nardos*  Persian  nard  and  nard,  are  derived  therefrom.10 
Being  used  in  the  Bible,  the  word  was  carried  to  all  European  languages. 

1  Ch.  83,  p.  4  b. 

2  This  character  is  not  listed  in  K'an-hi,  but  the  phonetic  element  -ff  leaves  no 
doubt  that  its  phonetic  value  is  kan,  *kam. 

3  Ch.  183,  p.  4. 

4  ABU  MANSUR  (Achundow's  translation,  pp.  82,  241)  mentions  sunbul-i-hindt, 
the  nard  of  India.    SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  36)  identifies  this  name  as  Andro- 
pogon  nardoides  or  Nardus  indica.    On  the  other  hand,  he  says  (p.  555)  that  Nar- 
dostachys or  Valeriana  jatamansi  has  not  yet  been  found  in  Persia,  but  that  it  could 
be  replaced  in  therapeutics  by  Valeriana  sisymbrifolia,  found  abundantly  in  the 
mountains  north  of  Teheran. 

5  Arrian,  Anabasis,  VI.  xxn,  5. 

6  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  II,  p.  648.    See,  further,  Periplus,  48; 
and  Pliny,  xn,  28;  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  792.    MARCO  POLO 
(ed.  of  YULE,  Vol.  I,  pp.  115,  272,  284)  mentions  spikenard  as  a  product  of  Bengal, 
Java,  and  Sumatra.    The  Malayan  word  narawastu,  mentioned  by  YULE  (ibid.% 
p.  287),  must  be  connected  with  Sanskrit  nalada. 

7  Ch.  8,  p.  4  b. 

8  MACDONELL  and  KEITH,  Vedic  Index,  Vol.  I,  p.  437;  H.  ZIMMER,  Altindisches 
Leben,  p.  68. 

9  First  mentioned  by  Theophrastus,  IX.  vm,  2,  3. 

10  See  above,  p.  428. 

455 


SlNO-lRANICA 

According  to  STUART/  this  plant  is  found  in  the  province  of  Yun- 
nan and  on  the  western  borders  of  Se-c'wan,  but  whether  indigenous  or 
transplanted  is  uncertain.  If  it  should  not  occur  in  other  parts  of 
China,  it  is  more  likely  that  it  came  from  India,  especially  as  Yun-nan 
has  of  old  been  in  contact  with  India  and  abounds  in  plants  intro- 
duced from  there. 

54.  Wl&ffi2  *a-sar(sat)-na  (Sui  Su),  MMM   a-sie-na  (Wei  $u, 
Ch.  102,  p.  9),  is  not  explained.    There  is  no  doubt  that  this  word 
represents  the  transcription  of  an  Iranian,  more  specifically  Sogdian, 
name;  but  the  Sogdian  terms  for  aromatics  are  still  unknown  to  us. 
Hypothetical  restorations  of  the  name  are  *asarna,  axsarna,  asna. 

55.  Storax,  an  aromatic  substance  (now  obtained  from  Liquid- 
ambar  orientalis;  in  ancient  times,  however,  from  Styrax  officinalis) , 
is  first  mentioned  by  Herodotus3  as  imported  into  Hellas  by  the  Phoe- 
nicians.  It  is  styled  by  the  Chinese  Hfc  &  su-ho,  *su-gap  (giep),  su-gab 
(Japanese  sugd),  being  mentioned  both  in  the  Wei  lio  and  in  the  Han 
Annals  as  a  product  of  the  Hellenistic  Orient  (Ta  Ts'in).4    It  is  said 
there,  "They  mix  a  number  of  aromatic  substances  and  extract  from 
them  the  sap  by  boiling,  which  is  made  into  su-ho"  (&  H*  ft  W  M 
3£  ft  $•  Ji  $£  /ofc).5   It  is  notable  that  this  clause  opens  and  ends  with 
the  same  word  ho  &',  and  it  would  thus  not  be  impossible  that  the 
explanation  is  merely  the  result  of  punning  on  the  term  su-ho,  which 
is  doubtless  the  transcription  of  a  foreign  word.   Aside  from  this  sema- 
siological  interpretation,  we  have  a  geographical  theory  expressed  in  the 
Kwan  £i,  written  prior  to  A.D.  527,  as  follows:    "Su-ho  is  produced  in 
the  country  Ta  Ts'in;  according  to  others,  in  the  country  Su-ho.    The 
natives  of  this  country  gather  it  and  press  the  juice  out  of  it  to  make 
it  into  an  aromatic,  fatty  substance.    What  is  sold  are  the  sediments 

1  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  278. 

2  This  character  is  not  in  K'an-hi.    It  appears  again  on  the  same  page  of  the 
Sui  Su  (  4  b)  in  the  name  of  the  river  *Na-mit  ffi  $?  (Zaraf  san)  in  the  kingdom 
Nan  $*,  and  on  p.  4  a  in  fy$  fe  $£  @,  the  country  Na-se-po  (*Na-sek-pwa;  accord- 
ing to  CHAVANNES,  Documents  sur  les  Tou-kiue,  p.  146,  NakhSab  or  Nasaf).    On 
pp.  6  b  and  7  a  the  river  Na-mit  is  written  3ft.   Cf.  also  CHAVANNES  and  PELLIOT, 
Traite"  maniche'en,  pp.  58,  191. 

3  m,  107. 

4  Hou  Han  Su,  Ch.  118,  pp.  4  b — 5  a.   E.  H.  PARKER  (China  Review,  Vol.  XV, 
p.  372)  indicates  in  an  anecdote  relative  to  Cwan-tse  that  he  preferred  the  dung- 
beetle's  dung-roll  to  a  piece  of  storax,  and  infers  that  indirect  intercourse  with  western 
Asia  must  have  begun  as  early  as  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  when  Cwan-tse  flourished. 
The  source  for  this  story  is  not  stated,  and  it  may  very  well  be  a  product  of  later 
times. 

6  The  Sil  Han  Su  gives  the  same  text  with  the  variant,  "call  it  su-ho.1' 


AROMATICS — STORAX  457 

of  this  product."1  Nothing  is  known,  however,  in  Chinese  records  about 
this  alleged  country  Su-ho  (*Su-gab);  hence  it  is  probable  that  this 
explanation  is  fictitious,  and  merely  inspired  by  the  desire  to  account  in 
a  seemingly  plausible  way  for  the  mysterious  foreign  word. 

In  the  Annals  of  the  Liang  Dynasty,2  storax  is  enumerated  among 
the  products  of  western  India  which  are  imported  from  Ta  Ts'in  and 
An-si  (Parthia).  It  is  explained  as  "the  blending  of  various  aromatic 
substances  obtained  by  boiling  their  saps;  it  is  not  a  product  of  nature."3 
Then  follows  the  same  passage  relating  to  the  manufacture  in  Ta  Ts'in 
as  in  the  Kwan  ci;  and  the  Lian  $u  winds  up  by  saying  that  the  product 
passes  through  the  hands  of  many  middlemen  before  reaching  China, 
and  loses  much  of  its  fragrancy  during  this  process.4  It  is  likewise  on 
record  in  the  same  Annals  that  in  A.D.  519  King  Jayavarman  of  Fu-nan 
(Camboja)  sent  among  other  gifts  storax  to  the  Chinese  Court.5 

Finally,  su-ho  is  enumerated  among  the  products  of  Sasanian  Persia.6 
Judging  from  the  commercial  relations  of  Iran  with  the  Hellenistic 
Orient  and  from  the  nature  of  the  product  involved,  we  shall  not 
err  in  assuming  that  it  was  traded  to  Persia  in  the  same  manner 
as  to  India. 

The  Chinese-Sanskrit  dictionaries  contain  two  identifications  of 
the  name  su-ho.  In  the  third  chapter  of  the  Yii  k'ie  $i  ti  lun  %&  ft  W 
$L  P§  (Yogacaryabhumigastra)  ,7  translated  in  A.D.  646-647  by  Huan 
Tsan,  we  find  the  name  of  an  aromatic  in  the  form  2£  *§  @  ?5E  su-tu- 
lu-kia,  *sut-tu-lu-kyie;  that  is,  Sanskrit  *sturuka  =  storax.8  It  is 
identified  by  Yuan  Yin  with  what  was  formerly  styled  5E  18  §1  tou-lou- 
P'OJ  *du-lyu-bwa.9  It  is  evident  that  the  transcription  su-tu-lu-kia  is 
based  on  a  form  corresponding  to  Greek  styrak-s,  storak-s,  styrdkion 
of  the  Papyri  (Syriac  stiraca,  astorac).  This  equation  presents  the 

1  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  Ch.  8,  p.  9;  T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian,  Ch.  982,  p.  I  b. 

2  Lian  $u,  Ch.  54,  p.  7  b. 

3  The  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  which  reproduces  this  passage,  has,  "It  is  not  a  single 
(or  homogeneous)  substance." 

4  Cf.  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  47. 

5  Cf.  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  I'Ecolefrangaise,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  270. 

6  Sui  su,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b;  or  £ou  su,  Ch.  50,  p.  6.    It  does  not  follow  from  these 
texts,  that,  as  assumed  by  HIRTH  (Chao  Ju-kua,  pp.  16,  262),  su-ho  or  any  other 
product  of  Persia  was  imported  thence  to  China.    The  texts  are  merely  descriptive 
in  saying  that  these  are  products  to  be  found  in  Persia. 

7  BUNYIU  NANJIO,  Catalogue  of  the  Chinese  Tripitaka,  No.  1170. 

8  Yi  ts'ie  kin  yin  i,  Ch.  22,  p.  3  b  (cf.  PELLIOT,  T'oung  Pao,  1912,  pp.  478-479). 
This  text  has  been  traced  by  me  independently.    I  do  not  believe  that  this  name  is 
connected  with  turu$ka. 

9  Probably  Sanskrit  durva  (cf.  Journal  asiatique,  1918,  II,  pp.  21-22). 


458  SlNO-lRANICA 

strongest  evidence  for  the  fact  that  the  su-ho  of  the  Chinese  designates 
the  storax  of  the  ancients.1 

The  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi  (I.e.}  identifies  Sanskrit  pffi  @  !§  M  tu-lu-se- 
kien,  *tu-lu-s6t-kiam,  answering  to  Sanskrit  turuskam,  with  su-ho. 
In  some  works  this  identification  is  even  ascribed  to  the  Kwan  Zi  of  the 
sixth  century  (or  probably  earlier).  In  the  Pien  tse  lei  pien2  where  the 
latter  work  is  credited  with  this  Sanskrit  word,  we  find  the  character 
$&  kie,  *g'ia5,  in  lieu  of  the  second  character  lu.  The  term  turuska 
refers  to  real  incense  (olibanum)  .3  It  is  very  unlikely  that  this  aromatic 
was  ever  understood  by  the  word  su-hot  and  it  rather  seems  that  some 
ill-advised  adjustment  has  taken  place  here. 

T'ao  Hun-kin  (A.D.  451-536)  relates  a  popular  tradition  that  su-ho 
should  be  lion's  ordure,  adding  that  this  is  merely  talk  coming  from 
abroad,  and  untrue.4  C'en  Ts'aii-k'i  of  the  eighth  century  states,5 
"Lion-ordure  is  red  or  black  in  color;  when  burnt,  it  will  dissipate  the 
breath  of  devils;  when  administered,  it  will  break  stagnant  blood 
and  kill  worms.  The  perfume  su-ho,  however,  is  yellow  or  white  in 
color:  thus,  while  the  two  substances  are  similar,  they  are  not  identical. 
People  say  that  lion-ordure  is  the  sap  from  the  bark  of  a  plant  in  the 
western  countries  brought  over  by  the  Hu.  In  order  to  make  people 
prize  this  article,  this  name  has  been  invented."  This  tradition  as  yet 
unexplained  is  capable  of  explanation.  In  Sanskrit,  rasamala  means 
"excrement,"  and  this  word  has  been  adopted  by  the  Javanese  and 
Malayans  for  the  designation  of  storax.6  Thus  this  significance  of  the 
word  may  have  given  the  incentive  for  the  formation  of  that  trade- 
trick, —  examples  of  which  are  not  lacking  in  our  own  times. 

Under  the  T'ang,  su-ho  was  imported  into  China  also  from  Malayan 
regions,  especially  from  K'un-lun  (in  the  Malayan  area),  described  as 

1  The  most  important  pharmacological  and  historical  investigation  of  the  sub- 
ject still  remains  the  study  of  D.  HANBURY  (Science  Papers,  pp.  127-150),  which 
no  one  interested  in  this  matter  should  fail  to  read. 

2  Ch.  195,  p.  8  b. 

3  Cf .  Language  of  the  Yue-chi,  p.  7. 

4  He  certainly  does  not  say,  as  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  p.  463)  wrongly 
translates,  "but  the  foreigners  assert  that  this  is  not  true."    Only  the  foreigners 
could  have  brought  this  fiction  to  China,  as  is  amply  confirmed  by  C'en  Ts'aii-k'i. 
Moreover,  the  Tan  pen  lu  J?  ;£  %£  says  straight,  "This  is  a  falsehood  of  the  Hu." 

8  Ceh  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  12,  p.  52  (ed.  of  1587). 

6  BRETSCHNEIDER  (/.  c.)  erroneously  attributes  to  Garcia  da  Orta  the  statement 
that  Rocamalha  should  be  the  Chinese  name  for  the  storax,  and  STUART  (Chinese 
Materia  Medica,  p.  243)  naturally  searched  in  vain  for  a  confirmation  of  this  name 
in  Chinese  books.  GARCIA  says  in  fact  that  liquid  storax  is  here  (that  is,  in  India) 
called  Rocamalha  (MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  63),  and  does  not  even  mention  China 
in  this  connection. 


AROMATICS — STORAX  459 

purple-red  of  color,  resembling  the  tse  fan  ^  W.  (Pier ocar pus  santalinus, 
likewise  ascribed  to  K'un-lun),  strong,  solid,  and  very  fragrant.1  This 
is  Liquidambar  altingiana  or  Altingia  excelsa,  a  lofty  deciduous  tree 
growing  in  Java,  Burma,  and  Assam,  with  a  fragrant  wood  yielding  a 
scented  resin  which  hardens  upon  exposure  to  the  air.  The  Arabs 
imported  liquid  storax  during  the  thirteenth  century  to  Palembang  on 
Sumatra;2  and  the  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki  states  that  su-ho  oil  is  produced 
in  Annam,  -Palembang  (San-fu-ts'i),  and  in  all  barbarous  countries,  from 
a  tree-resin  that  is  employed  in  medicine.  The  Mon  ki  pi  fan  discrimi- 
nates between  the  solid  storax  of  red  color  like  a  hard  wood,  and  the 
liquid  storax  of  glue-like  consistency  which  is  in  general  use.3 

The  Chinese  transcription  su-ho ,  *su-gap,  has  not  yet  been  explained. 
HiRTH's4  suggestion  that  the  Greek  orupa£  should  have  been  "  muti- 
lated" into  su-ho  is  hardly  satisfactory,  for  we  have  to  start  from  the 
ancient  form  *su-gab,  which  bears  no  resemblance  to  the  Greek  word 
save  the  first  element.  In  the  Papyri  no  name  of  a  resin  has  as  yet  been 
discovered  that  could  be  compared  to  *su-gab.5  Nor  is  there  any  such 
Semitic  name  (cf .  Arabic  lubna) .  In  view  of  this  situation,  the  question 
may  be  raised  whether  *su-gab  would  not  rather  represent  an  ancient 
Iranian  word.  This  supposition,  however,  cannot  be  proved,  either,  in 
the  present  state  of  science.  Storax  appears  in  the  Persian  materia 
medica  of  Abu  Mansur  under  the  Arabic  name  mi'a.&  The  storax  called 
rose-maloes  is  likewise  known  to  the  Persians,  and  is  said  to  be  derived 

1  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  1.  c.   This  tree  is  mentioned  in  the  Ku  kin  cu  (Ch.  c,  p.  I  b, 
as  a  product  of  Fu-nan,  and  by  Cao  Zu-kwa  as  a  variety  of  sandal-wood  (HIRTH) 
Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  208).    Li  Si-Sen  (Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  34,  p.  12)  says  that  the 
people  of  Yiin-nan  call  tse  fan  by  a  peculiar  word,  $$£  sen;  this  is  pronounced  sen 
in  Yun-nan,  and  accordingly  traceable  to  a  dialectic  variation  of  Sandan,  sandan, 
sandal.  The  Japanese  term  is  litan  (MATSUMURA,  No.  2605). 

2  HIRTH,  Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  61. 

3  Cf.  Pien  tse  lei  pien,  Ch.  195,  p.  8  b;  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill, 
p.  464.   The  Hian  p'u  quoted  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  is  the  work  of  Ye  T'in-kwei  Jj|  ££  QT, 
not  the  well-known  work  by  Hun  C'u,  in  which  the  passage  in  question  does  not 
occur  (see  p.  2,  ed.  of  T*an  Sun  ts'un  $u,  where  it  is  said  that  it  is  difficult  to  recognize 
the  genuine  article).    For  further  information  on  liquid  storax,  see  HIRTH,  Chao 
Ju-kua,  p.  200. 

4  Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  200. 

5  MUSS-ARNOLT  (Transactions  Am.  Phil.  Assac.,  Vol.  XXIII,  p.  117)  derives 
the  Greek  word  from  Hebrew  z'ri;  the  Greek  should  have  assimilated  the  Semitic 
loan-word  to  <rrupa£  ("spike").   This  is  pure  fantasy.    The  Hebrew  word,  moreover, 
does  not  relate  to  storax,  but,  according  to  GESENIUS,  denotes  a  balsam  or  resin  like 
mastic  (above,  p.  252).    The  Hebrew  word  for  Styrax  officinalis  is  said  to  be  nataf 
(EXODUS,  «xx,  34),  Septuaginta  OTOK^,  Vulgata  stacte  (E.  LEVESQUE  in  Diction- 
naire  de  la  Bible,  Vol.  V,  col.  1869-70). 

6  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  138. 


460  SlNO-lRANICA 

from  a  tree  growing  on  the  Island  of  Cabros  in  the  Red  Sea  (near  Kadez, 
three  days'  journey  from  Suez),  the  product  being  obtained  by  boiling 
the  bark  in  salt  water  until  it  obtains  the  consistency  of  glue.1 

56—57.  The  earliest  notice  of  myrrh  is  contained  in  the  Nan  ton  ki 
1M  ffl  Ifi  of  Su  Piao  ^  ^  (written  before  the  fifth  century  A.D.,  but 
only  preserved  in  extracts  of  later  works),  if  we  may  depend  on  the 
Hai  yao  pen  ts*ao,  in  which  this  extract  is  contained.2  Su  Piao  is  made 
to  say  there  that  "the  myrrh  grows  in  the  country  Po-se,  and  is  the 
pine-tree  resin  of  that  locality.  In  appearance  it  is  like  W  ^  $en  hian 
('divine  incense ')  and  red-black  in  color.  As  to  its  taste,  it  is  bitter  and 
warm."  Li  Si-cen  annotates  that  he  is  ignorant  of  what  the  product 
Sen  hian  is.  In  the  Pei  Si,  myrrh  is  ascribed  to  the  country  Ts'ao 
(Jaguda)  north  of  the  Ts'un-lifi  (identical  with  the  Ki-pin  of  the  Han), 
while  this  product  is  omitted  in  the  corresponding  text  of  the  Sui  $u. 
Myrrh,  further,  is  ascribed  to  Ki-pin.3  The  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao  gives  a 
crude  illustration  of  the  tree  under  the  title  mu  yao  of  Kwan-cou  (Kwan- 
turi),  saying  that  the  plant  grows  in  Po-se  and  resembles  benjoin  (nan- 
si  hian,  p.  464),  being  traded  in  pieces  of  indefinite  size  and  of  black 
color. 

In  regard  to  the  subject,  Li  Si-Sen4  cites  solely  sources  of  the  Sung 
period.  He  quotes  K'ou  Tsun-si,  author  of  the  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i  (A.D.  1 1 16), 
to  the  effect  that  myrrh  grows  in  Po-se,  and  comes  in  pieces  of  in- 
definite size,  black  in  color,  resembling  benjoin.  In  the  text  of  this  work, 
as  edited  by  Lu  Sin-yuan,6  this  passage  is  not  contained,  but  merely 
the  medicinal  properties  of  the  drug  are  set  forth.6  Su  Sun  observes 
that  "myrrh  now  occurs  in  the  countries  of  the  Southern  Sea  (Nan-hai) 
and  in  Kwan-Sou.  Root  and  trunk  of  the  tree  are  like  those  of  Canarium 
(kan-lan).  The  leaves  are  green  and  dense.  Only  in  the  course  of  years 
does  the  tree  yield  a  resin,  which  flows  down  into  the  soil,  and  hardens  into 
larger  or  smaller  pieces  resembling  benjoin.  They  may  be  gathered  at 
any  time." 

A  strange  confusion  occurs  in  the  Yu  yan  is  a  tsu,7  where  the  myrtle 
(Myrtus  communis)  is  described  under  its  Aramaic  name  asa  (Arabic 

1  SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  495. 

2  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  13,  p.  39;  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  34,  p.  17. 

3  Tai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  182,  p.  12  b. 

4  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  I.  c. 
6  Ch.  14,  p.  4  b. 

6  In  all  probability,  there  is  an  editorial  error  in  the  edition  of  the  Pen  ts'ao 
quoted;  in  other  editions  the  same  text  is  ascribed  to  Ma  Ci,  one  of  the  collaborators 
in  the  K'ai  Pao  pen  ts*ao. 

7  Ch.  1 8,  p.  12. 


AROMATICS — MYRRH  461 

as),  while  this  section  opens  with  the  remark,  "The  habitat  of  the 
myrrh  tree  ¥H  is  in  Po-se."1  It  may  be,  however,  that,  as  argued  by 
HIRTH,  mu  may  be  intended  in  this  case  to  transcribe  Middle  and 
New  Persian  murd,  which  means  "myrtle"  (not  only  in  the  Bundahisn, 
but  generally).2  Myrrh  and  myrtle  have  nothing  to  do  with  each 
other,  belonging  not  only  to  different  families,  but  even  to  different 
orders;  nor  does  the  myrtle  yield  a  resin  like  myrrh.  It  therefore  re- 
mains doubtful  whether  myrrh  was  known  to  the  Chinese  during  the 
T'ang  period;  in  this  case,  the  passage  cited  above  from  the  Nan  cou 
ki  (like  many  another  text  from  this  work)  must  be  regarded  as  an 
anachronism.  Cao  Zu-kwa  gives  the  correct  information  that  myrrh 
is  produced  on  the  Berbera  coast  of  East  Africa  and  on  the  Hadramaut 
littoral  of  Arabia;  he  has  also  left  a  fairly  correct  description  of  how  the 
resin  is  obtained.3 

Li  Si-£en4  thinks  that  the  transcription  $L  or  ~fc  represents  a  Sanskrit 
word.  This,  of  course,  is  erroneous:  myrrh  is  not  an  Indian  product, 
and  is  only  imported  into  India  from  the  Somali  coast  of  Africa  and  from 
Arabia.  The  former  Chinese  character  answers  to  ancient  *mut  or 
*mur;  the  latter,  to  *mwat,  mwar,  or  mar.  The  former  no  doubt  repre- 
sents attempts  at  reproducing  the  Semite-Persian  name, —  Hebrew 
mor,  Aramaic  murd,  Arabic  murr,  Persian  mor  (Greek  o-^upa,  a/iupov, 
nbpov,  Latin  myrrha)  .5 

Whether  the  Chinese  transcribed  the  Arabic  or  Persian  form,  re- 
mains uncertain:  if  the  transcription  should  really  appear  as  late  as 
the  age  of  the  Sung,  it  is  more  probable  that  the  Arabic  yielded  the 
prototype;  but  if  it  can  be  carried  back  to  the  T'ang  or  earlier,  the 
assumption  is  in  favor  of  Iranian  speech. 

1  Cf.  HIRTH,  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXX,  p.  20.    Owing  to  a  curious  mis- 
conception, the  article  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  has  been  placed  under  mi  hian  ^  ^> 
("gharu-wood")  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  (Ch.  34,  p.  10  b),  for  mu  $£  hian  is  wrongly 
supposed  to  be  a  synonyme  of  mi  hian. 

2  Another  New-Persian  word  for  this  plant  is  amba  or  amta.     In  late  Avestan 
it  is  mustemesa  (BARTHOLOMAE,  Altiran.  Wort.,  col.  1189).     I  do  not  believe  that  the 
Persian  word  and  Armenian  murt  are  derived  from  Greek  fjLvpvlvr)   (SCHRADER  in 
Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  238)  or  from  Greek  /i&pros  (NoLDEKE,  Persische  Studien, 
II,  p.  43). 

3  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  197. 

4  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  34,  p.  17. 

5  Pliny,  xii,  34-35;  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  300;  V.  LORET, 
Flore  pharaonique,  p.  95.   The  transcription  *mwat  appears  to  transcribe  Javanese 
and  Bali  madu  ("myrrh";  Malayan  manisan  lebah).    In  an  Uigur  text  translated 
from  Sogdian  or  Syriac  appears  the  word  zmurna  or  zmuran  ("myrrh"),  connected 
with  the  Greek  word  (F.  W.  K.  MULLER,  Uigurica,  pp.  5-7). 


462  SlNO-lRANICA 

Theophrastus1  mentions  in  the  country  Aria  a  "thorn"  on  which 
is  found  a  gum  resembling  myrrh  in  appearance  and  odor,  and  this 
drops  when  the  sun  shines  on  it.  SiRABO2  affirms  that  Gedrosia  produced 
aromatics,  particularly  nard  and  myrrh,  in  such  quantity  that  Alex- 
ander's army  used  them,  on  the  march,  for  tent-coverings  and  beds, 
and  thus  breathed  an  air  full  of  odors  and  more  salubrious.  Modern 
botanists,  however,  have  failed  to  find  these  plants  in  Gedrosia  or  any 
other  region  of  Iran;3  and  the  Iranian  myrrh  of  the  ancients,  in  all 
probability,  represents  a  different  species  of  Balsamodendron  (perhaps 
B.  pubescens  or  B.  mukul).  According  to  W.  GsiGER,4  Balsamodendron 
mukul  is  called  in  Balu6i  bod,  bod,  or  boz,  a  word  which  simply  means 
"odor,  aroma."  It  is  a  descendant  of  Avestan  baoibi,  which  we  find  in 
Pahlavi  as  bod,  bol,  Sogdian  fra^odan,  (3o8a,  New  Persian  bol,  bo  (Ossetic 
bud,  "incense").5 

It  is  noteworthy  also  that  the  ancient  Chinese  accounts  of  Sasanian 
Persia  do  not  make  mention  of  myrrh.  The  botanical  evidence  being 
taken  into  due  consideration,  it  appears  more  than  doubtful  that 
the  statement  of  the  Nan  Zou  ki,  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,  K'ai  pao  pen  ts'ao,  and 
Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  that  the  myrrh-tree  grows  in  Po-se,  can  be  referred  to 
the  Iranian  Po-se.  True  it  is,  the  tree  does  not  occur,  either,  in  the 
Malayan  area;  but,  since  the  product  was  evidently  traded  to  China  by 
way  of  Malaysia,  the  opinion  might  gain  ground  among  the  Chinese 
that  the  home  of  the  article  was  the  Malayan  Po-se. 

The  Japanese  style  the  myrrh  mirura,  which  is  merely  a  modern 
transcription  of  "myrrha."6 

58.  Ts'inmu  /wan  W/fcW  ("dark-wood  aromatic")  is  attributed 
to  Sasanian  Persia.7  What  this  substance  was,  is  not  explained;  and 
merely  from  the  fact  that  the  name  in  question,  as  well  as  mu  hian 
/fcW  ("tree  aromatic")  and  mi  hian  3?  W,  usually  refer  to  costus 
root  or  putchuck  (also  pachak),  we  may  infer  that  the  Persian  aromatic 
was  of  a  similar  character.  Thus  it  is  assumed  by  HIRTH;S  but  the 
matter  remains  somewhat  hypothetical.  The  Chinese  term,  indeed,  has 

1  Hist,  plant.,  IV.  IV,  13. 

2  XV.  n,  3. 

8  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  1'antiquite",  Vol.  I,  p.  48. 
4  Etymologic  des  Balu&,  p.  46. 

6  In  regard  to  the  use  of  incense  on  the  part  of  the  Manichaeans,  see  CHAVANNES 
and  PELLIOT,  Traite"  maniche'en,  pp.  302-303,  311. 

8  J.  MATSUMURA,  Shokubutsu  mei-i,  No.  458. 

7  Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  p.  5  b;  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

8  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  221.    Putchuck  is  not  the  root  of  Aucklandia  costus,  but  of 
Saussurea  lappa  (see  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  980). 


AROMATICS — PUTCHUCK  463 

no  botanical  value,  being  merely  a  commercial  label  covering  different 
roots  from  most  diverse  regions.  If  Cao  Zu-kwa  compares  the  putchuck- 
yielding  plant  with  Luffa  cylindrica,  a  Cucurbitacea  of  southern  China, 
with  which  he  compares  also  the  cardamom,  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  he 
does  not  visualize  the  genuine  costus-root  of  Saussurea  lappa,  a  tall, 
stout  herb,  indigenous  to  the  moist,  open  slopes  surrounding  the  valley 
of  Kashmir,  at  an  elevation  of  eight  or  nine  thousand  feet.  If  he  further 
states  that  the  product  is  found  in  Hadramaut  and  on  the  Somali  coast, 
it  is,  in  my  opinion,  not  logical  to  reject  this  as  "  wrong,"  for  a  product 
of  the  name  mu  hian  was  certainly  known  in  the  China  of  his  time 
from  that  region.  And  why  not?  Also  Dioscorides  mentions  an  Arabian 
costus,  which  is  white  and  odoriferous  and  of  the  best  quality;  besides, 
he  has  an  Indian  costus,  black  and  smooth,  and  a  Syrian  variety  of  wax 
color,  dusky,  and  of  strong  odor.  It  is  obvious  that  these  three  articles 
correspond  to  the  roots  of  three  distinct  species,  which  have  certain 
properties  in  common;  and  it  has  justly  been  doubted  that  the  modern 
costus  is  the  same  thing  as  that  of  the  ancients.  The  Arabs  have 
adopted  the  nomenclature  of  Dioscorides.1  The  Sheikh  Daud  dis- 
tinguishes an  Indian  species,  white;  a  black  one  from  China;  and  a  red, 
heavy  one,  adding  that  it  is  said  to  be  a  tree  of  the  kind  of  Agallockum. 
Nearly  everywhere  in  Asia  have  been  found  aromatic  roots  which  in 
one  way  or  another  correspond  to  the  properties  of  the  Indian  kustha. 
Thus  in  Tibet  and  Mongolia  the  latter  is  adjusted  with  the  genus  Inula; 
and  the  Tibetan  word  ru-rta,  originally  referring  to  an  Inula,  was 
adopted  by  the  Buddhist  translators  as  a  rendering  of  Sanskrit  kustha.2 
In  the  same  manner,  the  Chinese  term  mu  hian  formerly  denoted  an 
indigenous  plant  of  Yun-nan,  which,  according  to  the  ancient  work 
Pie  lu,  grew  in  the  mountain-valleys  of  Yun-6'afi.3  The  correctness  of 
this  tradition  is  confirmed  by  the  Man  $u,  which  mentions  a  mountain- 
range,  three  days'  journey  south  of  Yun-6'an,  by  name  Ts'iii-mu-hiafi 
("Dark-Wood  Aromatic"),  and  owing  its  name  to  the  great  abundance 
of  this  root.4  The  Man  $u,  further,  extends  its  occurrence  to  the  country 

1  LECLERC,  Trait6  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  85-86. 

2  H.  LAUFER,  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  der  tibetischen  Medicin,  p.  61. 

3  Also  Wu  K'i-tsun  (Ci  wu  min  Si  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  25,  p.  n)  observes  correctly  that 
this  species  is  not  the  putchuck  coming  from  the  foreign  barbarians.    His  three 
illustrations,  putchuck  from  Hai-Sou  in  Kian-su,  from  Kwan-tun,  and  from  C'u-£ou 
in  Nan-hwi,  are  reproduced  from  the  T'u  su  tsi  I' en  (XX,  Ch.  117),  and  represent 
three  distinct  plants. 

4  The  Tien  hai  yu  hen  li  (Ch.  3,  p.  i;  see  above,  p.  228)  states  that  mu  hian  is 
produced  in  the  native  district  C'6-li  !$L  M  ±  3,  formerly  called  C'an-li  |g  Jt, 
of  Yun-nan. 


464  SlNO-lRANICA 

K'un-lun  of  the  Southern  Sea;1  and  Su  Kun  of  the  T'ang  says  that,  of 
the  two  kinds  of  mu-hian  (known  to  him),  that  of  K'un-lun  is  the  best, 
while  that  from  the  West  Lake  near  Han-Sou  is  not  good.2  In  the  time 
of  T'ao  Hun-kin  (A.D.  451-536)  the  root  was  no  longer  brought  from 
Yun-c'an;  but  the  bulk  of  it  was  imported  on  foreign  ships,  with  the 
report  that  it  came  from  Ta  Ts'in  (the  Hellenistic  Orient),3 — hence 
presumably  the  same  article  as  the  Arabian  or  Syrian  costus  of  Dios- 
corides.  The  Nan  fan  ts*ao  mu  Zwan  is  cited  by  Cen  Kwan  of  the  seventh 
century  as  saying  that  the  root  is  produced  in  India,  being  the  product 
of  an  herbaceous  plant  and  of  the  appearance  of  licorice.  The  same 
text  is  ascribed  to  the  Nan  cou  i  wu  li  of  the  third  century  in  the  T'ai 
p'in  yu  Ian*  while  the  Kwan  li  attributes  the  product  to  Kiao-cou 
(Tonking)  and  India.  A  different  description  of  the  plant  is  again  given 
by  Su  Sun.  Thus  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  specimens  from  China 
submitted  for  identification  have  proved  to  be  from  different  plants, 
as  Aplotaxis  auriculata,  Aristolochia  kaempferi,  Rosa  banksia,  etc.5  If, 
accordingly,  costus  (to  use  this  general  term)  was  found  not  only  in 
India  and  Kashmir,  but  also  in  Arabia,  Syria,  Tibet,  Mongolia,  China, 
and  Malacca,  it  is  equally  possible  also  that  Persia  had  a  costus  of  her 
own  or  imported  it  from  Syria  as  well  as  from  India.6  This  is  a  question 
which  cannot  be  decided  with  certainty.  The  linguistic  evidence  is 
inconclusive,  for  the  New-Persian  kust  is  an  Arabic  loan-word,  the 
latter,  of  course,  being  traceable  to  Sanskrit  kustha,  which  has  obtained 
a  world-wide  propagation.7  Like  so  many  other  examples  in  the  his- 
tory of  commerce,  this  case  illustrates  the  unwillingness  of  the  world 
to  tolerate  monopolies  for  any  length  of  time.  The  real  costus  was 
peculiar  (and  still  is)  to  Kashmir,  but  everywhere  attempts  were  con- 
stantly made  to  trace  equivalents  or  substitutes.  The  trade-mark 
remained  the  same,  while  the  article  was  subjected  to  changes. 

59.    Under  the  term  nan  (or  an) -si  hian  *$£  S  W  the  Chinese  have 

1  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  226. 

2  The  attribution  of  the  root  to  K'un-lun  is  not  fiction,  for  this  tradition  is 
confirmed  by  Garcia  da  Orta,  who  localizes  pucho  on  Malacca,  whence  it  is  exported 
to  China. 

3  This  text  is  doubtless  authentic;  it  is  already  recorded  in  the  T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian 
(Ch.  991,  p.  n). 

4  Ch.  982,  p.  3. 

5  HANBURY,  Science  Papers,  p.  257;  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  43. 

6  In  the  sixteenth  century,  as  we  learn  from  GARCIA  (Markham,  Colloquies, 
p.  150),  costus  was  shipped  from  India  to  Ormuz,  and  thence  carried  to  Persia  and 
Khorasan;  it  was  also  brought  into  Persia  and  Arabia  by  way  of  Aden. 

7  In  Tokharian  it  is  found  in  the  form  ka$$u  (S.  L£vi,  Journal  asiatique,  1911, 
II,  p.  138). 


AROMATICS — STYRAX  BENJOIN  465 

combined  two  different  aromatics, —  an  ancient  product  of  Iranian 
regions,  as  yet  unidentified;  and  the  benjoin  yielded  by  the  Styraoc 
benjoin,  a  small  tree  of  the  Malay  Archipelago.1  It  is  necessary  to  dis- 
criminate sharply  between  the  two,  and  to  understand  that  the  ancient 
term  originally  relating  to  an  Iranian  aromatic,  when  the  Iranian  im- 
portation had  ceased,  was  subsequently  transferred  to  the  Malayan 
article,  possibly  on  account  of  some  outward  resemblance  of  the  two, 
but  that  the  two  substances  have  no  botanical  and  historical  inter- 
relation. The  attempt  of  Cao  Zu-kwa  to  establish  a  connection  between 
the  two,  and  to  conjecture  that  the  name  is  derived  from  An-si  (Parthia), 
but  that  the  article  was  imported  by  way  of  San-fo-ts'i  (Palembang  on 
Sumatra),2  must  be  regarded  as  unfounded;  for  the  question  is  not  of 
an  importation  from  Parthia  or  Persia  to  Sumatra,  but  it  is  the  native 
product  of  fa  plant  actually  growing  in  Sumatra,  in  Borneo,  and  other 
Malayan  islands.3  The  product  is  called  in  Malayan  kaminan  (GARCIA  : 
cominham),  Javanese  menan,  Sunda  minan.  The  duplicity  of  the  article 
and  the  sameness  of  the  term  have  naturally  caused  a  great  deal  of 
confusion  among  Chinese  authors,  and  perhaps  no  less  among  European 
writers.  At  least,  the  subject  has  not  yet  been  presented  clearly,  and 
least  of  all  by  BRETSCHNEiDER.4 

According  to  Su  Kufi,  nan-si  hian  is  produced  among  the  Western 
Zun  IS  3%  (Si-2un), — a  vague  term,  which  may  allude  to  Iranians 
(p.  203).  Li  Sim,  in  his  Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao,  written  in  the  second  half  of 
the  eighth  century,  states  that  the  plant  grows  in  Nan-hai  ("  Southern 
Sea";  that  is,  the  Archipelago)  and  in  the  country  Po-se.  The  co- 
ordination with  Nan-hai  renders  it  probable  that  he  hints  at  the 
Malayan  Po-se  rather  than  at  Persia,  the  more  so,  as  Li  Si-Sen  himself 
states  that  the  plant  now  occurs  in  Annam,  Sumatra,  and  all  foreign 
countries.5  The  reason  why  the  term  nan-si  was  applied  to  the  Malayan 

1  The  word  "benjoin"  is  a  corruption  of  Arabic  lubdnjdwl  ("incense  of  Java"; 
that  is,  Sumatra  of  the  Arabs).    The  Portuguese  made  of  this  benzawi,  and  further 
beijoim,  benjoim  (in  Vasco  da  Gama  and  Duarte  Barbosa);  Spanish  benjui,  menjui; 
Italian  belzuino,  belguino;  French  benjoin.    Cf.  R.  DOZY  and  W.  H.  ENGELMANN, 
Glossaire  des  mots  espagnols  et  portugais  derives  de  1'arabe,  p.  239;   S.  R.  DALGADO, 
Influencia  do  vocabuldrio  portugue"s,  p.  27. 

2  HIRTH,  Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  201. 

3  According  to  GARCIA  (C.  Markham,  Colloquies,  p.  49),  benjoin  is  only  known 
in  Sumatra  and  Siam.    According  to  F.  PYRARD  (Vol.  II,  p.  360,  ed.  of  Hakluyt 
Society),  who  travelled  from  1601  to  1610,  it  is  chiefly  produced  in  Malacca  and 
Sumatra. 

4  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  No.  313. 

5  As  the  Malayan  product  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  the  present  in- 
vestigation, this  subject  is  not  pursued  further  here  (see  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua, 
pp.  201-202).   In  Bretschneider's  translation  of  this  matter,  based  on  the  unreliable 


466  SlNO-lRANICA 

product  may  be  explained  from  the  fact  that  to  the  south-west  of 
China,  west  of  the  Irawaddy,  there  was  a  city  Nan-si  5:  ® ,  mentioned 
in  the  Itinerary  of  Kia  Tan  and  in  the  Man  $u  of  the  T'ang  period.1 
The  exact  location  of  this  place  is  not  ascertained.  Perhaps  this  or 
another  locality  of  an  identical  name  lent  its  name  to  the  product;  but 
this  remains  for  the  present  a  mere  hypothesis.  The  Tien  hai  yii  hen  £i2 
states  that  nan-si  is  produced  in  the  native  district  Pa-po  ta-tien 
A  B"  Jt  ^  ±  3,  formerly  called  A  9  tt  it  ft,  ol  Yiin-nan. 

The  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu3  contains  the  following  account:  "The  tree 
furnishing  the  nan-si  aromatic  is  produced  in  the  country  Po-se.4  In 
Po-se  it  is  termed  p'i-sie  $$  W  tree  ('tree  warding  off  evil  influences').5 
The  tree  grows  to  a  height  of  thirty  feet,  and  has  a  bark  of  a  yellow-black 
color.  The  leaves  are  oblong,6  and  remain  green  throughout  the  winter. 
It  flowers  in  the  second  month.  The  blossoms  are  yellow.  The  heart 
of  the  flower  is  somewhat  greenish  (or  bluish).  It  does  not  form  fruit. 
On  scraping  the  tree-bark,  the  gum  appears  like  syrup,  which  is  called 
nan-si  aromatic.  In  the  sixth  or  seventh  month,  when  this  substance 
hardens,  it  is  fit  for  use  as  incense,  which  penetrates  into  the  abode  of 
the  spirits  and  dispels  all  evil."  Although  I  am  not  a  botanist,  I  hardly 
believe  that  this  description  could  be  referred  to  Sty  rax  ben  join.  This 
genus  consists  only  of  small  trees,  which  never  reach  a  height  of  thirty 
feet;  and  its  flowers  are  white,  not  yellow.  Moreover,  I  am  not  con- 
vinced that  we  face  here  any  Persian  plant,  but  I  think  that  the  Po-se 
of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,  as  in  some  other  cases,  hints  at  the  Malayan 
Po-se.7 

text  of  the  Pen  ts'ao,  occurs  a  curious  misunderstanding.  The  sentence  JH1  ^  Ha 
^k  JH  ^f  J$  iJI  is  rendered  by  him,  "By  burning  the  true  an-si  hiang  incense 
rats  can  be  allured  (?)."  The  interrogation-mark  is  his.  In  my  opinion,  this  means, 
"In  burning  it,  that  kind  which  attracts  rodents  is  genuine." 

1  Cf.  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$ aise,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  178,  371. 

2  Ch.  3,  p.  i  (see  above,  p.  228). 

3  Ch.  18,  p.  8  b. 

4  Both  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  p.  466)  and  HIRTH  (Chao  Ju-kua, 
p.  202)  identify  this  Po-se  with  Persia,  without  endeavoring,  however,  to  ascertain 
what  tree  is  meant;  and  Sty  rax  benzoin  does  not  occur  in  Persia.    Garcia  already 
stated  that  benjuy  (as  he  writes)  is  not  found  in  Armenia,  Syria,  Africa,  or  Cyrene, 
but  only  in  Sumatra  and  Siam. 

5  P'i-sie  is  not  the  transcription  of  a  foreign  word;  the  ancient  form  *bik-dza 
would  lead  to  neither  a  Persian  nor  a  Malayan  word. 

6  BRETSCHNEIDER,  who  was  a  botanist,  translates  this  clause   (J|  ^  P9  ® )» 
"The  leaves  spread  out  into  four  corners  (!)."   Literally  it  means  "the  leaves  have 
four  corners";  that  is,  they  are  rectangular  or  simply  oblong.   The  phrase  se  len  p} 
U  with  reference  to  leaves  signifies  "four-pointed,"  the  points  being  understood  as 
acute. 

7  See  the  following  chapter  on  this  subject. 


AROMATICS — STYRAX  BENJOIN  467 

An  identification  of  nan-si  to  which  PELLIOT*  first  called  attention 
is  given  in  the  Chinese-Sanskrit  dictionary  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,2  where  it  is 
equated  with  Sanskrit  guggula.  This  term  refers  to  the  gum-resin  ob- 
tained from  Boswellia  serrata  and  the  produce  of  Balsamodendron  mukul, 
or  Commiphora  roxburghu,  the  bdellion  of  the  Greeks.3  Perhaps  also 
other  Balsamodendrons  are  involved;  and  it  should  be  borne  in  mind 
that  Balsamodendron  and  Boswellia  are  two  genera  belonging  to  the 
same  family,  Burseraceae  or  Amyrideae.  Pelliot  is  quite  right  in  assum- 
ing that  in  this  manner  it  is  easier  to  comprehend  the  name  nan-si  hian, 
which  seems  to  be  attached  to  the  ancient  Chinese  name  of  the  Persia 
of  the  Arsacides.  In  fact,  we  meet  on  the  rocks  of  Baluchistan  two 
incense-furnishing  species,  Balsamodendron  pubescens  and  B.  mukul* 
observed  by  the  army  of  Alexander  in  the  deserts  of  Gedrosia,  and  col- 
lected in  great  quantity  by  the  Phoenician  merchants  who  accompanied 
him.5 

While  it  is  thus  possible  that  the  term  nan-si  hian  was  originally 
intended  to  convey  the  significance  "Parthian  aromatic,"  we  must  not 
lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  ancient  historical 
documents  relative  to  Parthia  (An-si)  and  Persia  (Po-se) , —  a  singular 
situation,  which  must  furnish  food  for  reflection.  The  article  is  pointed 
out  only  as  a  product  of  Kuca  in  Turkistan  and  the  Kingdom  of  Ts'ao 
jf  (Jaguda)  north  of  the  Ts'un-lin.6 

Aside  from  the  geographical  explanation,  the  Chinese  have 
attempted  also  a  literal  etymology  of  the  term.  According  to  Li  Si-Sen, 
this  aromatic  "wards  off  evil  and  sets  at  rest  *£  &  all  demoniacal 
influences  ft  3ft;  hence  its  name.  Others,  however,  say  that  nan-si  is 
the  name  of  a  country."  This  word-for-word  interpretation  is  decidedly 
forced  and  fantastic. 

1  T'oung  Pao,  1912,  p.  480. 

2  Ch.  8,  p.  10  b. 

3  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1914,  p.  6. 

4  JORET,  Plantes  dans  I'antiquite',  Vol.  II,  p.  48.   The  former  species  is  called  in 
Balucl  bayi  or  bai. 

5  Ibid.,  p.  649. 

6  Sui  su,  Ch.  83,  pp.  5  b,  7  b. 


THE  MALAYAN  PO-SE  AND  ITS  PRODUCTS 

On  the  preceding  pages  reference  has  repeatedly  been  made  to  the 
fact  that  besides  the  Iranian  Po-se  $t  ®r,  transcribing  the  ancient  name 
Parsa,  the  Chinese  were  also  acquainted  with  another  country  and 
people  of  the  same  name,  and  always  written  in  like  manner,  the  loca- 
tion of  which  is  referred  to  the  Southern  Ocean,  and  which,  as  will  be 
seen,  must  have  belonged  to  the  Malayan  group.  We  have  noted  several 
cases  in  which  the  two  Po-se  are  confounded  by  Chinese  writers;  and 
so  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  confusion  has  been  on  a  still  larger  scale 
among  European  sinologues,  most  of  whom,  if  the  Malayan  Po-se  is 
involved  in  Chinese  records,  have  invariably  mistaken  it  for  Persia. 
It  is  therefore  a  timely  task  to  scrutinize  more  closely  what  is  really 
known  about  this  mysterious  Po-se  of  the  Southern  Sea.  Unfortunately 
the  Chinese  have  never  co-ordinated  the  scattered  notices  of  the  south- 
ern Po-se;  and  none  of  their  cyclopasdias,  as  far  as  I  know,  contains 
a  coherent  account  of  the  subject.  Even  the  mere  fact  of  the  duplicity 
of  the  name  Po-se  never  seems  to  have  dawned  upon  the  minds  of 
Chinese  writers;  at  least,  I  have  as  yet  failed  to  trace  any  text  insisting 
on  the  existence  of  or  contrasting  the  two  Po-se.  Groping  my  way 
along  through  this  matter,  I  can  hardly  hope  that  my  study  of  source- 
material  is  complete,  and  I  feel  sure  that  there  are  many  other  texts 
relative  to  the  subject  which  have  either  escaped  me  or  are  not  acces- 
sible. 

The  Malayan  Po-se  is  mentioned  in  the  Man  $u  H  fiF  (p.  43  b),1 
written  about  A.D.  860  by  Fan  Co  ^  $?,  who  says,  "As  regards  the 
country  P'iao  IS  (Burma),  it  is  situated  seventy-five  days'  journey 
(or  two  thousand  It)  south  of  the  city  of  Yufi-S'an.2  ...  It  borders  on 
Po-se  S£  $T  and  P'o-lo-men  §1 18  P?  (Brahmana)  ;3  in  the  west,  however, 
on  the  city  Se-li  fe  fl"  It  is  clearly  expressed  in  this  document  that 
Po-se,  as  known  under  the  T'ang,  was  a  locality  somewhere  contermi- 
nous with  Burma,  and  on  the  mainland  of  Asia. 

1  Regarding  this  work,  see  WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  40;  and 
PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  I'Ecolefrangaise,  Vol.  II,  p.  156;  Vol.  IV,  p.  132. 

2  In  Yun-nan.    The  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yii  ki  gives  the  distance  of  P'iao  from  that 
locality  as  3000  li  (cf.  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  172).   The  text 
of  the  Man  $u  is  reproduced  in  the  same  manner  in  the  Su  kien  of  Kwo  Yiin-t'ao 
(Ch.  10,  p.  10  b),  written  in  1236. 

3 1  do  not  believe  that  this  term  relates  to  India  in  general,  but  take  it  as  denot- 
ing a  specific  country  near  the  boundary  of  Burma. 

468 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-SE — HISTORICAL  NOTES  469 

In  another  passage  of  the  Man  $u  (p.  29),  the  question  is  of  a  place 
Ta-yin-k'un  ^  $1  JL  (evidently  a  silver-mine),  not  well  determined, 
probably  situated  on  the  Gulf  of  Siam,  to  the  south  of  which  the  people 
of  the  country  P'Q-lo-men  (Brahmana),  Po-se,  Se-p'o  (Java),  P'o-ni 
(Borneo),  and  K'un-lun,  flock  together  for  barter.  There  are  many 
precious  stones  there,  and  gold  and  musk  form  their  valuable  goods.1 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Malayan  Po-se  is  understood  here,  and  not 
Persia,  as  has  been  proposed  by  PELLiOT.2  A  similar  text  is  found  in  the 
Nan  i  U  US  3^  w  ("Records  of  Southern  Barbarians "),  as  quoted  in  the 
T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian*  "In  Nan-£ao  there  are  people  from  P'o-lo-men,  Po-se, 
Se-p'o  (Java),  P'o-ni  (Borneo),  K'un-lun,  and  of  many  other  heretic 
tribes,  meeting  at  one  trading-mart,  where  pearls  and  precious  stones  in 
great  number  are  exchanged  for  gold4  and  musk."  This  text  is  identical 
with  that  of  the  Man  $u,  save  that  the  trading  centre  of  this  group  of 
five  tribes  is  located  in  the  kingdom  of  Nan-£ao  (in  the  present  province 
of  Yiin-nan).  E.  H.  PARKER5  has  called  attention  to  a  mention  of  Po-se 
in  the  T'ang  Annals,  without  expressing,  however,  an  opinion  as  to 
what  Po-se  means  in  this  connection.  In  the  chapter  on  P'iao  (Bur- 
ma) it  is  there  stated  that  near  the  capital  of  that  country  there  are 
hills  of  sand  and  a  barren  waste  which  borders  on  Po-se  and  P'o-lo-men, 
—  identical  with  the  above  passage  of  the  Man  $u* 

In  A.D.  742,  a  Buddhist  priest  from  Yan-^ou  on  the  Yangtse,  Kien- 
£en  it  M  by  name,  undertook  a  voyage  to  Japan,  in  the  course  of  which 
he  also  touched  Canton  in  748.  In  the  brief  abstract  of  his  diary  given 
by  the  Japanese  scholar  J.  TAKAKUSU/  we  read,  "Dans  la  riviere  de 
Canton,  il  y  avait  d'innombrables  vaissaux  appartenant  aux  brahmanes, 
aux  Persans,  aux  gens  de  Koun-loun  (tribu  malaise)."  The  text  of  the 
work  in  question  is  not  at  my  disposal,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
it  contains  the  triad  P'o-lo-men,  Po-se,  K'un-lun,  as  mentioned  in  the 
Man  $u,  and  that  the  question  is  not  of  Brahmans,  but  of  the  country 

1  In  another  passage  (p.  34  b)  Fan  Co  states  that  musk  is  obtained  in  all  moun- 
tains of  Yun-6'an  and  Nan-£ao,  and  that  the  natives  use  it  as  a  means  of  exchange. 

2  Bull,  de  I'Ecole  fran$aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  287,  note  2. 
s  Ch.  981,  p.  5  b. 

4  The  text  has  ^  ^.    I  do  not  know  what  lu  ("to  boil")  could  mean  in  this 
connection.   It  is  probably  a  wrong  reading  for  jfj ,  as  we  have  it  in  the  text  of  the 
Man  $u.  i 

5  Burma  with  Special  Reference  to  Her  Relations  with  China,  p.  14  (Rangoon, 
1893)- 

6  This  passage  is  not  contained  in  the  notice  of  P'iao  in  the  Kiu  T'an  $u 
(Ch.  197,  p.  7  b). 

7  Premier  Congres  International  des  Etudes  d'Extr6me-Orient,  p.  58  (Hanoi, 
1903);  cf.  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  I'Extr&ne-Orient,  Vol.  II,  p.  638. 


470  SlNO-lRANICA 

and  people  P'o-lomen  on  the  border  of  Burma,  the  Po-se  likewise  on  the 
border  of  Burma,  and  the  Malayan  K'un-lun.  In  the  first  half  of  the 
eighth  century,  accordingly,  we  find  the  Malayan  Po-se  as  a  seafaring 
people  trading  with  the  Chinese  at  Canton.  Consequently  also  the 
alleged  "Persian"  settlement  on  the  south  coast  of  Hainan,  struck  by 
the  traveller,  was  a  Malayan-Po-se  colony.  In  view  of  this  situation,  the 
further  question  may  be  raised  whether  the  pilgrim  Yi  Tsiii  in  A.D.  671 
sought  passage  at  Canton  on  a  Persian  ship.1  This  vessel  was  bound 
for  Palembang  on  Sumatra,  and  sailed  the  Malayan  waters;  again,  in 
my  opinion,  the  Malayan  Po-se,  not  the  Persians,  are  here  in  question. 

The  Malayan  Po-se  were  probably  known  far  earlier  than  the  T'ang 
period,  for  they  appear  to  have  been  mentioned  in  the  Kwan  ci  written 
before  A.D.  527.  In  the  Hian  p*u  ^  ^  of  Hun  C'u  9$  185  of  the  Sung,2 
this  work  is  quoted  as  saying  that  $u  hian  ?L  ^  (a  kind  of  incense)3  is 
the  sap  of  a  pine-tree  in  the  country  Po-se  in  the  Southern  Sea.  This 
Po-se  is  well  enough  defined  to  exclude  the  Iranian  Po-se,  where,  more- 
over, no  incense  is  produced.4 

The  same  text  is  also  preserved  in  the  Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao  of  Li  Sun  of 
the  eighth  century,5  in  a  slightly  different  but  substantially  identical 
wording:  "Zu  hian  grows  in  Nan-hai  [the  countries  of  the  Southern 
Sea] :  it  is  the  sap  of  a  pine-tree  in  Po-se.  That  kind  which  is  red  like 
cherries  and  transparent  ranks  first."  K'ou  Tsun-si,  who  wrote  the 
Pen  ts'ao  yen  i  in  A.D.  1116,  says  that  the  incense  of  the  Southern  Bar- 
barians (Nan  Fan)  is  still  better  than  that  of  southern  India.  The 
Malayan  Po-se  belonged  to  the  Southern  Barbarians.  The  fact  that 
these,  and  not  the  Persians,  are  to  be  understood  in  the  accounts  relating 
to  incense,  is  brought  out  with  perfect  lucidity  by  C'en  C'en  Ell  ^c, 
who  wrote  the  Pen  ts*ao  pie  $wo  ^  |j?  $U  |&  in  A.D.  1090,  and  who  says, 
"As  regards  the  west,  incense  is  produced  in  India  (T'ien-cu);  as  re- 

1  CHAVANNES,  Religieux  e"minents,  p.  116;  J.  TAKAKUSU,  I-Tsing,  p.  xxvm. 

2  Ed.  of  Tan  Sun  ts'un  $u,  p.  5. 

3  Not  necessarily  from  Boswellia,  nor  identical  with  frankincense.    The  above 
text  says  that  Zu  hian  is  a  kind  of  hun-lu.   The  latter  is  simply  a  generic  term  for 
incense,  without  referring  to  any  particular  species.    I  strictly  concur  with  PELLIOT 
(T'oung  Pao,  1912,  p.  477)  in  regarding  hun-lu  as  a  Chinese  word,  not  as  the  tran- 
scription of  a  foreign  word,  as  has  been  proposed. 

4  If  hun  lu  is  enumerated  in  the  Sui  $u  among  the  products  of  Persia,  this  means 
that  incense  was  used  there  as  an  import-article,  but  it  does  not  follow  from  this 
that  "it  was  brought  to  China  on  Persian  ships"  (HiRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  196). 
The  "Persian  ships,"  it  seems,  must  be  relegated  to  the  realm  of  imagination. 
Only  from  the  Mohammedan  period  did  really  Persian  ships  appear  in  the  far  east. 
The  best  instance  to  this  effect  is  contained  in  the  notes  of  Hwi  Cao  of  the  eighth 
century  (HIRTH,  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  1913,  p.  205). 

6  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  34,  p.  16. 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-SE— HISTORICAL  NOTES  471 

gards  the  south,  it  is  produced  in  Po-se  and  other  countries.  That  of 
the  west  is  yellow  and  white  in  color,  that  of  the  south  is  purple  or 
red."  It  follows  from  this  text  that  the  southern  Po-se  produced  a  kind 
of  incense  of  their  own;  and  it  may  very  well  be,  that,  as  stated  in  the 
Kwan  ci,  a  species  of  pine  was  the  source  of  this  product. 

The  Kwan  ci  contains  another  interesting  reference  to  Po-se.  It 
states  that  the  tree  W  ko,  *ka  (Quercus  cuspidata),  grows  in  the  moun- 
tains and  valleys  of  Kwan-tuii  and  Kwan-si,  and  that  Po-se  people  use 
its  timber  for  building  boats.1  These  again  are  Malayan  Po-se.  The 
Kwan  ci  was  possibly  written  under  the  Tsin  dynasty  (A.D.  2  6  5-4  2  o),2 
and  the  Iranian  Po-se  was  then  unknown  to  China.  Its  name  first 
reached  the  Chinese  in  A.D.  461,  when  an  embassy  from  Persia  arrived 
at  the  Court  of  the  Wei.3  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  also  that  Persia's 
communications  with  China  always  took  place  overland  by  way  of 
Central  Asia;  while  the  Malayan  Po-se  had  a  double  route  for  reaching 
China,  either  by  land  to  Yun-nan  or  by  sea  to  Canton.  It  would  not 
be  impossible  that  the  word  *ka  for  this  species  of  oak,  and  also  its 
synonyme  ^  i$L  mu-nu,  *muk-nu,  are  of  Malayan-Po-se  origin. 

The  Kiu  yu  ci  JL  ®  ;§,  published  by  Wan  Ts'un  IE  &  in  A.D.  1080, 
mentions  that  the  inhabitants  of  Po-se  wear  a  sort  of  cotton  kerchief, 
and  make  their  sarong  (tu-man  S$  H)  of  yellow  silk.4 

In  A.D.  1103,  three  countries,  Burma,  Po-se,  and  K'un-lun,  presented 
white  elephants  and  perfumes  to  the  King  of  Ta-li  in  Yun-nan.  Again, 
this  is  not  Persia,  as  translated  by  C.  SAINSON.S  Persia  never  had  any 
relations  with  Yun-nan,  and  how  the  transportation  of  elephants  from 
Persia  to  Yiin-nan  could  have  been  accomplished  is  difficult  to  realize. 
We  note  that  the  commercial  relations  of  these  Po-se  with  Yiin-nan, 
firmly  established  toward  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  under  the  T'ang, 
were  continued  in  the  twelfth  century  under  the  Sung. 

In  the  History  of  the  Sung  Dynasty  occurs  an  incidental  mention  of 
Po-se.6  In  A.D.  992  an  embassy  arrived  in  China  from  Java,  and  it  is 
said  that  the  envoys  were  dressed  in  a  way  similar  to  those  of  Po-se,  who 

1  This  passage  is  transmitted  by  Li  Sun  of  the  eighth  century  in  his  Hai  yao 
pen  ts'ao  (Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  35  B,  p.  14),  who,  as  will  be  seen,  mentions  several 
plants  and  products  of  the  Malayan  Po-se. 

2  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  I'Ecolefrangaise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  412. 

3  Cf.  DEV£RIA  in  Centenaire  de  1'Ecole  des  Langues  Orientales,  p.  306. 

4  E.  H.  PARKER,  who  made  this  text  known  (China  Review,  Vol.  XIX,  1890, 
p.  191),  remarked,  "It  seems  probable  that  not  Persia,  but  one  of  the  Borneo  or 
Malacca  states,  such  as  P'o-li  or  P'o-lo,  is  meant." 

^Histoire  du  Nan-tchao,  p.  101  (translation  of  the  Nan  lao  ye  Si,  written  by 
Yaii  Sen  in  1550). 

6  Sun  si,  Ch.  489. 


472  SlNO-lRANICA 

had  brought  tribute  before.  The  Javanese  could  hardly  be  expected 
to  have  been  dressed  like  Persians,  as  rashly  assumed  by  GROENEVELDT;1 
but  they  were  certainly  dressed  like  their  congeners,  the  Malayan  Po-se. 

Cou  K'u-fei,  in  his  Lin  wai  tai  ta,z  written  in  1178,  gives  the  following 
description  of  the  country  Po-se:  "In  the  South-  Western  Ocean  there 
is  the  country  Po-se.  The  inhabitants  have  black  skin  and  curly  hair. 
Both  their  arms  are  adorned  with  metal  bracelets,  and  they  wrap 
around  their  bodies  a  piece  of  cotton-cloth  with  blue  patterns.  There 
are,  no  walled  towns.  Early  in  the  morning,  the  king  holds  his  court, 
being  seated  cross-legged  on  a  bench  covered  with  a  tiger-skin,  while  his 
subjects  standing  beneath  pay  him  homage.  In  going  out  he  is  carried 
in  a  litter  (Ifc  9H  Swan  tou),  or  is  astride  an  elephant.  His  retinue  con- 
sists of  over  a  hundred  men,  who,  carrying  swords  and  shouting  (to  clear 
the  way),  form  his  body-guard.  They  subsist  on  flour  products,  meat, 
and  rice,  served  in  porcelain  dishes,  and  eat  with  their  fingers."  The 
same  text  has  been  reproduced  by  Cao  Zu-kwa  with  a  few  slight  changes. 
His  reading  that  Po-se  is  situated  "above  the  countries  of  the  south- 
west" is  hardly  correct.3  At  all  events,  the  geographical  definition  of 
the  Sung  authors  is  too  vague  to  allow  of  a  safe  conclusion.  The  expres- 
sion of  the  Lin  wai  tai  ta  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  Po-se  was  lo- 
cated on  an  island,  and  Hirth  infers  that  we  might  expect  to  find  it  in 
or  near  the  Malay  Peninsula.  However  vague  the  above  description 
may  be,  it  leaves  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  the  tribe  in  question  is  one  of 
Malayan  or  Negrito  stock. 

As  far  as  I  know,  no  mention  is  made  of  the  Malayan  Po-se  in  the 
historical  and  geographical  texts  of  the  Ming,  but  the  tradition  regard- 
ing that  country  was  kept  alive.  In  discussing  the  a-lo-p'o  (Cassia 
fistula)  of  C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  as  noted  above  (p..  420),  Li  Si-£en  annotates 
that  Po-se  is  the  name  of  a  country  of  the  barbarians  of  the  south-west 


There  is  some  evidence  extant  that  the  language  of  Po-se  belongs  to 
the  Malayan  family.  TSUBOI  KuMAZO4  has  called  attention  to  the 
numerals  of  this  language,  as  handed  down  in  the  Kodanso  (Memoirs 
of  Oye),  a  Japanese  work  from  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century. 
These  are  given  in  Japanese  transcription  as  follows:  — 

1  sasaa,  sasaka  6  namu  20  toaro 

2  too,  7  toku,  tomu  30  akaro,  akafuro 

3  naka,  maka  8  jembira,  or  gemmira  40  hiha-furo 

4  namuha  (nampa)  9  sa-i-bira,  or  sa-i-mi-ra       100  sasarato,  sasaratu 

5  rima  (lima)  10  sararo,  or  Sararo  1000  sasaho,  sasahu 

1  Notes  on  the  Malay  Archipelago,  p.  144. 

2  Ch.  3,  p.  6  b. 

3  Ch.  A,  p.  33  b;  HIRTH'S  translation,  p.  152. 

4  Actes  du  Douzieme  Congres  des  Orientalistes,  Rome  1899,  Vol.  II,  p.  121. 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-SE— LANGUAGE  473 

Florenz  has  correctly  recognized  in  this  series  the  numerals  of  a  Malayan 
language,  though  they  cannot  throughout  be  identified  (and  this  could 
hardly  be  expected)  with  the  numerals  of  any  known  dialect.  Various 
Malayan  languages  must  be  recruited  for  identification,  and  some  forms 
even  then  remain  obscure.  The  numeral  i  corresponds  to  Malayan  sa, 
satu;  2  to  dua;  4  to  ampat;  5  to  lima;  6  to  namu;  7  to  tujoh;  9  to  sembilan; 
10  to  sa-puloh.  The  numeral  20  is  composed  of  toa  2  and  ro  10  (Malayan 
puloh) ;  30  oka  ( =  naka,  3)  and  ro  orfuro  10.  The  numeral  100  is  formed 
of  sasa  i  and  rato  =  Malayan  -rains. 

Two  Po-se  words  are  cited  in  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,1  which,  as  formerly 
pointed  out  by  me,  cannot  be  Persian,  but  betray  a  Malayan  origin.2 
There  it  is  said  that  the  Po-se  designate  ivory  as  fi  PH  pai-nan,  and 
rhinoceros-horn  as  M  ®  hei-nan.  The  former  corresponds  to  ancient 
*bak-am;  the  latter,  to  *hak-am  or  *het-am.  The  latter  answers 
exactly  to  Jarai  hotam,  Bisaya  itontj  Tagalog  Him,  Javanese  item, 
Makasar  etah,  Cam  hutam  (hatam  or  hutum),  Malayan  hltam,  all  mean- 
ing "black."3  The  former  word  is  not  related  to  the  series  putih,  puteh, 
as  I  was  previously  inclined  to  assume,  but  to  the  group:  Cam  baun, 
bon,  or  bhun;  Senoi  biug,  other  forms  in  the  Sakei  and  Semang  lan- 
guages of  Malakka  biok,  biak,  bieg,  begidk,  bekun,  bekog;*  Alfur,  Boloven, 
Kon  tu,  Kaseng,  Lave,  and  Niah  bok,  Sedeng  robon,  Stieng  bok 
("white");  Bahnar  bak  (Mon  bu).5  It  almost  seems,  therefore,  as  if  the 
speech  of  Po-se  bears  some  relationship  to  the  languages  of  the  tribes 
of  Malacca.  The  Po-se  distinguished  rhinoceros-horn  and  ivory  as 
"black"  and  "white."  However  meagre  the  linguistic  material  may  be, 
it  reveals,  at  any  rate,  Malayan  affinities,  and  explodes  BRETSCHNEIDER'S 
theory6  that  the  Po-se  of  the  Archipelago,  alleged  to  have  been  on 
Sumatra,  owes  its  origin  to  the  fact  that  "the  Persians  carried  on  a 
great  trade  with  Sumatra,  and  probably  had  colonies  there."  This  is  an 
unfounded  speculation,  justly  rejected  also  by  G.  E.  GERINI:T  these 
Po-se  were  not  Persians,  but  Malayans. 

The  Po-se  question  has  been  studied  to  some  extent  by  G.  E. 
GERINI,S  who  suggests  its  probable  identity  with  the  Vasu  state  located 
by  the  Bhagavata  Purana  in  Kugadvipa,  and  who  thinks  it  may  be 

1  Ch.  16,  p.  14. 

2  Chinese  Clay  Figures,  p.  145. 

8  Cf.  CABATON  and  AYMONIER,  Dictionnaire  c"am-francais,  p.  503. 

4  P.  SCHMIDT,  Bijdragen  tot  de  Tool-,  Land-  en  Volkenkunde,  Vol.  VIII,  1901 , 
p.  420. 

5  Ibid.,  p.  344. 

6  Knowledge  possessed  by  the  Chinese  of  the  Arabs,  p.  16. 

7  Researches  on  Ptolemy's  Geography  of  Eastern  Asia,  p.  471. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  682. 


474  SlNO-lRANICA 

Lambesi;  i.e.,  Besi  or  Basi  (lam  meaning  "village"),  a  petty  state  on 
the  west  coast  of  Sumatra  immediately  below  Acheh,  upon  which  it 
borders.  This  identification  is  impossible,  first  of  all,  for  phonetic  reasons : 
Chinese  po  &  was  never  possessed  of  an  ancient  labial  sonant,  but 
solely  of  a  labial  surd  (*pwa).L 

TSUBOI  KuMAZo2  regards  Po-se  as  a  transcription  of  Pasi,  Pasei, 
Pasay,  Pazze,  or  Pacem,  a  port  situated  on  northern  Sumatra  near  the 
Diamond  Cape,  which  subsequently  vied  in  wealth  with  Majapahit 
and  Malacca,  and  called  Basma  by  Marco  Polo.3 

C.  O.  BLAGDEN4  remarks  with  reference  to  this  Po-se,  "One  is  very 
much  tempted  to  suppose  that  this  stands  for  Pose  (or  Pasai)  in  north- 
eastern Sumatra,  but  I  have  no  evidence  that  the  place  existed  as  early 
as  1178."  If  this  be  the  case,  the  proposed  identification  is  rendered 
still  more  difficult;  for,  as  we  have  seen,  Po-se  appears  on  the  horizon 
of  the  Chinese  as  early  as  from  the  seventh  to  the  ninth  century  under  the 
Tang,  and  probably  even  at  an  earlier  date.  The  only  text  that  gives 
us  an  approximate  clew  to  the  geographical  location  of  Po-se  is  the 
Man  $u;  and  I  should  think  that  all  we  can  do  under  the  circumstances, 
or  until  new  sources  come  to  light,  is  to  adhere  to  this  definition; 
that  is,  as  far  as  the  T'ang  period  is  concerned.  Judging  from  the 
movements  of  Malayan  tribes,  it  would  not  be  impossible  that,  in  the 
age  of  the  Sung,  the  Po-se  had  extended  their  seats  from  the  mainland 
to  the  islands  of  the  Archipelago,  but  I  am  not  prepared  for  the  present 
either  to  accept  or  to  reject  the  theory  of  their  settlement  on  Sumatra 
under  the  Sung. 

Aside  from  the  references  in  historical  texts,  we  have  another  class 
of  documents  in  which  the  Malayan  Po-se  is  prominent,  the  Pen-is* ao 
literature  and  other  works  dealing  with  plants  and  products.  I  propose 
to  review  these  notices  in  detail. 

60.  In  regard  to  alum,  F.  P.  SMITH5  stated  that  apart  from  native 
localities  it  is  also  mentioned  as  reaching  China  from  Persia,  K'un-lun, 

1  On  p.  471  Gerini  identifies  Po-se  with  the  Baslsi  tribe  in  the  more  southern 
parts  of  the  Malay  Peninsula.    On  the  other  hand,  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  Gerini 
searched  for   Po-se  on  Sumatra,   as  he  quotes   after   Parker  a  Chinese  source 
under  the  date  A.D.  802,  to  the  effect  that  near  the  capital  of  Burma  there  were 
hills  of  sand,  and  a  barren  waste  which  borders  on  Po-se  and  P'o-lo-men  (see 
above,  p.  469). 

2  Actes  du  Douzieme  Congres  des  Orientalistes,  Rome  1899,  Vol.  II,  p.  92. 

3  Cf.  YULE,  Marco  Polo,  Vol.  II,  pp.  284-288.    Regarding  the  kings  of  Pase, 
see  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  1'Extreme-Orient,  Vol.  II,  pp.  666-669. 

4  Journal  Royal  As.  Soc.,  1913,  p.  168. 

6  Contributions  towards  the  Materia  Medica  of  China,  p.  10. 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-SE — ALUM  475 

and  Ta  Ts'in.  J.  L.  SouBEiRAN1  says,  "L'alun,  qui  etait  tire*  primitive- 
ment  de  la  Perse,  est  aujourd'hui  importe  de  POccident."  F.  DE  MELY2 
translates  the  term  Po-se  ts*e  fan  by  "fan  violet  de  Perse."  All  this  is 
wrong.  HiRTH3  noted  the  difficulty  in  the  case,  as  alum  is  not  produced 
in  Persia,  but  principally  in  Asia  Minor.  Pliny4  mentions  Spain, 
Egypt,  Armenia,  Macedonia,  Pontus,  and  Africa  as  alum-producing 
countries.  Hirth  found  in  the  P'ei  wen  yun  fu  a  passage  from  the  Hai 
yao  pen  ts*ao,  according  to  which  Po-se  fan  fflt  $?  i£  ("Persian  alum," 
as  he  translates)  comes  from  Ta  Ts'in.  In  his  opinion,  "Persian  alum" 
is  a  misnomer,  Persia  denoting  in  this  case  merely  the  emporium  from 
which  the  product  was  shipped  to  China.  The  text  in  question  is  not 
peculiar  to  the  Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao  of  the  eighth  century,  but  occurs  at  a 
much  earlier  date  in  the  Kwan  cou  ki  K  ffi  ttfi,  an  account  of  Kwan- 
tun,  written  under  the  Tsih  dynasty  (A.D.  265-419),  when  the  name  of 
Persia  was  hardly  known  in  China.  This  work,  as  quoted  in  the  Cen 
lei  pen  ts*ao,5  states  that  kin  sien  &  $&fan  ("alum  with  gold  threads") 
is  produced  ^  in  the  country  Po-se,  and  in  another  paragraph  that  the 
white  alum  of  Po-se  (Po-se  pai  fan)  comes  from  Ta  Ts'in.6  The  former 
statement  clearly  alludes  to  the  alum  discolored  by  impurities,  as  still 
found  in  several  localities  of  India  and  Upper  Burma.7  Accordingly 
the  Malayan  Po-se  (for  this  one  only  can  come  into  question  here) 
produced  an  impure  kind  of  alum,  and  simultaneously  was  the  transit 
mart  for  the  pure  white  alum  brought  from  western  Asia  by  way  of 
India  to  China.  It  is  clear  that,  because  the  native  alum  of  Po-se  was 
previously  known,  also  the  West-Asiatic  variety  was  named  for  Po-se. 
A  parallel  to  the  Po-se  fan  is  the  K'un-lun  fan,  which  looks  like  black 
mud.8 

61.  The  Wu  In  ^  1^,  written  by  Can  Po  3Jt  $4  in  the  beginning  of 
the  fourth  century,  contains  the  following  text  on  the  subject  of  "ant- 
lac"  (yi  tsi  il  J$)  :9  "In  the  district  of  Kii-fun  M  ft  (in  Kiu-cen,  Ton- 

1  Etudes  sur  la  matiere  me'dicale  chinoise  (Mine"raux),    p.    2   (reprint   from 
Journal  de  pharmacie  et  de  chimie,  1866). 

2  Lapidaire  chinois,  p.  260. 

3  Chinesische  Studien,  p.  257. 

4  xxxv,  52. 

5  Ch.  3,  p.  40  b. 

6  Also  in  the  text  of  the  Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao,  as  reproduced  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu 
(Ch.  u,  p.  15  b),  two  Po-se  alums  are  distinguished. 

7  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  61. 

8  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  I.  c. 

9  Tai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  171,  p.  5. 


476  SlNO-lRANICA 

king) 1  tkere  are  ants  living  on  coarse  creepers.  The  people,  on  examin- 
ing the  interior  of  the  earth,  can  tell  the  presence  of  ants  from  the  soil 
being  freshly  broken  up ;  and  they  drive  tree-branches  into  these  spots, 
on  which  the  ants  will  crawl  up,  and  produce  a  lac  that  hardens  into  a 
solid  mass."  Aside  from  the  absurd  and  fantastic  notes  of  Aelian,2  this  is 
the  earliest  allusion  to  the  lac-insect  which  is  called  in  Annamese  con 
mdij  in  Khmer  kandier,  in  Cam  mu,  mury  or  muor?  The  Chinese  half- 
legendary  account4  agrees  strikingly  with  what  Garcia  reports  as  the 
Oriental  lore  of  this  wonder  of  nature:  "I  was  deceived  for  a  long 
time.  For  they  said  that  in  Pegu  the  channels  of  the  rivers  deposit  mud 
into  which  small  sticks  are  driven.  On  them  are  engendered  very  large 
ants  with  wings,  and  it  is  said  that  they  deposit  much  lacre5  on  the 
sticks.  I  asked  my  informants  whether  they  had  seen  this  with  their 
own  eyes.  As  they  gained  money  by  buying  rubies  and  selling  the  cloths 
of  Paleam  and  Bengal,  they  replied  that  they  had  not  been  so  idle  as 
that,  but  that  they  had  heard  it,  and  it  was  the  common  fame.  After- 
wards I  conversed  with  a  respectable  man  with  an  enquiring  mind,  who 
told  me  that  it  was  a  large  tree  with  leaves  like  those  of  a  plum  tree,  and 
that  the  large  ants  deposit  the  lacre  on  the  small  branches.  The  ants 
are  engendered  in  mud  or  elsewhere.  They  deposit  the  gum  on  the 
tree,  as  a  material  thing,  washing  the  branch  as  the  bee  makes  honey; 
and  that  is  the  truth.  The  branches  are  pulled  off  the  tree  and  put  in 
the  shade  to  dry.  The  gum  is  then  taken  off  and  put  into  bamboo  joints, 
sometimes  with  the  branch."8 

In  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu7  we  read  as  follows:  "The  tse-kun  tree  $*  &JP3 
Sf  has  its  habitat  in  Camboja  (Cen-la),  where  it  is  called  ?fr  14  lo-k'iat 
*lak-ka  (that  is,  lakka,  lac).9  Further,  it  is  produced  in  the  country 

1  Regarding  this  locality,  cf.  H.  MASPERO,  Etudes  d'histoire  d'Annam,  V,  p.  19 
(Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$ aise,  1918,  No.  3). 

2  Nat.  Anim.,  iv,  46.   There  is  no  other  Greek  or  Latin  notice  of  the  matter. 

8  Cf.  AYMONIER  and  CABATON  (Dictionnaire  c'am-franc.ais,  p.  393),  who  trans- 
late the  term  "termite,  pou  de  bois,  fourmi  blanche." 
4  Much  more  sensible,  however,  than  that  of  Aelian. 

6  The  Portuguese  word  for  "lac,  lacquer,"  the  latter  being  traceable  to  lacre. 
The  ending  -re  is  unexplained. 

•  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  241. 

7  Ch.  18,  p.  9. 

8  The  Pai-hai  edition  has  erroneously  the  character  j  J. 

9  From  Pali  Idkhd  (Sanskrit  lak?a,  laktaka);  Cam  lak,  Khmer  lak;  Siamese  rak 
(cf.  PALLEGOIX,  Description  du  royaume  Thai,  Vol.  I,  p.  144).    We  are  thus  en- 
titled to  trace  the  presence  of  this  Indian  word  in  the  languages  of  Indo-China 
to  the  age  of  the  T'ang.   The  earliest  and  only  classical  occurrence  of  the  word  is  in 
the  Periplus  (Ch.  6:  Xdiocos).     Cf.  also  Prakrit  lakka;  Kawi  and  Javanese  laka; 
Tagalog  lakha. 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-SE — LAC  477 

Po-se  $£  ST.  The  tree  grows  to  a  height  of  ten  feet,  with  branches  dense 
and  luxuriant.  Its  leaves  resemble  those  of  the  Citrus  and  wither 
during  the  winter.  In  the  third  month  it  flowers,  the  blossoms  being 
white  in  color.  It  does  not  form  fruit.  When  heavy  fogs,  dew,  and 
rain  moisten'  the  branches  of  this  tree,  they  produce  tse-kun.  The  en- 
voys of  the  country  Po-se,  Wu-hai  J|  M  and  Sa-li-sen  &  M  ¥&  by  name, 
agreed  in  their  statement  with  the  envoys  from  Camboja,  who  were 
a  &  Fun  tu  wei  Jf  ttf  S$  JtJ1  and  the  gramana  $g  &  JS  St  K£  Si-sVni- 
pa-t'o  (piganibhadra?).  These  said,  'Ants  transport  earth  into  the 
ends  of  this  tree,  digging  nests  in  it;  the  ant-hills  moistened  by  rain 
and  dew  will  harden  and  form  tse-kun.'2'  That  of  the  country  K'un-lun 
is  the  most  excellent,  while  that  of  the  country  Po-se  ranks  next.'  "3 

1  Title  of  a  military  officer. 

2  "The  gum-lac  which  comes  from  Pegu  is  the  cheapest,  though  it  is  as  good  as 
that  of  other  countries;  what  causes  it  to  be  sold  cheaper  is  that  the  ants,  making 
it  there  on  the  ground  in  heaps,  which  are  sometimes  of  the  size  of  a  cask,  mix  with 
it  a  quantity  of  dirt"  (TAVERNIER,  Travels  in  India,  Vol.  II,  p.  22). 

3  The  story  of  lacca  and  the  ants  producing  it  was  made  known  in  England  at 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century.   JOHN  GERARDE  (The  Herball  or  Generall  Historic 
of  Plantes,  p.  1349,  London,  1597,  ist  ed;  or,  enlarged  and  amended  by  Thomas 
Johnson,  p.  1533,  London,  1633)  tells  it  as  follows:    "The  tree  that  bringeth  forth 
that  excrementall  substance,  called  Lacca,  both  in  the  shops  of  Europe  and  elsewhere, 
is  called  of  the  Arabians,  Persians  and  Turkes  Loc  Sumutri,  as  who  should  say  Lacca 
of  Sumutra :  some  which  have  so  termed  it,  have  thought  that  the  first  plentie  thereof 
came  from  Sumutra,  but  herein  they  have  erred;  for  the  abundant  store  thereof 
came  from  Pegu,  where  the  inhabitants  thereof  do  call  it  Lac,  and  others  of  the 
same  province  Tree.    The  history  of  which  tree,  according  to  that  famous  Herbalist 
Clusius  is  as  followeth.   There  is  in  the  countrey  of  Pegu  and  Malabar,  a  great  tree, 
whose  leaves  are  like  them  of  the  Plum  tree,  having  many  small  twiggie  branches; 
when  the  trunke  or  body  of  the  tree  waxeth  olde,  it  rotteth  in  sundrie  places,  wherein 
do  breed  certaine  great  ants  or  Pismires,  which  continually  worke  and  labour  in  the 
time  of  harvest  and  sommer,  against  the  penurie  of  winter:  such  is  the  diligence 
of  these  Ants,  or  such  is  the  nature  of  the  tree  wherein  they  harbour,  or  both,  that 
they  provide  for  their  winter  foode,  a  lumpe  or  masse  of  substance,  which  is  of  a 
crimson  colour,  so  beautifull  and  so  faire,  as  in  the  whole  world  the  like  cannot  be 
seene,  which  serveth  not  onely  to  phisicall  uses,  but  is  a  perfect  and  costly  colour  for 
Painters,  called  by  us,  Indian  Lack.   The  Pismires  (as  I  said)  worke  out  this  colour,  by 
sucking  the  substance  or  matter  of  Lacca  from  the  tree,  as  Bees  do  make  honie  and 
waxe,  by  sucking  the  matter  thereof  from  all  herbes,  trees,  and  flowers,  and  the  in- 
habitants of  that  countrie,  do  as  diligently  search  for  this  Lacca,  as  we  in  England 
and  other  countries,  seeke  in  the  woods  for  honie;  which  Lacca  after  they  have  found, 
they  take  from  the  tree,  and  drie  it  into  a  lumpe;  among  which  sometimes  there 
come  over  some  sticks  and  peeces  of  the  tree  with  the  wings  of  the  Ants,  which  have 
fallen  amongst  it,  as  we  daily  see.   The  tree  which  beareth  Lacca  groweth  in  Zeilan 
and  Malavar,  and  in  other  partes  of  the  East  Indies."    The  second  edition  of  1633 
has  the  following  addition,  "The  Indian  Lacke  or  Lake  which  is  the  rich  colour  used 
by  Painters,  is  none  of  that  which  is  used  in  shops,  nor  here  figured  or  described  by 
Clusius,  wherefore  our  Author  was  much  mistaken  in  that  he  here  confounds  together 
things  so  different;  for  this  is  of  a  resinous  substance,  and  a  faint  red  colour,  and 
wholly  unfit  for  Painters,  but  used  alone  and  in  composition  to  make  the  best  hard 


478  SlNO-lRANICA 

The  question  here  is  of  gum-lac  or  stick-lac  (Gummi  lacca;  French 
laque  en  bdtons),  also  known  as  kino,  produced  by  an  insect,  Coccus 
or  Tachardia  lacca,  whichlives  on  a  large  number  of  widely  different  trees,1 
called  $t  $JP  or  Hi  tse-kun  or  tse-ken.  Under  the  latter  name  it  is  men- 
tioned in  the  "Customs  of  Camboja"  by  Cou  Ta-kwan;2  under  the 
former,  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  yen  i.3  At  an  earlier  date  it  occurs  as  ^  IS  in 
the  T'an  hui  yaof  where  it  is  said  in  the  notice  of  P'iao  (Burma),  that 
there  the  temple-halls  are  coated  with  it.  In  all  probability,  this  word 
represents  a  transcription:  Li  Si-cen  assigns  it  to  the  Southern  Bar- 
barians. 

The  Po-se  in  the  text  of  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  cannot  be  Persia,  as  is 
sufficiently  evidenced  by  the  joint  arrival  of  the  Po-se  and  Camboja 
envoys,  and  the  opposition  of  Po-se  to  the  Malayan  K'un-lun.  Without 
any  doubt  we  have  reference  here  to  the  Malayan  Po-se.  The  product 
itself  is  not  one  of  Persia,  where  the  lac-insect  is  unknown.5  It  should  be 
added  that  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu  treats  of  this  Po-se  product  along  with  the 
plants  of  the  Iranian  Po-se  discussed  on  the  preceding  pages;  and  there 
is  nothing  to  indicate  that  Twan  C'eii-si,  its  author,  made  a  distinction 
between  the  two  homophonous  names.6 

62.  The  Malayan  Po-se,  further,  produced  camphor  (Dryobalanops 
aromatica),  as  we  likewise  see  from  the  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,7  where  the  tree 

sealing  wax.  The  other  seemes  to  be  an  artificiall  thing,  and  is  of  an  exquisite  crim- 
son colour,  but  of  what  it  is,  or  how  made,  I  have  not  as  yet  found  any  thing  that 
carries  any  probabilitie  of  truth."  Gerarde's  information  goes  back  to  Garcia, 
whose  fundamental  work  then  was  the  only  source  for  the  plants  and  drugs 
of  India. 

1  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  1053;  not  necessarily  Erythrina,  as 
stated  by  STUART  (Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  489).   Sir  C.  MARKHAM  (Colloquies, 
p.  241)  says  picturesquely  that  the  resinous  exudation  is  produced  by  the  puncture 
of  the  females  of  the  lac-insect  as  their  common  nuptial  and  accouchement  bed,  the 
seraglio  of  their  multi-polygamous  bacchabunding  lord,  the  male  Coccus  lacca; 
both  the  males  and  their  colonies  of  females  live  only  for  the  time  they  are  cease- 
lessly reproducing  themselves,  and  as  if  only  to  dower  the  world  with  one  of  its 
most  useful  resins,  and  most  glorious  dyes,  the  color  "lake." 

2  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcolefran$aise,  Vol.  II,  p.  166. 

3  Ch.  14,  p.  4  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

4  Ch.  100,  p.  18  b.  Also  Su  Kun  and  Li  Sun  of  the  T'ang  describe  the  product. 

5  The  word  lak    (Arabic)    or  ranglak    (Persian)  is  derived  from  Indian,  and 
denotes  either  the  Indian  product  or  the  gum  of  Zizyphus  lotus  and  other  plants 
(ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  265).    In  the  seventeenth  century  the  Dutch  bought 
gum-lac  in  India  for  exportation  to  Persia  (TAVERNIER,  /.  c.}.    Cf.  also  LECLERC, 
Trait6  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  241 ;  and  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  1'Extreme- 
Orient,  p.  340. 

6  In  regard  to  stick-lac  in  Tibet,  see  H.  LAUFER,  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  der 
tibetischen  Medicin,  pp.  63-64. 

7  Ch.  18,  p.  8  b. 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-SE — LAC,  CAMPHOR  479 

is  ascribed  to  Bali  51  f!l  (P'o-li,  *Bwa-li)1  an5  to  Po-se.  Camphor  is 
not  produced  in  Persia;2  and  HIRTHS  is  not  justified  in  here  rendering 
Po-se  by  Persia  and  commenting  that  camphor  was  brought  to  China 
by  Persian  ships. 

63 .  The  confusion  as  to  the  two  Po-se  has  led  Twan  C'en-si4  to  ascribe 
the  jack-fruit  tree  (Artocarpus  integrifolid)  to  Persia,  as  would  follow 
from  the  immediate  mention  of  Fu-lin;  but  this  tree  grows  neither  in 
Persia  nor  in  western  Asia.  It  is  a  native  of  India,  Burma,  and  the 
Archipelago.  The  mystery,  however,  remains  as  to  how  the  author 
obtained  the  alleged  Fu-lin  name.5 

Pepper  (Piper  longum),  according  to  Su  Kun  of  the  T'ang,  is  a  prod- 
uct of  Po-se.  This  cannot  be  Persia,  which  does  not  produce  pepper.6 

In  the  chapter  on  the  walnut  we  have  noticed  that  the  Pei  hu  lu, 
written  about  A.D.  875  by  Twan  Kun-lu,  mentions  a  wild  walnut  as 
growing  in  the  country  Can-pei  (*Cambi,  Jambi),  and  gathered  and 
eaten  by  the  Po-se.  The  Lin  piao  lu  i,  written  somewhat  later  (between 
889  and  904),  describes  the  same  fruit  as  growing  in  Can-pi  (*Cambir, 
Jambir) ,  and  gathered  by  the  Hu.  This  text  is  obviously  based  on  the 
older  one  of  the  Pei  hu  lu;  and  Liu  Sim,  author  of  the  Lin  piao  lu  i, 
being  under  the  impression  that  the  Iranian  Po-se  is  involved,  appears 
to  have  substituted  the  term  Hu  for  Po-se.  The  Iranian  Po-se,  however, 
is  out  of  the  question:  the  Persians  did  not  consume  wild  walnuts; 
and,  for  all  we  know  about  Can-pi,  it  must  have  been  some  Malayan 
region.7  I  have  tentatively  identified  the  plant  in  question  with  Juglans 
cathayensis  or,  which  is  more  probable,  Canarium  commune;  possibly 
another  genus  is  intended.  As  regards  the  situation  of  Can-pi  (or  -pei) 
and  Po-se  of  the  T'ang,  much  would  depend  on  the  botanical  evidence. 
I  doubt  that  any  wild  walnut  occurs  on  Sumatra. 

The  Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao,  written  by  Li  Sun  in  the  second  half  of  the 
eighth  century,  and  as  implied  by  the  title,  describing  the  drugs  from 

1  Its  Bali  name  is  given  as  jjfj  >fC  ^  ^  ku-pu-p'o-lu,  *ku-put-bwa-lwut,  which 
appears  to  be  based  on  a  form  related  to  the  Malayan  type  kapor-bdrus.    Cf.  also 
the  comments  of  PELLIOT  (T'oung  Pao,  1912,  pp.  474-475). 

2  SCHLIMMER  (Terminologie,  p.  98)  observes,  "Les  auteurs  indigenes  persans 
recommendent  le  camphre  de  Borneo  comme  le  meilleur.     Camphre  de  menthe, 
provenant  de  la  Chine,  se  trouve  depuis  peu  dans  le  commerce  en  Perse."   Camphor 
was  imported  into  Slraf  (W.  OUSELEY,  Oriental  Geography  of  Ebn  Haukal,  p.  133; 
G.  LE  STRANGE,  Description  of  the  Province  of  Pars,  p.  42). 

3  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  194. 

4  Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,  Ch.  18,  p.  IO. 

5  Cf.  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  213. 

6  See  above,  pp.  374,  375. 

7  See  the  references  given  above  on  p.  268. 


480  SlNO-lRANICA 

the  countries  beyond  the  sea  and  south  of  China,  has  recorded  several 
products  of  Po-se,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  must  be  interpreted  as  the 
Malayan  region  of  this  name.  Such  is  the  case  with  benjoin  (p.  464) 
and  cummin  (p.  383). 

We  noticed  (p.  460)  that  the  Nan  lou  ki  and  three  subsequent  works 
attribute  myrrh  to  Po-se,  but  that  this  can  hardly  be  intended  for 
the  Iranian  Po-se,  since  myrrh  does  not  occur  in  Persia.  Here  the 
Malayan  Po-se  is  visualized,  inasmuch  as  the  trade  in  myrrh  took  its 
route  from  East  Africa  and  the  Hadramaut  coast  of  Arabia  by  way  of 
the  Malay  Archipelago  into  China,  and  thus  led  the  Chinese  (errone- 
ously) to  the  belief  that  the  tree  itself  grew  in  Malaysia. 

64.  The  case  of  aloes  (Aloe  vulgaris  and  other  species)  presents  a 
striking  analogy  to  that  of  myrrh,  inasmuch  as  this  African  plant 
is  also  ascribed  to  Po-se,  and  a  substitute  for  it  was  subsequently  found 
in  the  Archipelago.  Again  it  is  Li  Sim  of  the  T'ang  period  who  for  the 
first  time  mentions  its  product  under  the  name  lu-wei  HE.  If,  stating 
that  it  grows  in  the  country  Po-se,  has  the  appearance  of  black  con- 
fectionery, and  is  the  sap  of  a  tree.1  Su  Sun  of  the  Sung  dynasty 
observes,  "At  present  it  is  only  shipped  to  Canton.  This  tree  grows  in 
the  mountain-wilderness,  its  sap  running  down  like  tears  and  coagulat- 
ing. This  substance  is  gathered  regardless  of  the  season  or  month." 
Li  Si-£en  feels  doubtful  as  to  whether  the  product  is  that  of  a  tree  or  of 
an  herb  ^:  he  points  out  that,  according  to  the  Ta  Min  i  t'un  &, 
aloes,  which  belongs  to  the  class  of  herbs,  is  a  product  of  Java,  Sumatra 
(San-fu-ts'i),  and  other  countries,  and  that  this  is  contradictory  to 
the  data  of  the  T'ang  and  Sung  Pen-ts'ao.  It  was  unknown  to  him, 
however,  that  the  first  author  thus  describing  the  product  is  Cao 
Zu-kwa,2  who  indeed  classifies  Aloe  among  herbs,  and  derives  it  from 
the  country  Nu-fa  i$L  il,  a  dependency  of  the  Arabs,  and  in  another 
passage  from  an  island  off  the  Somali  coast,  evidently  hinting  at  Socotra. 
This  island  is  the  home  of  the  Aloe  perryi,  still  imported  into  Bombay.3 

The  name  lu-wei  is  traced  by  Hirth  to  Persian  alwd.  This  theory  is 
difficult  to  accept  for  many  reasons.  Nowhere  is  it  stated  that  lu-wei 
is  a  Persian  word.  Li  Si-6en,  who  had  good  sense  in  diagnosing  foreign 
words,  remarks  that  lu-wei  remains  unexplained.  The  Chinese  his- 
torical texts  relative  to  the  Iranian  Po-se  do  not  attribute  to  it  this 
product,  which,  moreover,  did  not  reach  China  by  land,  but  exclusively 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  34,  p.  21  b.    The  juice  of  Aloe  abyssinica  is  sold  in  the 
form  of  flat  circular  cakes,  almost  black  in  color. 

2  Cufan  £i,  Ch.  B,  p.  n  (cf.  HIRTH'S  translation,  p.  225). 

3  Regarding  the  history  of  aloes,  see  especially  FLUCKIGER  and  HANBURY, 
Pharmacographia,  p.  680. 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-SE — ALOES  481 

over  the  maritime  route  to  Canton.  Aloes  was  only  imported  to  Persia,1 
but  it  is  not  mentioned  by  Abu  Mansur.  The  two  names  sebr  zerd 
and  sebr  sugutri  (  =  Sokotra),  given  by  ScHLiMMER,2  are  of  Arabic  and 
comparatively  modern  origin;  thus  is  likewise  the  alleged  Persian  word 
alwa.  The  Persians  adopted  it  from  the  Arabs;  and  the  Arabs,  on  their 
part,  admit  that  their  alua  is  a  transcription  of  the  Greek  word  dXo??.3 
We  must  not  imagine,  of  course,  that  the  Chinese,  when  they  first  re- 
ceived this  product  during  the  T'ang  period,  imported  it  themselves 
directly  from  the  African  coast  or  Arabia.  It  was  traded  to  India,  and 
from  there  to  the  Malayan  Archipelago;  and,  as  intimated  by  Li  Sun, 
it  was  shipped  by  the  Malayan  Po-se  to  Canton.  Another  point  over- 
looked by  Hirth  is  that  Aloe  vera  has  been  completely  naturalized  in 
India  for  a  long  time,  although  not  originally  a  native  of  the  country.4 
GARCIA  DA  ORTA  even  mentions  the  preparation  of  aloes  in  Cambay 
and  Bengal.5  Thus  we  find  in  India,  as  colloquial  names  for  the  drug, 
such  forms  as  alia,  ilva,  eilya,  eliot  yalva,  and  aliva  in  Malayan,  which 
are  all  traceable  to  the  Arabic-Greek  alua,  alwa.  This  name  was  picked 
up  by  the  Malayan  Po-se  and  transmitted  by  them  with  the  product  to 
the  Chinese,  who  simply  eliminated  the  initial  a  of  the  form  aluwa 
or  aluwe  and  retained  luwe*  Besides  lu-wei,  occur  also  the  transcriptions 
•§2  or  Ift  H"  nu  or  no  hwi,  the  former  in  the  K'ai-pao  pen  ts'ao  of  the  Sung, 
perhaps  suggested  by  the  Nu-fa  country  or  to  be  explained  by  the 
phonetic  interchange  of  /  and  n.  It  is  not  intelligible  to  me  why 
Hirth  says  that  in  the  Ming  dynasty  lu-wei  "was,  as  it  is  now, 
catechu,  a  product  of  the  Acacia  catechu  (Sanskrit  khadira)."  No 
authority  for  this  theory  is  cited;  but  this  is  quite  impossible,  as 
catechu  or  cutch  was  well  known  to  the  Chinese  under  the  names 
er-Pa  or  hai'r-Fa.'1 

65.  A  plant,  IS  ffi  1$  so-$a-mi,  *suk-sa-m'it(m'ir),  Japanese 
suku$amitsu  (Amomum  wlloswn  or  xanthioides),  is  first  mentioned  by  Li 
Sun  as  "growing  in  the  countries  of  the  Western  Sea  (Si-hai)  as  well  as 
in  Si-2un  15  -$C  and  Po-se,  much  of  it  coming  from  the  Nan-tun  circuit 

1 W.  OUSELEY,  Oriental  Geography  of  Ebn  Haukal,  p.  133. 
3  Terminologie,  p.  22. 

3  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  367. 

4  G.  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India,  p.  59. 

5  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  6. 

0  WATTERS  (Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  332),  erroneously  transcrib- 
ing lu-hui,  was  inclined  to  trace  the  Chinese  transcription  directly  to  the  Greek 
aloe;  this  of  course,  for  historical  reasons,  is  out  of  the  question. 

7  See  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  2;  and  my  Loan- Words  in  Tibetan, 
No.  107,  where  the  history  of  these  words  is  traced. 


482  SlNO-lRANICA 

3c  ^  Jit."1  According  to  Ma  Ci,it  grows  in  southern  China, and, accord- 
ing to  Su  Sufi,  in  the  marshes  of  Lin-nan;  thus  it  must  have  been  intro- 
duced between  the  T'ang  and  Sung  dynasties.  In  regard  to  the  name, 
which  is  no  doubt  of  foreign  origin,  Li  Si-cen  observes  that  its  significance 
is  as  yet  unexplained.  Certainly  it  is  not  Iranian,  nor  is  it  known  to  me 
that  Amomum  occurs  in  Persia.  On  the  contrary,  the  plant  has  been 
discovered  in  Burma,  Siam,  Camboja,  and  Laos.2  Therefore  Li  Sun's 
Po-se  obviously  relates  again  to  the  Malayan  Po-se;  yet  his  addition  of 
Si-hai  and  Si-2uii  is  apt  to  raise  a  strong  suspicion  that  he  himself 
confounded  the  two  Po-se  and  in  this  case  thought  of  Persia.  I  have 
not  yet  succeeded  in  tracing  the  foreign  word  on  which  the  Chinese 
transcription  is  based,  but  feel  sure  that  it  is  not  Iranian.  The  present 
colloquial  name  is  ts*ao  $a  Zen  ^  ffi  C.3 

66.  There  is  a  plant  styled  9  ft  ft  p'o-lo-te,  *bwa-ra-tik,  or  §|  & 
S5  p'o-lo-lo,  *bwa-ra-lak(lok,  lek),  not  yet  identifie^.  Again  our 
earliest  source  of  information  is  due  to  Li  Sun,  who  states,  "P'o-lo-te 
grows  in  the  countries  of  the  Western  Sea  (Si-hai)  and  in  Po-se.  The 
tree  resembles  the  Chinese  willow;  and  its  seeds,  those  of  the  castor-oil 
plant  (pei-ma  tse,  Ricinus  communis,  above,  p.  403) ;  they  are  much  used 
by  druggists."4  Li  Si-cen  regards  the  word  as  Sanskrit,  and  the  elements 
of  the  transcription  hint  indeed  at  a  Sanskrit  name.  It  is  evidently 
Sanskrit  bhallataka,  from  which  are  derived  Newarl  paldla,  Hindustani 
belatak  or  bheld,  Persian  balddur,  and  Arabic  beladur  (GARCIA  :  balador) . 
Other  Sanskrit  synonymes  of  this  plant  are  aruska,bijapadapa,virawksa, 
visasya,  and  dahana.  It  is  mentioned  in  several  passages  of  the  Bower 
Manuscript. 

This  is  the  marking-nut  tree  (Semecarpus  anacardium,  family  Ana- 
cardiaceae) ,  a  genus  of  Indian  trees  found  throughout  the  hotter  parts 
of  India  as  far  east  as  Assam,  also  distributed  over  the  Archipelago  as 
far  as  the  Philippines5  and  North  Australia.  It  does  not  occur  in  Burma 
or  Ceylon,  nor  in  Persia  or  western  Asia.  The  fleshy  receptacle  bear- 
ing the  fruit  contains  a  bitter  and  astringent  substance,  which  is  uni- 
versally used  in  India  as  a  substitute  for  marking-ink.  The  Chinese 

1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  14,  p.  13  b. 

2  STUART,  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  38.    LOUREIRO  (so-xa-mi)  mentions  it 
for  Cochin-China  (PERROT  and  HURRIER,  Mat.  me"d.  et  pharmacope'e  sino-annamites, 
P-  97). 

3  Ci  wu  min  Si  t"u  k'ao,  Ch.  25,  p.  72. 

4  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  35,  p.  7;  Gen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  5,  p.  14  b.   In  the  latter 
work  Li  Sun  attributes  the  definition  "Western  Sea  and  Po-se"  to  Su  Piao,  author 
of  the  Nan  tou  ki. 

6  M.  BLANCO,  Flora  de  Filipinas,  p.  216. 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-SE — SEMECARPUS,  PSORALEA  483 

say  expressly  that  it  dyes  hair  and  mustache  black.1  It  gives  to  cotton 
fabrics  a  black  color,  which  is  said  to  be  insoluble  in  water,  but  soluble 
in  alcohol.  The  juice  of  the  pericarp  is  mixed  with  lime  water  as  a 
mordant  before  it  is  used  to  mark  cloth.  In  some  parts  of  Bengal  the 
fruits  are  regularly  used  as  a  dye  for  cotton  cloths.2  The  fleshy  cups  on 
which  the  fruit  rests,  roasted  in  ashes,  and  the  kernels  of  the  nuts,  are 
eaten  as  food.  They  are  supposed  to  stimulate  the  mental  powers, 
especially  the  memory.  The  acrid  juice  of  the  pericarp  is  a  powerful 
vesicant,  and  the  fruit  is  employed  medicinally. 

In  regard  to  the  Persian-Arabic  balddur,  Ibn  al-Baitar  states  express- 
ly that  this  is  an  Indian  word,3  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  is  derived 
from  Sanskrit  bhalldtaka.  The  term  is  also  given  by  Abu  Mansur,  who 
discusses  the  application  of  the  remedy.4  The  main  point  in  this  con- 
nection is  that  p'o-lo-te  is  a  typical  Indian  plant,  and  that  the  Po-se  of 
the  above  Chinese  text  cannot  refer  to  Persia.  Since  the  tree  occurs  in 
the  Malayan  area,  however,  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that  again  the 
Malayan  Po-se  is  intended.  The  case  is  analogous  to  the  preceding 
one,  and  the  Malayan  Po-se  were  the  mediators.  At  any  rate,  the 
transmission  to  China  of  an  Indian  product  with  a  Sanskrit  name  by 
way  of  the  Malayan  Po-se  is  far  more  probable  than  by  way  of  Persia. 
I  am  also  led  to  the  general  conclusion  that  almost  all  Po-se  products 
mentioned  in  the  Hai  yao  pen  ts*ao  of  Li  Sun  have  reference  to  the 
Malayan  Po-se  exclusively. 

67.  A  drug,  by  the  name  -fit  H*  BB  pu-ku-£i  (*bu-kut-t§i),  identified 
with  Psoralea  corylifolia,  is  first  distinctly  mentioned  by  Ma  Ci  $f  ;§, 
collaborator  in  the  K'ai  pao  pen  ts'ao  (A.D.  968-976)  of  the  Sung  period, 
as  growing  in  all  districts  of  Lin-nan  (Kwan-tun)  and  Kwan-si,  and 
in  the  country  Po-se.  According  to  Ta  Min  ^C  W,  author  of  the  Zi  hwa 
cu  kia  pen  ts'ao  H  Sf  ft  IK  ^  ^,  published  about  A.D.  970,  the  drug 
would  have  been  mentioned  in  the  work  Nan  con  ki  by  Su  Piao 
(prior  to  the  fifth  century)  ,5  who  determined  it  as  SB  MM  •?  hu  kiu-tse, 
the  "Alliwn  odorum  of  the  Hu."  This,  however,  is  plainly  an  anachro- 
nism, as  neither  the  plant,  nor  the  drug  yielded  by  it,  is  mentioned  by 
any  T'ang  writers,  and  for  the  first  time  looms  up  in  the  pharmacopoeia 
of  the  Sung.  Su  Sun,  in  his  T*u  kin  pen  ts*ao,  observes  that  the  plant 
now  occurs  abundantly  on  the  mountain-slopes  of  southern  China, 

1  Cett  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  5,  p.  14  b. 

2  Cf.  WATT,  Dictionary,  Vol.  VI,  pt.  2,  p.  498. 

3  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  pp.  162,  265. 

4  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  30. 

5  See  above,  p.  247. 


484  SlNO-lRANICA 

also  in  Ho-Sou  /pfc  ffl  in  Se-c"'wan,  but  that  the  native  product  does  not 
come  up  to  the  article  imported  on  foreign  ships.1  Ta  Min  defines  the 
difference  between  the  two  by  saying  that  the  drug  of  the  Southern 
Barbarians  is  red  in  color,  while  that  of  Kwan-tun  is  green.  Li  Si-cen 
annotates  that  the  Hu  name  for  the  plant  is  ^  @  fla  p*o-ku-ti  (*bwa- 
ku-&,  baku&),  popularly  but  erroneously  written  8$  ~$*  %fc  p*o-ku-ti 
(*pa-ku-ci),  that  it  is  the  " Allium  odorum  of  the  Hu,"  because  the 
seeds  of  the  two  plants  are  similar  in  appearance,  but  that  in  fact  it  is 
not  identical  with  the  Allium  growing  in  the  land  of  the  Hu.  These 
are  all  the  historical  documents  available.  STUART  2  concludes  that  the 
drug  comes  from  Persia;  but  there  is  neither  a  Persian  word  bakuci, 
nor  is  it  known  that  the  plant  (Psoralea  cor ylij olid)  exists  in  Persia. 
The  evidence  presented  by  the  Chinese  sources  is  not  favorable,  either, 
to  this  conclusion,  for  those  data  point  to  the  countries  south  of  China, 
associated  in  commerce  with  Kwaii-tun.  The  isolated  occurrence  of 
the  plant  in  a  single  locality  of  Se-S'wan  is  easily  explained  from  the 
fact  that  a  large  number  of  immigrants  from  Kwan-tun  have  settled 
there.  In  fact,  the  word  *bakuc"i  yielded  by  the  Chinese  transcription 
is  of  Indian  origin:  it  answers  to  Sanskrit  vakuci,  which  indeed  designates 
the  same  plant,  Psoralea  corylifolia?  In  Bengali  and  Hindustani  it  is 
hakuc*  and  bavaci,  Uriya  bakuci,  Panjab  babel ,  Bombay  bawaci,  Marathi 
bavacya  or  bavaci,  etc.  According  to  WATT,  it  is  a  common  herbaceous 
weed  found  in  the  plains  from  the  Himalaya  through  India  to  Ceylon. 
According  to  AINSLIE,  this  is  a  dark  brown-colored  seed,  about  the 
size  of  a  large  pin-head,  and  somewhat  oval-shaped;  it  has  an  aromatic, 
yet  unctuous  taste,  and  a  certain  degree  of  bitterness.  The  species  in 
question  is  an  annual  plant,  seldom  rising  higher  than  three  feet;  and  is 
common  in  southern  India.  It  has  at  each  joint  one  leaf  about  two  inches 
long,  and  one  and  a  half  broad;  the  flowers  are  of  a  pale  flesh  color, 
being  produced  on  long,  slender,  axillary  peduncles.  In  Annam  it  is 
known  as  hot-bo-kot-Zi  and  p'a-ko-Zif  It  is  therefore  perfectly  obvious 

1  According  to  the  Gazetteer  of  Sen-si  Province  (Sen-si  fun  £i,  Ch.  43,  p.  31), 
the  plant  occurs  in  the  district  Si-ts'uan  ^  Jf£.  in  the  prefecture  Kin-nan. 

2  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  359;  likewise  F.  P.  SMITH  (Contributions,  p.  179) 
and  PERROT  and  HURRIER   (Matiere   me'dicale   et   pharmacope'e  sino-annamites, 
p.  150). 

3  W.  AINSLIE,  Materia  Indica,  Vol.  II,  p.  141. 

4  This  name  is  also  given  by  W.  ROXBURGH  (Flora  Indica,  p.  588).  See,  further, 
WATT,  Dictionary  of  the  Economic  Products  of  India,  Vol.  VI,  p.  354. 

5  PERROT  and  HURRIER,  Mat.  me"d.  et  pharmacopde  sino-annamites,  p.  150. 
According  to  these  authors,  the  plant  is  found  in  the  south  and  west  of  China  as 
well  as  in  Siam.  Wu  K'i-tsun  says  that  physicians  now  utilize  it  to  a  large  extent  in 
lieu  of  cinnamon  (Ci  wu  min  U  t'u  k'ao,  Ch.  25,  p.  65). 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-Ss — EBONY  485 

that  the  designation  "Allium  of  the  Hu"  is  a  misnomer,  and  that  the 
plant  in  question  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  Hu  in  the  sense  of  Iranians, 
nor  with  Persia.  The  Po-se  of  Ma  Ci,  referred  to  above,  in  fact  repre- 
sents the  Malayan  Po-se. 

68.  In  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,  a  quotation  is  given  from  the  Ku  kin 
Zu,  which  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  accessible  modern  editions  of  this 
work.  The  assertion  is  made  there  with  reference  to  that  work  that 
ebony  J|  3&C  /fc  is  brought  over  on  Po-se  ships.  It  is  out  of  the  question 
that  Po-se  in  this  case  could  denote  Persia,  as  erroneously  assumed  by 
STUART/  as  Persia  was  hardly  known  under  that  name  in  the  fourth 
century,  when  the  Ku  kin  Zu  was  written,  or  is  supposed  to  have  been 
written,  by  Ts'ui  Pao;2  and,  further,  ebony  is  not  at  all  a  product  of 
Persia.3  Since  the  same  work  refers  ebony  to  Kiao-Sou  (Tonking),  it 
may  be  assumed  that  this  Po-se  is  intended  for  the  Malayan  Po-se;  but, 
even  in  this  case,  the  passage  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  many 
interpolations  from  which  the  Ku  kin  lu  has  suffered. 

Chinese  wu-men  J|  frt  (*u-mon),  "ebony"  (timber  of  Diospyros 
ebenum  and  D.  melanoxylon)  is  not  a  transcription  of  Persian  abnus, 
as  proposed  by  HiRTH.4  There  is  no  phonetic  coincidence  whatever. 
Nowhere  is  it  stated  that  the  Chinese  word  is  Persian  or  a  foreign  word 
at  all.  There  is,  further,  no  evidence  to  the  effect  that  ebony  was  ever 
traded  from  Persia  to  China;  on  the  contrary,  according  to  Chinese 
testimony,  it  came  from  Indo-China,  the  Archipelago,  and  India; 
according  to  Li  Si-Sen,  from  Hai-nan,  Yun-nan,  and  the  Southern  Bar- 
barians.5 The  speculation  that  the  word  had  travelled  east  and  west 
with  the  article  from  "one  of  the  Indo-Chinese  districts,"  is  untenable; 
for  the  ebony  of  western  Asia  and  Greece  did  not  come  from  Indo- 
China,  but  from  Africa  and  India.  The  above  Chinese  term  is  not  a 
transcription  at  all:  the  second  character  men  is  simply  a  late  substitu- 
tion of  the  Sung  period  for  the  older  3$C,  as  used  in  the  Ku  kin  ZM,  wu  wen 
meaning  "black-streaked  wood."  In  the  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu6  it  is  said 


1  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  253. 

2  Persia  under  the  name  Po-se  is  first  mentioned  in  A.D.  461,  on  the  occasion  of 
an  embassy  sent  from  there  to  the  Court  of  the  Wei  (compare  above,  p.  471). 

3  It  was  solely  imported  into  Persia  (W.  OUSELEY,  Oriental  Geography  of  Ebn 
Haukal,  p.  133). 

4  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  216. 

5  The  Ko  ku  yao  lun  (Ch.  8,  p.  5  b;  ed.  of  Si  yin  huan  ts'uti  l#)  gives  Hai-nan, 
Nan-fan  ("Southern  Barbarians"),  and  Yun-nan  as  places  of  provenience,  and 
adds  that  there  is  much  counterfeit  material,  dyed  artificially.  The  poles  of  the  tent 
of  the  king  of  Camboja  were  made  of  ebony  (Sui  l«,  Ch.  82,  p.  3). 

6  Ch.  35  B,  p.  13. 


486  SlNO-lRANICA 

that  the  character  men  should  be  pronounced  in  this  case  31  man, 
that  the  name  of  the  tree  is  3fc  /K  (thus  written  in  the  Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu 
Zwan),  and  that  the  southerners,  because  they  articulate  2fc  like  IS, 
have  substituted  the  latter.  This  is  a  perfectly  satisfactory  explanation. 
The  Ku  kin  £u,1  however,  has  preserved  a  transcription  in  the  form 
ill  /}C  JH  *i-muk-i  or  ]gf  *bu  (wu),  which  must  have  belonged  to  the 
language  of  Kiao-fou  3£  M  (Tonking),  as  the  product  hailed  from  there. 
Compare  Khmer  mak  pen  and  Cam  mokid  ("ebony,"  Diospyros  eben- 
aster).2 

Ebony  was  known  in  ancient  Babylonia,  combs  being  wrought  from 
this  material.3  It  is  mentioned  in  early  Egyptian  inscriptions  as  being 
brought  from  the  land  of  the  Negroes  on  the  upper  Nile.  Indeed,  Africa 
was  the  chief  centre  that  supplied  the  ancients  with  this  precious  wood.4 
From  Ethiopia  a  hundred  billets  of  ebony  were  sent  every  third  year 
as  tribute  to  Darius,  king  of  Persia.  Ezekiel5  alludes  to  the  ebony  of 
Tyre.  The  Periplus  (36)  mentions  the  shipping  of  ebony  from  Barygaza 
in  India  to  Ommana  in  the  Persian  Gulf.  Theophrastus,6  who  is  the 
first  to  mention  the  ebony-tree  of  India,  makes  a  distinction  between  two 
kinds  of  Indian  ebony,  a  rare  and  nobler  one,  and  a  common  variety  of 
inferior  wood.  According  to  Pliny,7  it  was  Pompey  who  displayed 
ebony  in  Rome  at  his  triumph  over  Mithridates;  and  Solinus,  who  copies 
this  passage,  adds  that  it  came  from  India,  and  was  then  shown  for  the 
first  time.  According  to  the  same  writer,  ebony  was  solely  sent  from 
India,  and  the  images  of  Indian  gods  were  sometimes  carved  from  this 
wood  entirely,  likewise  drinking-cups.8  Thus  the  ancients  were  ac- 
quainted with  ebony  as  a  product  of  Africa  and  India  at  a  time  when 
Indo-China  was  still  veiled  to  them,  nor  is  any  reference  made  to  the 
far  east  in  any  ancient  western  account  of  the  subject.  The  word  itself 
is  of  Egyptian  origin:  under  the  name  heben,  ebony  formed  an  important 
article  with  the  country  Punt.  Hebrew  hobmm  is  related  to  this  word  or 
directly  borrowed  from  it,  and  Greek  t'fievos  is  derived  from  Semitic. 
Arabic-Persian  'abnus  is  taken  as  a  loan  from  the  Greek,  and  Hindi 
abanusa  is  the  descendant  of  abnus. 

1  Ch.  c,  p.  I  b.    The  product  is  described  as  coming  from  Kiao-c"ou,  being  of 
black  color  and  veined,  and  also  called  "wood  with  black  veins"  (wu  wen  mu). 

2  AYMONIER  and  CABATON,  Dictionnaire  Sam-francais,  p.  366. 
s  HANDCOCK,  Mesopotamian  Archaeology,  p.  349. 

4  Herodotus,  in,  97. 
6  xxvn,  15. 

6  Hist,  plant.,  IV.  IV,  6. 

7  xii,  4,  §  20. 

8  Solinus,  ed.  MOMMSEN,  pp.  193,  221. 


THE  MALAYAN  Po-Sz  AND  ITS  PRODUCTS  487 

It  is  thus  obvious  that  the  term  Po-se  in  Chinese  records  demands 
great  caution,  and  must  not  be  blindly  translated  "Persia."  Whenever 
it  is  used  with  reference  to  the  Archipelago,  the  chances  are  that  Persia 
is  not  in  question.  The  Malayan  Po-se  has  become  a  fact  of  historical 
significance.  He  who  is  intent  on  identifying  this  locality  and  people 
must  not  lose  sight  of  the  plants  and  products  attributed  to  it.  I  dis- 
agree entirely  with  the  conclusion  of  HIRTH  and  RocKHiLL1  that  from 
the  end  of  the  fourth  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  centuries  all  the 
products  of  Indo-China,  Ceylon,  India,  and  the  east  coast  of  Africa 
were  classed  by  the  Chinese  as  "products  of  Persia  (Po-se),"  the  coun- 
try of  the  majority  of  the  traders  who  brought  these  goods  to  China. 
This  is  a  rather  grotesque  generalization,  inspired  by  a  misconception 
of  the  term  Po-se  and  the  Po-se  texts  of  the  Wei  $u  and  Sui  $u.  The 
latter,  as  already  emphasized,  do  not  speak  at  all  of  any  importation  of 
Persian  goods  to  China,  but  merely  give  a  descriptive  list  of  the  arti- 
cles to  be  found  in  Persia.  Whenever  the  term  Po-se  is  prefixed  to  the 
name  of  a  plant  or  a  product,  it  means  only  one  of  two  things, — Persia 
or  the  Malayan  Po-se, —  but  this  attribute  is  never  fictitious.  Not  a 
single  case  is  known  to  me  where  a  specific  product  of  Ceylon  or  India 
is  ever  characterized  by  the  addition  Po-se. 

1  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  7. 


PERSIAN  TEXTILES 

69.  Brocades,  that  is,  textiles  interwoven  with  gold  or  silver  threads, 
were  manufactured  in  Iran  at  an  early  date.  Gold  rugs  are  mentioned 
in  the  Avesta  (zaranaene  upasterene,  Yast  xv,  2).  Xerxes  is  said  to 
have  presented  to  citizens  of  Abdera  a  tiara  interwoven  with  gold.1 
The  historians  of  Alexander  give  frequent  examples  of  such  ck>th  in 
Persia.2  Pliny,3  speaking  of  gold  textiles  of  the  Romans,  traces  this  art 
to  the  Attalic  textures,  and  stamps  it  as  an  invention  of  the  kings  of 
Asia  (Attalicis  vero  iam  pridem  intexitur,  invento  regum  Asiae).4 
The  accounts  of  the  ancients  are  signally  confirmed  by  the  Chinese. 

Persian  brocades  $,  $?  ®  are  mentioned  in  the  Annals  of  the  Liang  as 
having  been  sent  as  tribute  in  A.D.  520  to  the  Emperor  Wu  from  the 
country  Hwa  ?il.5  The  king  of  Persia  wore  a  cloak  of  brocade,  and  bro- 
cades were  manufactured  in  the  country.6  Textiles  woven  with  gold 
threads  dfe  He  Sfc  $  are  expressly  mentioned;7  this  term  almost  reads 
like  a  translation  of  Persian  zar-baf  (literally,  "gold  weaving").8  Per- 
sian brocades,  together  with  cotton  stuffs  from  An-si  (Parthia)  3c  ® 
6  H6,  are  further  mentioned  at  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Si  Tsun  ifr  ^ 
(A.D.  954-958)  of  the  Hou  Cou  dynasty,  among  tribute-gifts  sent  from 
Kwa  Cou  JK.  W  in  Kan-su.9  The  Kirgiz  received  precious  materials  for 
the  dress  of  their  women  from  An-si  (Parthia),  Pei-t'iii  At  ££  (BiSbalik, 
in  Turkistan)  ,  and  the  Ta-gi  Jt  ^  (Tadjik,  the  Arabs)  .  The  Arabs  made 
pieces  of  brocade  of  such  size  that  the  wefght  of  each  equalled  that  of 
twenty  camel-loads.  Accordingly  these  large  pieces  were  cut  up  into 

1  Herodotus,  vm,  120. 

2  YATES,  Textrinum  Antiquorum,  pp.  366-368. 
8  xxxm,  19,  §  63. 

4  At  the  Court  of  the  Persian  kings  there  was  a  special  atelier  for  the  weaving 
of  silken,  gold,  and  silver  fabrics,  —  styled  star  bdf  xane  (E.  KAEMPFER,  Amoenitaturn 
exoticarum  fasciculi  V,  p.  128,  Lemgoviae,  1712). 

8  Lian  $u,  Ch.  54,  p.  13  b.  Hwa  is  the  name  under  which  the  Ephthalites  first 
appear  in  Chinese  history  (CHAVANNES,  Documents  sur  les  Tou-kiue  occidentaux, 

p.  222). 

6  Kiu  Tan  Su,  Ch.  198,  p.  10  b  (see  also  Lian  Su,  Ch.  54,  p.  14  b;  and  Sui  $u 
Ch.  83,  p.  7  b).  Huan  Tsan  refers  to  brocade  in  his  account  of  Persia  (Ta  Tan  si 
yu  ki,  Ch.  II,  p.  17  b,  ed.  of  Sou  San  ko  ts'un  su). 


8  Cf.  Loan-  Words  in  Tibetan,  No.  118. 

9  Wu  tai  Si,  Ch.  74,  p.  3  b;  Kiu  Wu  Tai  Si,  Ch.  138,  p.  I  b. 

488 


PERSIAN  TEXTILES — BROCADES  489 

twenty  smaller  ones,  so  that  they  could  be  accommodated  on  twenty 
camels,  and  were  presented  once  in  three  years  by  the  Arabs  to  the 
Kirgiz.  The  two  nations  had  a  treaty  of  mutual  alliance,  shared  also 
by  the  Tibetans,  and  guaranteeing  protection  of  their  trade  against  the 
brigandage  of  the  Uigur.1  The  term  hu  kin  $%  18  ("brocades  of  the  Hu," 
that  is,  Iranians)  is  used  in  the  Kwan  yii  ki  3f  H-  IS2  with  reference  to 
Khotan.3  The  Iranian  word  for  these  textiles,  though  not  recognized 
heretofore,  is  also  recorded  by  the  Chinese.  This  is  31  tie,  anciently 
*dziep,  dziep,  diep,  dib,4  being  the  equivalent  of  a  Middle-Persian  form 
*dib  or  *dep,5  corresponding  to  the  New-Persian  word  dlbd  ("silk  bro- 
cade," a  colored  stuff  in  which  warp  and  woof  are  both  made  of  silk), 
dlbah  ("gold  tissue  ") ,  Arabicised  dibdd%  ("vest  of  brocade,  cloth  of  gold") . 
The  fabric  as  well  as  the  name  come  from  Sasanian  Persia,  and  were 
known  to  the  Arabs  at  Mohammed's  time.6  The  Chinese  term  occurs 
as  a  textile  product  of  Persia  in  the  Sui  $u  (Ch.  83,  p.  7b).  At  a  much 
earlier  date  it  is  cited  in  the  Han  Annals  (Hou  Han  $u,  Ch.  116,  p.  8) 
as  a  product  of  the  country  of  the  Ai-lao  in  Yun-nan.  This  is  not 
surprising  in  view  of  the  fact  that  at  that  period  Yun-nan,  by  way  of 
India,  was  in  communication  with  Ta  Ts'in:  in  A.D.  120  Yun  Yu  Tiao 
^t  d3  M,  King  of  the  country  T'an  W,  presented  to  the  Chinese  em- 
peror musicians  and  jugglers,  who  stated  that  "they  had  come  from 
the  Mediterranean  $1  B,  which  is  the  same  as  Ta  Ts'in,  and  that 
south-west  from  the  Kingdom  of  T'an  there  is  communication  with 
Ta  Ts'in."  The  commentator  of  the  Han  Annals  refers  to  the  Wai  kwo 
cwan  fa  &  IS-7  as  saying  that  the  women  of  Cu-po  ft  lU  (Java)  make 
white  tie  and  ornamented  cloth  ffi  rfft.  The  character  &  po  ("silk"), 
preceding  the  term  tie  in  the  Han  Annals,  represents  a  separate  item,  and 

1  Tan  su,  Ch.  217  B,  p.  18;  Tai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  199,  p.  14.   Cf.  DEV£RIA, 
in  Centenaire  de  1'Ecole  des  Langues  Orientales,  p.  308. 

2  Ch.  24,  p.  7  b.   Regarding  the  various  editions  of  this  work,  see  p.  251. 

3  Likewise  in  the  Sung  Annals  with  reference  to  a  tribute  sent  from  Khotan 
in  961  (CHAVANNES  and  PELLIOT,  Traite"  maniche'en,  p.  274).     Regarding  Persian 
brocades  mentioned  by  mediaeval  writers,  see  FRANCISQUE-MICHEL,  Recherches  sur 
le  commerce,  la  fabrication  et  1'usage  des  e"tofles  de  soie  d'or  et  d'argent,  Vol.  I, 
PP-  315-317,  Vol.  II,  pp.  57-58  (Paris,  1852,  1854). 

4  According  to  the  Yi  ts'ie  kin  yin  i  (Ch.  19,  p.  9  b),  the  pronunciation  of  the 
character  tie  was  anciently  identical  with  that  of  f|£  (see  No.  70),  and  has  the  fan 
ts*ie  $£  $3;  that  is,  Map,  *diab,  d'ab.   The  Tan  $u  Si  yin  (Ch.  23,  p.  i  b)  indicates 
the  same  fan  ts*ie  by  means  of  -fj£  '^.    The  phonetic  element  Jf^  serves  for  the 
transcription  of  Sanskrit  dmpa  (PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcolefran$aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  357). 

5  A  Pahlavi  form  depak  is  indicated  by  WEST  (Pahlavi  Texts,  Vol.  I,  p.  286) ; 
hence  Armenian  dipak. 

6  C.  H.  BECKER,  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam,  Vol.  I,  p.  967. 

7  Cf.  Journal  asiatique,  1918,  II,  p.  24. 


490  SlNO-lRANICA 

is  not  part  of  the  transcription,  any  more  than  the  word  $$&  kin,  which 
precedes  it  in  the  Sui  Annals;  but  the  combination  of  both  po  and  kin 
with  tie  indicates  and  confirms  very  well  that  the  latter  was  a  brocaded 
silk.  HiRTH1  joins  po  with  tie  into  a  compound  in  order  to  save  the 
term  for  his  pets  the  Turks.  "The  name  po-tie  is  certainly  borrowed 
from  one  of  the  Turki  languages.  The  nearest  equivalent  seems  to  be 
the  Jagatai  Turki  word  for  cotton,  pakhta"  There  are  two  fundamental 
errors  involved  here.  First,  the  Cantonese  dialect,  on  which  Hirth 
habitually  falls  back  in  attempting  to  restore  the  ancient  phonetic 
condition  of  Chinese,  does  not  in  fact  represent  the  ancient  Chinese 
language,  but  is  merely  a  modern  dialect  in  a  far-advanced  stage  of 
phonetic  decadence.  The  sounds  of  ancient  Chinese  can  be  restored 
solely  on  the  indications  of  the  Chinese  phonetic  dictionarie^and  on  the 
data  of  comparative  Indo-Chinese  philology.  Even  in  Cantonese, 
po-tie  is  pronounced  pak-tip,  and  it  is  a  prerequisite  that  the  foreign 
prototype  of  this  word  terminates  in  a  final  labial.  The  ancient  pho- 
netics of  &  H  is  not  pak-ta,  but  *bak-dzip  or  *dip,  and  this  bears  no 
relation  to  pakhta.  Further,  it  is  impossible  to  correlate  a  foreign 
word  that  appears  in  China  in  the  Han  period  with  that  of  a  com- 
paratively recent  Turkish  dialect,  especially  as  the  Chinese  data  rela- 
tive to  the  term  do  not  lead  anywhere  to  the  Turks;  and,  for  the  rest, 
the  word  pakhta  is  not  Turkish,  but  Persian,  in  origin.2  Whether  the 
term  tie  has  anything  to  do  with  cotton,  as  already  stated  by  CHA- 
VANNES,3  is  uncertain;  but,  in  view  of  the  description  of  the  plant  as 
given  in  the  Nan  Si*  or  Lian  $u?  it  may  be  granted  that  the  term  po-tie 
was  subsequently  transferred  to  cotton. 

The  ancient  pronunciation  of  po-tie  being  *bak-dib,  it  would  not  be 
impossible  that  the  element  bak  represents  a  reminiscence  of  Middle 
Persian  pambak  ("cotton"),  New  Persian  panpa  (Ossetic  bambag, 
Armenian  bambak).  This  assumption  being  granted,  the  Chinese  term 
po-tie (  =  Middle  Persian  *bak-6ib  =  pambak  dip)  would  mean  "cotton 
brocade"  or  "cotton  stuff."  Again,  po-tie  was  a  product  of  Iranian 
regions:  kin  siu  po  tie  4k  SI  S  &  is  named  as  a  product  of  K'aii  (Sog- 
diana)  in  the  Sasanian  era;5  and,  as  has  been  shown,  po-tie  from  Parthia 

1Chao  Ju-kua,  p.  218. 

2  STEINGASS,  Persian-English  Dictionary,  p.  237. 
8  Documents  sur  les  Tou-kiue  occidentaux,  p.  352. 
4  Ch.  79,  p.  6  b. 

6Ch.  54,  p.  13  b.  Cf.  CHAVANNES,  ibid.,  p.  102;  see  also  F.  W.  K.  MULLER, 
Uigurica,  II,  pp.  70,  105. 

•  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  4.   Hence  *bak-dlb  may  also  have  been  a  Sogdian  word. 


PERSIAN  TEXTILES — BROCADES  491 

is  specially  named.  Po-tie,  further,  appears  in  India;1  and  as  early  as 
A.D.  430  Indian  po-tie  was  sent  to  China  from  Ho-lo-tan  ^  H  W-  on  Java.2 
According  to  a  passage  of  the  Kin  T'an  $u?  the  difference  between  ku- 
pei  (Sanskrit  karpasa)4  and  po-tie  was  this,  that  the  former  was  a  coarse, 

1  Nan  Si,  Ch.  78,  p.  7  a. 

2  Sun  Su,  Ch.  97,  p.  2  b. 

3  Ch.  197,  p.  I  b,  indicated  by  PELLIOT  (Bull,  de  VEcole  fran$aise,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  269). 

4  It  is  evident  that  the  transcription  ku-pei  is  not  based  directly  on  Sanskrit 
karpasa;  but  I  do  not  believe  with  WAITERS  (Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language, 
p.  440)  and  HIRTH  (Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  218)  that  Malayan  kdpas  is  at  the  root  of  the 
Chinese  form,  which,  aside  from  the  lack  of  the  final  s,  shows  a  peculiar  vocalism  that 
cannot  be  explained  from  Malayan.   Of  living  languages,  it  is  Bahnar  kopaih  ("cot- 
ton") which  presents  the  nearest  approach  to  Chinese  ku-pei  or  ku-pai.   It  is  there- 
fore my  opinion  that  the  Chinese  received  the  word  from  a  language  of  Indo-China. 

The  history  of  cotton  in  China  is  much  in  need  of  a  revision.  The  following  case 
is  apt  to  show  what  misunderstandings  have  occurred  in  treating  this  subject. 
Ku-cun  (*ku-dzun,  *ku-dun)  "jjj  $£  is  the  designation  of  a  cotton-like  plant  grown 
in  the  province  of  Kwei-c"ou  ^  j'H ;  the  yarn  is  dyed  and  made  into  pan  pu  f§:  ^ftj . 
This  is  contained 'in  the  Nan  Yue  ci  flj  jtt  S  by  Sen  Hwai-yuan  ^6  HC  }§L  of  the 
fifth  century  (Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  36,  p.  24).  SCHOTT  (Altaische  Studien,  III, 
Abh.  Berl.  Akad.,  1867,  pp.  137,  138;  he  merely  refers  to  the  source  as  "a  descrip- 
tion of  southern  China,"  without  citing  its  title  and  date),  although  recognizing  that 
the  question  is  of  a  local  term,  proposed,  if  it  were  permitted  to  read  kutun  instead 
of  kutun,  to  regard  the  word  as  an  indubitable  reproduction  of  Arabic  qu}un,  which 
resulted  in  the  colon,  cotton,  kattun,  etc.,  of  Europe.  MAYERS  then  gave  a  similar 
opinion;  and  HIRTH  (Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  219),  clinging  to  a  Fu-Sou  pronunciation 
ku-tun  (also  WAITERS,  Essays,  p.  440,  transcribes  ku-tun),  accepted  the  alleged 
derivation  from  the  Arabic.  This,  of  course,  is  erroneous,  as  in  the  fifth  century 
there  was  no  Arabic  influence  on  China,  nor  did  the  Arabs  themselves  then  know 
cotton.  It  would  also  be  difficult  to  realize  how  a  plant  of  Kwei-c"ou  could  have 
been  baptized  with  an  Arabic  name  at  that  or  any  later  time.  Moreover,  ku-cun 
is  not  a  general  term  for  "cotton"  in  Chinese;  the  above  work  remains  the  only 
one  in  which  it  has  thus  far  been  indicated.  Ku-cun,  as  Li  Si-Sen  points  out,  is  a 
tree-cotton  yfC  %$&  (Bombax  malabaricunt) ,  which  originated  among  the  Southern 
Barbarians  (Nan  Fan  ]^  ^),  and  which  at  the  end  of  the  Sung  period  was  trans- 
planted into  Kian-nan.  It  is  very  likely  that,  as  stated  by  STUART  (Chinese  Materia 
Medica,  p.  197),  the  cotton-tree  was  known  in  China  from  very  ancient  times,  and 
that  its  product  was  used  in  the  manufacture  of  cloth  before  the  introduction  of  the 
cotton-plant  (Gossypium  herbaceum).  In  fact,  the  same  work  Nan  yue  U  reports, 
"None  of  the  Man  tribes  in  the  kingdom  Nan-Sao  rear  silkworms,  but  they  merely 
obtain  the  seeds  of  the  so-lo  (*sa-la)  |£  |H  tree,  the  interior  of  which  is  white  and 
contains  a  floss  that  can  be  wrought  like  silk  and  spun  into  cloth;  it  bears  the  name 
so-lo  lun  twan  g  f|  H  &"  The  Fan  yucijj  S&  ^  of  Cu  Mu  $J  ^  of  the  Sung 
period  alludes  to  the  same  tree,  which  is  said  to  be  from  thirty  to  fifty  feet  in  height. 
The  Ko  ku  yao  lun  (Ch.  8,  p.  4  b;  ed.  of  Si  yin  huan  ts'un  su)  speaks  of  cotton  stuffs 
!ffi  jH  i&  ( —  JS ;  tou-lo  =  Sanskrit  tula)  which  come  from  the  Southern  Barbarians, 
Tibet  (Si-fan),  and  Yun-nan,  being  woven  from  the  cotton  in  the  seeds  of  the  so-lo 
tree,  resembling  velvet,  five  to  six  feet  wide,  good  for  making  bedding  and  also  clothes. 
The  Tien  hi  writes  the  word  ^  H  (G.  SOULI£,  Bull,  de  VEcole  jranq aise,  Vol.  VIII, 
?•  343)-  So-let  is  the  indigenous  name  of  the  tree;  sa-la  is  still  the  Lo-lo  designation 


492  SlNO-lRANICA 

and  the  latter  a  fine  textile.  In  the  Glossary  of  the  T'ang  Annals  the 
word  tie  is  explained  as  "fine  hair"  &ffl  ^  and  "hair  cloth"  ^  ^;  these 
terms  indeed  refer  to  cotton  stuffs,  but  simultaneously  hint  at  the  fact 
that  the  real  nature  of  cotton  was  not  yet  generally  known  to  the  Chinese 
of  the  T'ang  period.  In  the  Kwan  yu  ki,  po-tie  is  named  as  a  product  of 
Turf  an;  the  threads,  it  is  said,  are  derived  from  wild  silkworms,  and 
resemble  fine  hemp. 

Russian  altabds  ("gold  or  silver  brocade,"  "Persian  brocade": 
DAI/),  Polish  altembas,  and  French  altobas,  in  my  opinion,  are  nothing 
but  reproductions  of  Arabic-Persian  al-dlbadZ,  discussed  above.  The 
explanation  from  Italian  alto-basso  is  a  jocular  popular  etymology;  and 
the  derivation  from  Turkish  altun  ("gold")  and  b'az  ("textile")1  is 
likewise  a  failure.  The  fact  that  textiles  of  this  description  were  subse- 
quently manufactured  in  Europe  has  nothing  to  do,  nor  does  it  conflict, 
with  the  derivation  of  the  name  which  Inostrantsev  wrongly  seeks  in 
Europe.2  In  the  seventeenth  century  the  Russians  received  altabds 
from  the  Greeks;  and  Ibn  Rosteh,  who  wrote  about  A.D.  903,  speaks 
then  of  Greek  dibad%?  According  to  Makkari,  dibadZ  were  manufac- 
tured by  the  Arabs  in  Almeria,  Spain,4  the  centre  of  the  Arabic  silk 
industry.5 

70.  U?§i  fa-ten,  Map  (  =  Sj)8-dafi  (  =  3£),  tap-tan,  woollen  rugs. 
The  name  of  this  textile  occurs  in  the  Wei  lio  of  the  third  century  A.D. 
as  a  product  of  the  anterior  Orient  (Ta  Ts'in)  ,7  and  in  the  Han  Annals 

for  cotton  (ViAL,  Dictionnaire  francais  lo-lo,  p.  97).  Likewise  it  is  sa-la  in  P'u-p'a, 
so-lo  in  C6-ko  (Bull,  de  VEcole  frangaise,  Vol.  IX,  p.  554).  In  the  same  manner  I 
believe  that  *ku-dzun  was  the  name  of  the  same  or  a  similar  tree  in  the  language  of 
the  aborigines  of  Kwei-£ou.  Compare  Lepcha  ka-cuk  ki  kun  ("cotton-tree"),  Siii-p'o 
ga-dun  ("cotton- tree"),  given  by  J.  F.  NEEDHAM  (Outline  Grammar  of  the  Singpho 
Language,  p.  90,  Shillong,  1889),  and  Meo  coa  ("cotton"),  indicated  by  M.  L. 
PIERLOT  (Vocabulaire  m6o,  Actes  du  XIV*  Congres  int.  des  Orientalistes  Alger 
1905,  pt.  I,  p.  150). 

1  Proposed  by  SAVEL'EV  in  Erman's  Archiv,  Vol.  VII,  1848,  p.  228. 

1  K.  INOSTRANTSEV,  Iz  istorii  starinnyx  tkanei  (Zapiski  Oriental  Section  Russian 
Archaeol.  Soc.,  Vol.  XIII,  1901,  pp.  081-084). 

1  G.  JACOB,  Handelsartikel,  p.  7;  Waren  beim  arabisch-nordischen  Verkehr, 
p.  1 6. 

4  G.  MIGEON,  Manuel  d'art  musulman,  Vol.  II,  p.  420. 

5  DEFREMERY,  Journal  asiatique,  1854,  p.  168;  FRANCISQUE-MICHEL,  Recherches 
sur  le  commerce,  la  fabrication  et  Tusage  des  £toffes  de  soie,  d'or  et  d'argent,  Vol.  I, 
pp.  232,  284-290  (Paris,  1852). 

6  The  fan  ts'ie  is  $£  Jjjj;  that  is,  *du-kiap  =  d'iap  (Yi  ts'ie  kinyin  *,Ch.  19,  p.  9  b), 
or  *£  $9  *du-hap=dap  (Hou  Han  $u,  Ch.  118,  p.  5  b). 

7  F.  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  pp.  71,  112,  113,  255.    T'a-ten  of  five 
and  nine  colors  are  specified. 


PERSIAN  TEXTILES — RUGS  493 

as  a  product  of  India.1  In  the  Sui  Annals  it  appears  as  a  product  of 
Persia.2  CHAVANNES  has  justly  rejected  the  fantastic  explanation  given 
in  the  dictionary  Si  min,  which  merely  rests  on  an  attempt  at  punning. 
The  term,  in  fact,  represents  a  transcription  that  corresponds  to  a 
Middle-Persian  word  connected  with  the  root  Vtab  ("to  spin")* 
cf.  Persian  taftan  ("to  twist,  to  spin"),  tabad  ("he  spins"),  tdfta  or  tqfte 
("garment  woven  of  linen,  kind  of  silken  cloth,  taffeta").  Greek  Tcnrrjs 
and  TCLTrrjTlov  (frequent  in  the  Papyri;  TairLdvQol,  "rug-weavers")  are 
derived  from  Iranian.3  There  is  a  later  Attic  form  dams.  The  Middle- 
Persian  form  on  which  the  Chinese  transcription  is  based  was  perhaps 
*taptaii,  tapetaii,  -an  being  the  termination  of  the  plural.  The  Persian 
word  resulted  in  our  taffeta  (med.  Latin  taffata,  Italian  taffeta,  Spanish 
tafetan). 

71.  To  the  same  type  as  the  preceding  one  belongs  another  Chinese 
transcription,  ffi  ffl    fo(t*o)-pi,   ftj  8?  tso-p*i,  or  $5  '&  tso-pi,   dance- 
rugs  sent  to  China  in  A.D.  718  and  719  from  Maimargh  and  Bukhara 
respectively.4  These  forms  correspond  to  an  ancient  *ta-bik  (2  or  i$) 
or  *ta-bi5  (&),  and  apparently  go  back  to  two  Middle-Persian  forms 
*tabi%  and  *tabe5  or  *tabiS  (or  possibly  with  medial  p).& 

72.  More  particularly  we  hear  in  the  relations  of  China  with 
Persia  about  a  class  of  textiles  styled  yue  no  pu  ®  fif  'ft?.6  As  far  as  I 
know,  this  term  occurs  for  the  first  time  in  the  Annals  of  the  Sui  Dy- 
nasty (A.D.  590-617),  in  the  notice  on  Po-se  (Persia).7   This  indicates 
that  the  object  in  question,  and  the  term  denoting  it,  hailed  from  Sasa- 
nian  Persia. 

1  E.  CHAVANNES,  Les  Pays  d'occident  d'apres  le  Heou  Han  Chou  (T'oung  Pao, 
1907,  p.  193).   Likewise  Jin  the  Nan  $i  (Ch.  78,  p.  5  b)  and  in  Cao  Zu-kwa  (trans- 
lation of  HIRTH  and  ROCKHILL,  p.  in). 

2  Sui  $11,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

3  P.  HORN,  Grundriss  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  137.     NOLDEKE'S  notion 
(Persische  Studien,  II,  p.  40)  that  Persian  tanbasa  ("rug,  carpet")  should  be  derived 
from  the  Greek  word,  in  my  opinion,  is  erroneous. 

4  CHAVANNES,  T'oung  Pao,  1904,  p.  34. 

5  These  two  parallels  possibly  are  apt  to  shed  light  on  the  Old  High-German 
duplicates  tepplh  and  teppid.    The  latter  has  been  traced  directly  to  Italian  tappeto 
(Latin  tapete,  tapetum),  but  the  origin  of  the  spirant  x  in  tepplh  has  not  yet  been 
explained,  and  can  hardly  be  derived  from  the  final  /.    Would  derivation  from  an 
Iranian  source,  direct  or  indirect,  be  possible? 

6  According  to  HIRTH  (Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  220),  "a  light  cotton  gauze  or  muslin, 
of  two  kinds,  pure  white,  and  spangled  with  gold";  but  this  is  a  doubtful  explana- 
tion. 

7  Sui  su,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b.   This  first  citation  of  the  term  has  escaped  all  previous 
writers  on  the  subject, — Hirth,  Chavannes,  and  Pelliot.    From  the  Sui  su  the  text 
passed  into  the  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yil  ki  (Ch.  185,  p.  18  b). 


494  SlNO-lRANICA 

In  the  T'ang  Annals  we  read  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  period 
K'ai-yiian  (A.D.  713-741)  the  country  of  K'afi  (Sogdiana),  an  Iranian 
region,  sent  as  tribute  to  the  Chinese  Court  coats-of-mail,  cups  of  rock- 
crystal,  bottles  of  agate,  ostrich-eggs,  textiles  styled  yue  no,  dwarfs, 
and  dancing-girls  of  Hu-suan  $3  JS  (Xwarism).1  In  the  Ts'efu  yuan  kwei 
the  date  of  this  event  is  more  accurately  fixed  in  the  year  7i8.2  The 
Man  $u,  written  by  Fan  Co  of  the  T'ang  period,  about  A.D.  86o,3  men- 
tions yue  no  as  a  product  of  the  Small  P'o-lo-men  /h  31  ii  P5  (Brah- 
mana)  country,  which  was  conterminous  with  P'iao  JH  (Burma)  and 
Mi-c"'en  (*Mid2en)  9f  15. 4  This  case  offers  a  parallel  to  the  presence 
of  tie  in  the  Ai-lao  country  in  Yiin-nan. 

The  Annals  of  the  Sung  mention  yue  no  as  exported  by  the  Arabs 
into  China.5  The  Lin  wai  tai  ta,G  written  by  Cou  K'u-fei  in  1178,  men- 
tions white  yile-no  stuffs  in  the  countries  of  the  Arabs,  in  Bagdad,  and 
yile-no  stuffs  in  the  country  Mi  IS. 

HiRTH7  was  the  first  to  reveal  the  term  yue  no  in  Cao  Zu-kwa,  who 
attributes  white  stuffs  of  this  name  to  Bagdad.  His  transcription  yiit- 
nok,  made  on  the  basis  of  Cantonese,  has  no  value  for  the  phonetic 
restoration  of  the  name,  and  his  hypothetical  identification  with  cut- 
tanee  must  be  rejected;  but  as  to  his  collocation  of  the  second  element 
with  Marco  Polo's  nac,  he  was  on  the  right  trail.  He  was  embarrassed, 
however,  by  the  first  element  yue,  "  which  can  in  no  way  be  explained 
from  Chinese  and  yet  forms  part  of  the  foreign  term."  Hence  in  his 
complete  translation  of  the  work8  he  admits  that  the  term  cannot  as 
yet  be  identified.  His  further  statement,  that  in  the  passage  of  the 
T*ah  $u,  quoted  above,  the  question  is  possibly  of  a  country  yile-no 
(Bukhara),  rests  on  a  misunderstanding  of  the  text,  which  speaks  only 
of  a  textile  or  textiles.  The  previous  failures  in  explaining  the  term 
simply  result  from  the  fact  that  no  serious  attempt  was  made  to  restore 

1  Cf.  CHAVANNES,  Documents  sur   les   Tou-kiue  occidentaux,  pp.   136,  378, 
with  the  rectification  of  PELLIOT  (Bull,  de  VEcole  frangaise,  Vol.  IV,  1904,  p.^483). 
Regarding  the  dances  of  Hu-suan,  see  Kin  Si  hwiyuan  kiao  k'an  ki  ^  ^  'ft  7G  $£ 
^  ffi  (p-  3).  Critical  Annotations  on  the  Kin  Si  hwi  yuan  by  Li  San-kiao  ^  J^  ^ 
of  the  Sung  (in  Ki  fu  ts'un  Su,  t'ao  10). 

2  CHAVANNES,  T'oung  Pao,  1904,  p.  35. 

3  See  above,  p.  468. 

4  Man  Su,  p.  44  b  (ed.  of  Yun-nan  pei  ten  li).   Regarding  Mi-S'en,  see  PELLIOT, 
Bull,  de  VEcole  frang aise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  171. 

5  Sun  Si,  Ch.  490;  and  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Knowledge  possessed  by  the  Chinese 
of  the  Arabs,  p.  12.   Bretschneider  admitted  that  this  product  was  unknown  to  him. 

6  Ch.  3,  pp.  2-3. 

7  Lander  des  Islam,  p.  42  (Leiden,  1894). 

8  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  220. 


PERSIAN  TEXTILES — YUE  No  495 

it  to  its  ancient  phonetic  condition.1  Moreover,  it  was  not  recognized 
that  yue  no  represents  a  combination  of  two  Iranian  words,  and  that 
each  of  these  elements  denotes  a  particular  Iranian  textile. 

(1)  The  ancient  articulation  of  what  is  now  sounded  yue  @  was 
*vat,  va5,  wia5,  or,  with  liquid  final,  *var  or  *val.2    Thus  it  may  well 
be  inferred  that  the  Chinese  transcription  answers  to  a  Middle-Persian 
form  of  a  type  *var  or  *val.   There  is  a  Persian  word  barnu  or  barnun 
("brocade"),  vdld,  which  means  "a  kind  of  silken  stuff,"3  and  balds, 
"a  kind  of  fine,  soft,  thin  armosin  silk,  an  old  piece  of  cloth,  a  kind  of 
coarse  woollen  stuff."4 

(2)  H?  no  corresponds  to  an  ancient  *nak,5  and  is  easily  identified 
with  Persian  nax  (nakk),  "a  carpet  beautiful  on  both  sides,  having  a 
long  pile;  a  small  carpet  with  a  short  pile;  a  raw  thread  of  yarn  of  any 
sort,"6  but  also  "brocade."    The  early  mention  of  the  Chinese  term, 
especially  in  the  Sui  Annals,  renders  it  quite  certain  that  the  word  nak 
or  naoc  was  even  an  element  of  the  Middle-Persian  language.  Hither- 
to it  had  been  revealed  only  in  mediaeval  authors,  the  Yuan  Fao  pi  &*, 

*DE  GOE  JE'S  identification  of  yue-no  pu  with  djanndbi  (in  HIRTH,  Lander  des  Islam, 
p.  61)  is  a  complete  failure:  pu  ("cloth")  does  not  form  part  of  the  transcription, 
which  can  only  be  read  va8-nak,  var-nak,  or  val-nak.  TSUBOI  KUMAZO  (Actes  XII* 
Congres  international  des  Orientalistes  Rome  1899,  Vol.  II,  p.  112)  has  already 
opposed  this  unfortunate  suggestion. 

2  For  examples,  see   CHAVANNES,    Me"moires   historiques   de    Se-ma    Ts'ien, 
Vol.  IV,  p.  559;  and  particularly  cf.  PELLIOT,  Journal  asiatique,  1914,  II,  p.  392. 

3  STEINGASS,   Persian-English  Dictionary,   p.    1453.     HORN   (Grundriss    iran. 
Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  29)  translates  the  word  "a  fine  stuff, "  and  regards  it  as  a  loan- 
word from  Greek  pjj\ov  ("veil"),  first  proposed,  I  believe,  by  NOLDEKE  (Persische 
Studien,  II,  p.  39).    This  etymology  is  not  convincing  to  me.    On  the  contrary, 
vala  is  a  genuine  Persian  word,  meaning  "eminent,  exalted,  high,  respectable,  sub- 
lime, noble";  and  it  is  quite  plausible  that  this  attribute  was  transferred  to  a  fine 
textile.    It  was,  further,  the  Persians  who  taught  the  Greeks  lessons  in  textile  art, 
but  not  the  reverse.    F.  JUSTI  (Iranisches  Namenbuch,  p.  516)  attributes  to  vdld 
also  the  meaning  "banner  of  silk." 

4  STEINGASS,  op.  cit.,  p.  150.    The  Iranian  character  of  this  word  is  indicated 
by  Waxl  palds,  Sariqoll  palus  ("coarse  woollen  cloth")  of  the  Pamir  languages. 
Perhaps  also  Persian  bat  ("stuff  of  fine  wool"),  Waxl  bot,  Sariqoll  bel  (cf.  W.  TOMA- 
SCHEK,  Pamirdialekte,  Sitzber.  Wiener  Akad.,  1880,  p.  807)  may  be  enlisted  as  possible 
prototypes  of  Chinese  *vat,  val;  but  I  do  not  believe  with  Tomaschek  that  this 
series  bears  any  relation  to  Sanskrit  pafta  and  ld(a  or  Armenian  lotik  ("mantle"). 
The  latter,  in  my  opinion,  is  a  loan-word  from  Greek  Xw5i£  ("cover,  rug"),  that 
appears  in  the  Periplus  (§  24)  and  in  the  Greek  Papyri  of  the  first  century  A.D. 
(T.  REIL,  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  des  Gewerbes  im  hellenistischen  ^Egypten,  p.  118). 

5  See,  for  instance,  T'oung  Pao,  1914,  p.  77,  and  1915,  p.  8,  where  the  character 
in  question  serves  for  transcribing  Tibetan  nag.     It  further  corresponds  to  nak 
in  Annamese,  Korean,  and  Japanese,  as  well  as  in  the  transcriptions  of  Sanskrit 
words. 

8  STEINGASS,  Persian-English  Dictionary,  p.  1391. 


496  SlNO-lRANICA 

Yuan  U,  Ibn  Batata,  Rubruk,  Marco  Polo,  Pegoletti,  etc.1  W.  BANG 
has  shown  in  a  very  interesting  essay2  that  also  the  Codex  Cumanicus 
contains  the  term  nac  (Cumanian),  parallel  with  Persian  nagh  and  Latin 
nachus,  in  the  sense  of  "gold  brocades/ 'and  that  the  introitus  natorum 
et  nascitorum  of  the  books  of  tax-rates  of  Genoa  about  1420  refers  to 
these  textiles,  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  endowment  of  the  new- 
born, as  had  been  translated.  Bang  points  out  also  "ndchi,  a  kinde 
of  slight  silke  wouen  stuffe"  in  Florio,  "Queen  Anna's  New  World  of 
Words"  (London,  1611).  In  mediaeval  literature  the  term  nac,  nak, 
naque,  or  nachiz  occurs  as  early  as  the  eleventh  century,  and  figures  in 
an  inventory  of  the  Cathedral  of  Canterbury  of  the  year  1315. 

73.  1HM  hu-na,  *yu-na,  a  textile  product  of  Persia3  (or  M  fift).4  An 
ancient  Iranian  equivalent  is  not  known  to  me,  but  must  be  supposed 
to  have  been  *yuna  or  *guna.    This  word  may  be  related  to  Sighnan 
(Pamir  language)  ghdun  ("coarse  sack"),  Kashmir  gun,  Sanskrit  gomf 
Anglo-Indian  gunny,  gunny-bag,  trading-name  of  the  coarse  sacking 
and  sacks  made  from  the  fibre  of  the  jute.6 

74.  tffi  fan,  *dan,  *tan,  a  textile  product  of  Persia,  likewise  men- 
tioned in  the  Sui  Annals.    This  is  doubtless  the  Middle-Persian  des- 
ignation of  a  textile  connected  with  the  root  Vtan   ("to  spin"),  of 
which  several  Middle-Persian  forms  are  preserved.7   Compare  Avestan 
tanva,  Middle  Persian  tanand,  Persian  tamdan,  tanando    ("spider"), 
and,  further,  Persian  tan-basa,  tan-bisa  ("small  carpet,  rug");  tanld 
("a  web");  tamdan  ("to  twist,  weave,  spin"). 

75.  Js  &&$[)  sa-ha-la  or  55  P«'IJ®S  so-ha-la,  of  green  color,  is  men- 

1  See  E.  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Notices  of  the  Mediaeval  Geography,  p.  288,  or  Me- 
diaeval Researches,  Vol.  II,  p.  124;  YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed.  by  CORDIER,  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  155-156,  169;  YULE,  Marco  Polo,  Vol.  I,  pp.  63,  65,  285;  W.  HEYD,  Histoire 
du  commerce  du  levant  au  moyen  age,  p.  698;  and,  above  all,  F.-MiCHEL,  Recherches 
sur  le  commerce  etc.,  des  £toffes  de  soie,  Vol.  I,  pp.  261-264.  A.  HOUTUM-SCHINDLER 
(Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  Vol.  VI,  1910,  p.  265)  states  that  nax  occurs  in  a  letter  of 
RaSid-eddin. 

2  Ueber  den  angeblichen  "Introitus  natorum  et  nascitorum"  in  den  Genueser 
Steuerbuchern,  in  Bull,  de  la  Classe  des  Lettres  de  I'Academie  royale  de  Belgique, 
No.  i,  1912,  pp.  27-32. 

3  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

4  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yil  ki,  Ch.  185,  p.  18  b. 

5  W.  TOMASCHEK,  Pamirdialekte  (Sitzber.  Wiener  Akad.,  1880,  p.  808). 

6  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  403. 

;SALEMANN,  Grundriss  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  I,  p.  303. 

8  This  transcription  is  given  in  the  fran  wu  ci  g  $0  J§  by  Wen  Cen-hen  3^ 
R  ^  of  the  Ming  (Ch.  8,  p.  I  b;  ed.  of  Yue  ya  fan  ts'un  su).  He  describes  the 
material  as  resembling  sheep-wool,  as  thick  as  felt,  coming  from  the  Western 
Regions,  and  very  expensive. 


PERSIAN  TEXTILES — WOOLLEN  STUPES  497 

tioned  in  the  Ming  history  as  having  been  sent  as  a  present  in  1392  from 
Samarkand/  The  Ming  Geography,  as  stated  by  BRETSCHNEiDER,1 
mentions  this  stuff  as  a  manufacture  of  Bengal  and  So-li,  saying  that 
it  is  woven  from  wool  and  is  downy.  There  is  a  red  and  a  green  kind. 
Bretschneider's  view,  that  by  sa-ha-la  the  Persian  Sal  is  intended,  must 
be  rejected.2  In  the  Yin  yai  sen  Ian  of  1416,  sa-ha-la  is  enumerated 
among  the  goods  shipped  from  Malacca,  being  identified  by  GROENE- 
VELDT  with  Malayan  saklat  or  sahalat?  Sa-ha-la  is  further  mentioned 
for  Ormuz  and  Aden.4 

In  the  Ko  ku  yao  lun  $*  "&  H£  fft,  written  by  Ts'ao  Cao  W  i@  in 
1387,  revised  and  enlarged  in  1459  by  Wan  Tso  3:  fe,5  we  meet  this 
word  in  the  transcription  ffl  ( =  $5)  $S 3fil  sa-hai-laf  which  is  said  to 
come  from  Tibet  B  HI  in  pieces  three  feet(  in  width,  woven  from  wool, 
strong  and  thick  like  felt,  and  highly  esteemed  by  Tibetans.  Under  the 
heading  p'u-lo  ^  it  (  =  Tibetan  p'rug)7  it  is  said  in  the  same  work  that 
this  Tibetan  woollen  stuff  resembles  sa-hai-la. 

Persian  sakirlat,  sagirldt,  has  been  placed  on  a  par  with  Chinese 
sa-ha-la  by  T.  WATTERSS  and  A.  HouTUM-ScniNDLER;9  it  is  not  this 
Persian  word,  however,  that  is  at  the  root  of  Chinese  sa-ha-lat  but 
saqalat  or  saqalldt,  also  saqalat  y  saqalldt  ("scarlet  cloth").  Dr.  E.  D. 
Ross10  has  been  so  fortunate  as  to  discover  in  a  Chinese-Persian  vocabu- 
lary of  1 549  the  equation :  Chinese  sa-ha-la  =  Persian  saqalat.  This  settles 
the  problem  definitely.  There  is,  further,  Persian  saqldtun  or  saqlafin, 
said  to  mean  "a  city  in  Rum  where  scarlet  cloth  is  made,  scarlet  cloth 
or  dress  made  from  it."  The  latter  name  is  mentioned  as  early  as 
A.D.  1040  and  1150  by  Baihaki  and  Edrlsi  respectively.11  According  to 
Edrisi,  it  was  a  silk  product  of  Almeria  in  Spain,  which  is  doubtless 
meant  by  the  city  of  Rum.  Yaqut  tells  of  its  manufacture  in  Tabriz, 

1  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  II,  p.  258. 

2  Regarding  the  Chinese  transcription  of  this  Persian  word,  see  ROCKHILL,  T'oung 
Poo,  1915,  p.  459. 

3  Notes  on  the  Malay  Archipelago,  p.  253. 

4  ROCKHILL,  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  444,  606,  608.   It  does  not  follow  from  the 
text,  however,  that  sa-ha-la  was  a  kind  of  thin  veiling  or  gauze,  as  the  following 
term  (or  terms)  £||  j^J?  is  apparently  a  matter  in  itself. 

5  Ch.  8,  p.  4  b  (ed.  of  Si  yin  Man  ts'un  Su). 

6  This  mode  of  writing  is  also  given  in  the  &an  wu  Zi,  cited  above. 

7  T'oung  Pao,  1914,  p.  91. 

8  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  342. 

9  Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  Vol.  VI,  1910,  p.  265. 

10  Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  Vol.  IV,  1908,  p.  403. 

11  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  861. 


498  SlNO-lRANICA 

so  that  the  Chinese  reference  to  Samarkand  becomes  intelligible.  The 
Chinese  reports  of  sa-ha-la  in  India,  Ormuz,  and  Aden,  however,  evi- 
dently refer  to  European  broadcloth,  as  does  also  Tibetan  sag-lad.1 

The  Ain-i  Akbari  speaks  of  sukldt  (saqaldt)  of  Ram  (Turkey), 
Farangi  (Europe),  and  Purtagal!  (Portugal);  and  the  Persian  word  is 
now  applied  to  certain  woollen  stuffs,  and  particularly  to  European 
broadcloth. 

The  Persian  words  sakirldt  and  saqaldt  are  not  interrelated,  as  is 
shown  by  two  sets  of  European  terms  which  are  traced  to  the  two 
Persian  types:  sakirldt  is  regarded  as  the  ancestor  of  " scarlet"  (med. 
Latin  scarlatum,  scarlata;  Old  French  escarlate,  New  French  ecarlate, 
Middle  English  scarlat,  etc.);  saqldtun  or  siqldtun  is  made  responsible 
for  Old  French  siglaton,  Provencal  sisclaton  (twelfth  century),  English 
obs.  ciclatoun  (as  early  as  1225),  Middle  High  German  cicldt  or  sigldt. 
Whether  the  alleged  derivations  from  the  Persian  are  correct  is  a  de- 
batable point,  which  cannot  be  discussed  here;  the  derivation  of  siglaton 
from  Greek  /cu/cXds  (cyclas),  due  to  Du  Cange,  is  still  less  plausible.2 
Dr.  Ross  (I.e.)  holds  that  "the  origin  of  the  word  scarlet  seems  to  be 
wrapped  in  mystery,  and  there  seems  to  be  little  in  favor  of  the  argu- 
ment that  the  word  can  be  traced  to  Arabic  or  Persian  sources. " 

76.  Toward  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Kao  Tsun  iS  ^,  better  known 
as  Wen  C'efi  3$C  $  (A.D.  452-465)  of  the  Hou  Wei  dynasty  (386-532), 
the  king  of  Su-le  (Kashgar)  sent  an  emissary  to  present  a  garment 
(kdsdya)  of  f  akyamuni  Buddha,  over  twenty  feet  in  length.  On  ex- 
amination, Kao  Tsun  satisfied  himself  that  it  was  a  Buddha  robe.  It 
proved  a  miracle,  for,  in  order  to  get  at  the  real  facts,  the  Emperor 
had  the  cloth  put  to  a  test  and  exposed  to  a  violent  fire  for  a  full  day,  but 
it  was  not  consumed  by  the  flames.  All  spectators  were  startled  and 
spell-bound.3  This  test  has  repeatedly  been  made  everywhere  with 
asbestine  cloth,  of  which  many  examples  are  given  in  my  article 
"Asbestos  and  Salamander."4  The  Chinese  themselves  have  recog- 
nized without  difficulty  that  this  Buddha  relic  of  Kashgar  was  made 
of  an  asbestine  material.  In  the  Lu  Fan  kun  $i  k*i,5  a  modern  work, 

1  See  Loan- Words  in  Tibetan,  No.  119. 

2  Cf.  also  P.-MiCHEL,  Recherches  sur  le  commerce  etc.,  des  e"toffes  de  soie, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  233-235.   The  Greek  word  in  question  does  not  refer  to  a  stuff,  but  to  a 
robe  (KVK\&S,  "round,  circular,"  scil.,  eo-flifc,  "a  woman's  garment  with  a  border  all 
round  it").  Cycladatus  in  Suetonius  (Caligula,  LII)  denotes  a  tunic  with  a  rich  border. 

3  Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  p.  4  b. 

4  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  299-373. 

6  Ed.  of  Ts'in  lao  fan  ts'un  $u,  p.  40  (see  above,  p.  346).  On  p.  41  b  there  is  a 
notice  of  fire-proof  cloth,  consisting  of  quotations  from  earlier  works,  which  are 
all  contained  in  my  article. 


PERSIAN  TEXTILES — ASBESTOS  499 

which  contains  a  -great  number  of  valuable  annotations  on  subject- 
matters  mentioned  in  the  Annals,  the  kdsdya  of  Kashgar  is  identified 
with  the  fire-proof  cloth  of  the  Western  Regions  and  Fu-nan  (Camboja) ; 
that  is,  asbestos. 

During  the  K'ai-yuan  and  T'ien-pao  periods  (A.D.  713-755),  Persia 
sent  ten  embassies  to  China,  offering  among  other  things  "embroideries 
of  fire-hair"  (hwo  mao  siu  ^C  ^  IK).1  CnAVANNES2  translates  this  term 
"des  broderies  en  laine  couleur  de  feu."  In  my  opinion,  asbestos  is 
here  in  question.  Thus  the  term  was  already  conceived  by  ABEL- 
REMUSAT.3  I  have  shown  that  asbestos  was  well  known  to  the  Persians 
and  Arabs,  and  that  the  mineral  came  from  BadaxSan.4  An  additional 

1  T'an  Iw,  Ch.  221  B,  p.  7.    In  the  T'an  hui  yao  (Ch.  100,  p.  4)  this  event  is 
fixed  in  the  year  750. 

2  Documents  sur  les  Tou-kiue,  p.  173. 

3  Nouveaux  melanges  asiatiques,  Vol.  I,  p.  253.   The  term  hwo  pu  fc  ffi  ("fire- 
cloth")  for  asbestos  appears  in  the  Sun  $u  (Ch.  97,  p.  10).   The  Chinese  notions  of 
textiles  made  from  an  "ice  silkworm,"  possibly  connected  with  Persia  (cf.  H.  MAS- 
PERO,  Bull,  de  I'Ecole  frang aise,  Vol.  XV,  No.  4,  1915,  p.  46),  in  my  opinion,  must 
be  dissociated  from  asbestos;  the  Chinese  sources  (chiefly  Wei  lio,  Ch.  10,  p.  2  b) 
say  nothing  to  the  effect  that  this  textile  was  of  the  nature  of  asbestos.    Maspero's 
argumentation  (ibid.,  pp.  43-45)  in  regard  to  the  alleged  asbestos  from  tree-bark, 
which  according  to  him  should  be  a  real  asbestine  stuff,  appears  to  me  erroneous. 
He  thinks  that  I  have  been  misled  by  an  inexact  translation  of  S.  W.  WILLIAMS. 
First,  this  translation  is  not  by  Williams,  but,  as  expressly  stated  by  me   (/.  c.t 
p.  372),  the  question  is  of  a  French  article  of  d'Hervey-St.-Denys,  translated  into 
English  by  Williams.    If  an  error  there  is  (the  case  is  trivial  enough),  it  is  not  due  to 
Williams  or  myself,  but  solely  to  the  French  translator,  who  merits  Maspero's  criticism. 
Second,  Maspero  is  entirely  mistaken  in  arguing  that  this  translation  should  have 
influenced  my  interpretation  of  the  text  on  p.  338.   This  is  out  of  the  question,  as  all 
this  was  written  without  knowledge  of  the  article  of  St.-Denys  and  Williams,  which 
became  accessible  to  me  only  after  the  completion  and  printing  of  the  manuscript, 
and  was  therefore  relegated  to  the  Addenda  inserted  in  the  proofs.    Maspero's  in- 
terpretation leads  to  no  tangible  result,  in  fact,  to  nothing,  as  is  plainly  manifest 
from  his  conclusion  that  one  sort  of  asbestos  should  have  been  a  textile,  the  other  a 
kind  of  felt.    There  is  indeed  no  asbestos  felt.   How  Maspero  can  deny  that  Malayan 
bark-cloth  underlies  the  Chinese  traditions  under  notice,  which  refer  to  Malayan 
regions,  is  not  intelligible  to  me.    Nothing  can  be  plainer  than  the  text  of  the 
Liang  Annals:   "On  Volcano  Island  there  are  trees  which  grow  in  the  fire.    The 
people  in  the  vicinity  of  the  island  peel  off  the  bark,  and  spin  and  weave  it  into  cloth 
hardly  a  few  feet  in  length.    This  they  work  into  kerchiefs,  which  do  not  differ  in 
appearance  from  textiles  made  of  palm  and  hemp  fibres,"  etc.  (pp.  346,  347).    What 
else  is  this  but  bark-cloth?   And  how  could  we  assume  a  Malayan  asbestine  cloth 
if  asbestos  has  never  been  found  and  wrought  anywhere  in  the  Archipelago?    I 
trust  that  M.  Maspero,  for  whose  scholarship  I  have  profound  respect,  will  pardon 
me  for  not  accepting  his  opinion  in  this  case,  and  for  adhering  to  my  own  inter- 
pretation.   I  may  add  here  a  curious  notice  from  J.  A.  DE  MANDELSLO'S  Voyages 
into  the  East  Indies  (p.  133,  London,  1669):  "In  the  Moluccaes  there  is  a  certain 
wood,  which,  laid  in  the  fire,  burns,  sparkles,  and  flames,  yet  consumes  not,  and 
yet  a  man  may  rub  it  to  powder  betwixt  his  fingers." 

4  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  327-328. 


500  SlNO-lRANICA 

text  to  this  effect  may  be  noted  here.  Ibn  al-Faqlh,  who  wrote  in 
A.D.  902,  has  this  account:  "In  Kirman  there  is  wood  that  is  not  burnt 
by  fire,  but  comes  out  undamaged.1  A  Christian2  wanted  to  commit 
frauds  with  such  wood  by  asserting  that  it  was  derived  from  the  cross  of 
the  Messiah.  Christian  folks  were  thus  almost  led  into  temptation.  A 
theologian,  noting  this  man,  brought  them  a  piece  of  wood  from  Kir- 
man, which  was  still  more  impervious  to  fire  than  his  cross-wood." 
According  to  P.  ScHWARz,3  to  whom  we  owe  the  translation  of  this 
passage,  the  question  here  is  of  fossilized  forests.  Most  assuredly,  how- 
ever, asbestos  is  understood.  The  above  text  of  the  Wei  $u  is  thus  by 
far  the  earliest  allusion  to  asbestos  from  an  Iranian  region. 

The  following  notes  may  serve  as  additional  information  to  my 
former  contribution.  Cou  Mi  M  $?  (1230-1320),  in  his  Ci  ya  fan  tsa 
c'ao  Jfe  3i  ^  H  &,  mentions  asbestine  stuffs  twice.4  In  one  passage 
he  relates  that  in  his  house  there  was  a  piece  of  fire-proof  cloth  (hwo 
hwan  pu)  over  a  foot  long,  which  his  maternal  grandfather  had  once 
obtained  in  Ts'uan  Cou  ^  /HI  (Fu-kien  Province).8  Visitors  to  his  house 
were  entertained  by  the  experiment  of  placing  it  on  the  fire  of  a  brazier. 
Subsequently  Cao  Mon-i  Jfi  j£  HI  borrowed  it  from  him,  but  never 
returned  it.  In  the  other  text  he  quotes  a  certain  Ho  Ts'in-fu  9  ?ra  5fe 
to  the  effect  that  fire-proof  cloth  is  said  to  represent  the  fibres  of  the 
mineral  coal  of  northern  China,  burnt  and  woven,  but  not  the  hair  of 
the  fire-rodent  (salamander).  This  is  accompanied  by  the  comment 
that  coal  cannot  be  wrought  into  fibres,  but  that  now  pu-hwei-mu 
^F  K  ^C  (a  kind  of  asbestos)  is  found  in  Pao-tin  (Ci-li).6  A  brief  notice 
of  asbestos  is  inserted  in  the  Ko  ku  yao  lun,7  where  merely  the  old  fables 
are  reiterated.  Information  on  the  asbestos  of  Ci-li  Province  will  be 

1  Qazwlnl  adds  to  this  passage,  "even  if  left  in  fire  for  several  days." 

2  Qazwlnl  speaks  in  general  of  charlatans. 

3  Iran  im  Mittelalter,  p.  214. 

4  Ch.  A,  p.  20  b;  and  Ch.  B,  p.  25  b  (ed.  of  Yue  ya  fail  ts'un  Su). 

5  This  locality  renders  it  almost  certain  that  this  specimen  belonged  to  those 
imported  by  the  Arabs  into  China  during  the  middle  ages  (p.  331  of  my  article). 
The  asbestos  of  Mosul  is  already  mentioned  in  the  Lin  wai  tai  ta  (Ch.  3,  p.  4). 

6  The  term  pu-hwei-mu  ("wood  burning  without  ashes,  incombustible  wood") 
appears  as  early  as  the  Sung  period  in  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao  (Ch.  5,  p.  35):  it  comes 
from  San- tan  (south-east  portion  of  San-si  and  part  of  Ho-nan),  and  is  now  found 
in  the  Tse-lu  mountains  g|  $$  jlj .    It  is  a  kind  of  stone,  of  green  and  white  color, 
looking  like  rotten  wood,  and  cannot  be  consumed  by  fire.   Some  call  it  the  root  of 
soapstone. 

7  Ch.  8,  p.  4  (ed.  of  Si  yin  Man  ts'ufi  $u).   In  Ch.  7,  p.  17,  there  is  a  notice  on 
pu-hwei-mu  stone,  stated  to  be  a  product  of  Tse-2ou  and  Lu-iian  in  San-si,  and  em- 
ployed for  lamps. 


PERSIAN  TEXTILES — ASBESTOS  501 

found  in  the  Kifu  t'un  ci,1  on  asbestos  of  Se-c'wan  in  the  Se  c'wan  fun  ci.2 
In  the  eighteenth  century  the  Chinese  noticed  asbestos  among  the 
Portuguese  of  Macao,  but  the  article  was  rarely  to  be  found  i^i  the 
market.3  Hanzo  Murakami  discusses  asbestos  (^  $8,  " stone  cotton") 
as  occurring  in  the  proximity  of  Kin-cou  4zt  $H  in  Sen-kin,  Manchuria.4 

In  regard  to  the  salamander, FRANCiSQUE-MiCHEL5  refers  to  "Tradi- 
tions teYatologiques  de  Berger  de  Xivrey"  (Paris,  Imprimerie  royale, 
1836,  pp.  457,  458,  460,  463)  and  to  an  article  of  Duchalais  entitled 
"L'Apollon  sauroctone"  (Revue  archeologique,  Vol.  VI,  1850,  pp.  87-90) ; 
further  to  Mahudel  in  Mimoires  de  litterature  tires  des  registres  de 
V Academic  royale  des  inscriptions  et  belles-lettres,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  634-647. 
Quoting  several  examples  of  salamander  stuff  from  mediaeval  romances, 
Francisque-Michel  remarks,  "Ces  £tofles  en  poil  de  salamandre,  qui 
vraisemblablement  e*taient  passers  des  fables  des  marchands  dans  celles 
des  poetes,  venaient  de  loin,  comme  ceux  qui  avaient  par  la  beau  jeu 
pour  mentir.  On  en  faisait  aussi  des  manteaux;  du  moins  celui  de 
dame  Jafite,  du  Roman  de  Gui  le  Gallois,  en  6tait." 

No  one  interested  in  this  subject  should  fail  to  read  chapter  LII  of 
book  III  of  Rabelais'  Le  Gargantua  et  Le  Pantagruel,  entitled  "Comment 
doibt  estre  prepare  et  mis  en  ceuvre  le  celebre  Pantagruelion." 

77.  The  word  "drugget,"  spelled  also  droggitt,  drogatt,  druggit  (Old  French 
droguet,  Spanish  droguete,  Italian  droghetto)  is  thus  defined  in  the  new  Oxford  English 
Dictionary:  "Ulterior  origin  unknown.  Littre"  suggests  derivation  from  drogue 
drug  as  'a  stuff  of  little  value';  some  English  writers  have  assumed  a  derivation 
from  Drogheda  in  Ireland,  but  this  is  mere  wanton  conjecture,  without  any  histor- 
ical basis.  Formerly  kind  of  stuff,  all  of  wool,  or  mixed  of  wool  and  silk  or  wool  and 
linen,  used  for  wearing  apparel.  Now,  a  coarse  woollen  stuff  for  floor-coverings, 
table-cloths,  etc."  The  Century  Dictionary  says,  "There  is  nothing  to  show  a  con- 
nection with  drug." 

Our  lexicographers  have  overlooked  the  fact  that  the  same  word  occurs  also 
in  Slavic.  F.  MiKLOSicn6  has  indicated  a  Serbian  doroc  ("pallii  genus")  and  Magyar 
darocz  ("a  kind  of  coarse  cloth"),  but  neglected  to  refer  to  the  well-known  Russian 
word  dorogi  or  dorogi,  which  apparently  represents  the  source  of  the  West-European 
term.  The  latter  has  been  dealt  with  by  K.  INOSTRANTSEV7  in  a  very  interesting 

1  Ch.  74,  pp.  10  b,  13. 

2  Ch.  74,  p.  25. 

3  Ao-men  ci  lio,  Ch.  B,  p.  41. 

4  Journal  Geol.  Soc.  Tokyo,  Vol.  XXIII,  No.  276,  1916,  pp.  333-336.     The 
same  journal,  Vol.  XXV,  No.  294,  March,  1918,  contains  an  article  on  asbestos  in 
Japan  and  Korea  by  K.  OKADA. 

5  Recherches  sur  le  commerce,  la  fabrication  et  1'usage  des  e"toffes  de  soie,  d'or 
et  d'argent,  Vol.  II,  pp.  90,  462  (Paris,  1854). 

6Fremdworter  in  den  slavischen  Sprachen,  Denk.  Wiener  Akad.,  Vol.  XV, 
1867,  p.  84. 

7  Iz  istorii  starinnix  tkanei,  Zapiski  of  the  Russian  Arch.  Soc.,  Vol.  XIII,  1902, 
p.  084. 


502  SlNO-lRANICA 

study  on  the  history  of  some  ancient  textiles.  According  to  this  author,  the  dorogi 
of  the  Russians  were  striped  silken  fabrics,  which  came  from  Gilan,  Ka§an,  Kizylba§, 
Tur,  and  Yas  in  Persia.  DAL'  says  in  his  Russian  Dictionary  that  this  silk  was  some- 
times interwoven  with  gold  and  silver.  In  1844  VELTMAN  proposed  the  identity  of 
Russian  dorogi  with  the  Anglo-French  term.  BEREZIN  derived  it  from  Persian 
darddza  ("kaftan"),  which  is  rejected,  and  justly  so,  by  Inostrantsev.  On  his  part, 
he  connects  the  word  with  Persian  ddrdi  ("a  red  silken  stuff"),1  and  invokes  a 
passage  in  VESELOVSKI'S  "Monuments  of  Diplomatic  and  Commercial  Relations  of 
Moscovite  Rus  with  Persia,"  in  which  the  Persian  word  ddrdi  is  translated  by 
Russian  dorogi.  This  work  is  unfortunately  not  accessible  to  me,  so  I  cannot  judge 
the  merits  of  the  translation;  but  the  mere  fact  of  rendering  dorogi  by  ddrdi  would 
not  yet  prove  the  actual  derivation  of  the  former  from  the  latter.  For  philological 
reasons  this  theory  seems  to  me  improbable :  it  is  difficult  to  realize  that  the  Russians 
should  have  made  dorogi  out  of  a  Persian  ddrdi.  All  European  languages  have  con- 
sistently preserved  the  medial  g,  and  this  cannot  be  explained  from  ddrdi. 
Another  prototype  therefore,  it  seems  to  me,  comes  into  question;  and  this  probably 
is  Uigur  torgu,  Jagatai  torka,  Koibal  torga,  Mongol  torga(n),  all  with  the  meaning 
"silk."2  It  remains  to  search  for  the  Turkish  dialect  which  actually  transmitted 
the  word  to  Slavic. 

1  Mentioned,  for  instance,  in  the  list  of  silks  in  the  Ain-i  Akbari  (BLOCHMANN'S 
translation,  Vol.  I,  p.  94). 

2  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  489. 


IRANIAN  MINERALS,  METALS,  AND  PRECIOUS  STONES 

78.  Pf  &r  hu-lOj  *%u-lak,  perhaps  also  *fu-lak,  *fu-rak,  a  product  of 
Persia,1  which  is  unexplained.    In  my  opinion,  this  word  may  cor- 
respond to  a  Middle  Persian  *furak  =  New  Persian  burak,  bura,  Arme- 
nian porag  ("borax")-  Although  I  am  not  positive  about  this  identifica- 
tion, I  hope  that  the  following  notes  on  borax  will  be  welcome.    It  is 
well  known  that  Persia  and  Tibet  are  the  two  great  centres  supplying 
the  world-market  with  borax.   The  ancient  Chinese  were  familiar  with 
this  fact,  for  in  the  article  on  Po-se  (Persia)  the  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki2 
states  that  "the  soil  has  salty  lakes,  which  serve  the  people  as  a  substi- 
tute for  salt"  (*&  1f  $8  M  A  K  5S  B£).  Our  own  word  "borax"  (the  x  is 
due  to  Spanish,  now  written  borraj)  comes  from  Persian,  having  been 
introduced  into  the  Romanic  languages  about  the  ninth  century  by 
the  Arabs.   Russian  burd  was  directly  transmitted  from  Persia.    Like- 
wise our  "tincal,  tincar"   (a  crude  borax  found  in  lake-deposits  of 
Persia  and  Tibet)  is  derived  from  Persian  tinkar,  tankdlf  or  tangdr, 
Sanskritized  tankana,  tanka,  tanga,  tagara;*  Malayan  tingkal;  Kirgiz 
danakar,  Osmanli  tangar.5   Another  Persian  word  that  belongs  to  this 
category,  $ora  ("nitre,  saltpetre"),  has  been  adopted  by  the  Tibetans 
in  the  same  form  $o-ra,  although  they  possess  also  designations  of  their 
own,  ze-ts*wa,  ba-ts'wa  ("cow's  salt"),  and  ts'a-la.   The  Persian  word  is 
Sanskritized  into  soraka,  used  in  India  for  nitre,  saltpetre,  or  potassium 
nitrate.6 

79.  The  relation  of  Chinese  nao-$a  ("sal  ammoniac,  chloride  of 
sodium")7  to  Persian  nuSadir  or  nauSadir  is  rather  perspicuous;  never- 
theless it  has  been  asserted  also  that  the  Persian  word  is  derived  from 

1  Sui  su,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

2  Ch.  185,  p.  19. 

3  It  is  not  a  Tibetan  name,  as  supposed  by  ROEDIGER  and  POTT  (Z./.  K.  Morg., 
Vol.  IV,  p.  268). 

4  These  various  attempts  at  spelling  show  plainly  that  the  term  has  the  status 
of  a  loan-word,  and  that  the  Sanskrit  term  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  name  of  the 
people  who  may  have  supplied  the  product,  the  Tayyavoi  in  the  Himalaya  of 
Ptolemy   (YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  923).    How  should  borax  be  found  in  the 
Himalaya ! 

5  KLAPROTH,  Me*moires  relatifs  a  TAsie,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  347. 

6  See,  further,  T'oung  Pao,  1914,  pp.  88-89. 

7  D.  HANBURY,  Science  Papers,  pp.  217,  276. 

503 


504  SlNO-lRANICA 

the  Chinese.  F.  DE  MELY*  argues  that  nao-$a  is  written  ideographically, 
and  that  the  text  of  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  adds,  "II  vient  de  la  province 
de  Chen-si;  on  le  tire  d'une  montagne  d'ott  il  sort  continuellement  des 
vapeurs  rouges  et  dangereuses  et  tres  difficile  £  aborder  par  rapport  a 
ces  m£mes  vapeurs.  II  en  vient  aussi  de  la  Tartarie,  on  le  tire  des 
plaines  ou  il  y  a  beaucoup  de  troupeaux,  de  la  meme  facon  que  le 
salpetre  de  houssage;  les  Tartares  et  gens  d'au  deU  de  la  Chine  salent 
les  viandes  avec  ce  sel."  Hence  F.  de  Mely  infers  that  the  Persians,  on 
their  part,  borrowed  from  the  Chinese  their  nao-$a,  to  which  they  added 
the  ending  dzer,  as  in  the  case  of  the  bezoar  styled  in  Persian  badzeher.2 
The  case,  however,  is  entirely  different.  The  term  nao-$a  is  written 
phonetically,  not  ideographically,  as  shown  by  the  ancient  transcription 
Hi  &  in  the  Sui  Annals  (see  below)  and  the  variant  $8  ffi  (properly 
nun-faj  but  indicated  with  the  pronunciation  nao-$a)  ;3  also  the  syno- 
nymes  ti  yen  3ft  IS  ("salt  of  the  barbarians")  and  Pei-t'in  la  4fc  J&fiP 
("ore  of  Pei-t'in,"  in  Turkistan),  which  appear  as  early  as  the  Sung 
period  in  the  T'u  kin  pen  ts'ao  of  Su  Sun,  allude  to  the  foreign  origin  of 
the  product.  The  term  is  thus  plainly  characterized  as  a  foreign  loan 
in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu.  This,  further,  is  brought  out  by  the  history  of 
the  subject.  The  word  is  not  found  in  any  ancient  Chinese  records. 
The  Chinese  learned  about  nao-$a  in  Sogdiana  and  Kuca  for  the  first 
time  during  the  sixth  century  A.D.  The  Pen  ts'ao  of  the  T'ang  period  is 
the  earliest  pharmacopoeia  that  mentions  it.  Su  Kun  IS  3^,  the  reviser 
of  this  work,  and  the  author  of  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts*ao,  know  of  but  one 
place  of  provenience,  the  country  of  the  Western  Zun  15  -?5c  (F.  de 
Mely's  "Tartary ").  It  is  only  Su  Sun  M  ®  of  the  Sung  period,  who 
in  his  T*u  kin  pen  ts'ao  remarks,  "At  present  it  occurs  also  in  Si-Han 
and  in  the  country  Hia  [Kan-su]  as  well  as  in  Ho-tufi  [San-si],  Sen-si, 
and  in  the  districts  of  the  adjoining  regions"  ^ffiiSJll32$.$f^ 
RBiE*ifflSI&3fr#£.  [note  the  additions  of  5*  "at  present"  and 
3F  "also"].  And  he  hastens  to  add,  "However  (#&),  the  pieces  coming 
from  the  Western  Zun  are  clear  and  bright,  the  largest  having  the  size 
of  a  fist  and  being  from  three  to  five  ounces  in  weight,  the  smallest 

1  L'Alchimie  chez  les  Chinois  (Journal  asiatique,  1895,  II,  p.  338)  and  Lapidaire 
chinois,  p.  LI. 

2  All  this  is  rather  lack  of  criticism  or  poor  philology.    The  Persian  word  in 
question  is  pdzahr,  literally  meaning  "antidote"  (see  below,  p.  525).  Neither  this 
word  nor  nusadir  has  an  ending  like  dzer,  and  there  is  no  analogy  between  the  two. 

8  According  to  the  Pie  pen  cu  JjJ'J  Hfc  £fe,  cited  in  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao  (Ch.  5, 
p.  10,  ed.  of  1587),  the  transcription  nun-la  should  represent  the  pronunciation  of 
the  Hu  people;  that  is,  Iranians.  Apparently  it  was  an  Iranian  dialectic  variation 
with  a  nasalized  vowel  u.  It  is  indicated  as  a  synonyme  of  nao-sa  in  the  Si  yao  er 
ya  of  the  T'ang  period  (see  Beginnings  of  Porcelain,  p.  115). 


IRANIAN  MINERALS — SAL  AMMONIAC  505 

reaching  the  size  of  a  finger  and  being  used  for  medical  purposes."1 
It  is  accordingly  the  old  experience  that  the  Chinese,  as  soon  as  they 
became  acquainted  with  a  foreign  product,  searched  for  it  on  their  own 
soil,  and  either  discovered  it  there,  or  found  a  convenient  substitute. 
In  this  case,  Su  Sun  plainly  indicates  that  the  domestic  substitute  was 
of  inferior  quality;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  was  not  sal 
ammoniac,  which  is  in  fact  not  found  in  China,  but,  as  has  been  demon- 
strated by  D.  HANBURY,2  chloride  of  sodium.  As  early  as  the  eighteenth 
century  it  was  stated  by  M.  COLLASS  that  no  product  labelled  nao-$a 
in  Peking  had  any  resemblance  to  our  sal  ammoniac. 

H.  E.  SxAPLETON,4  author  of  a  very  interesting  study  on  the  employ- 
ment of  sal  ammoniac  in  ancient  chemistry,  has  hazarded  an  etymo- 
logical speculation  as  to  the  term  nao-$a.  Persian  nutddur  appears  to 
him  to  be  the  Chinese  word  nau-$a,  suffixed  by  the  Persian  word  dam 
("medicine"),5  and  the  Sanskrit  navasdra  would  also  seem  to  be  simply 
the  Chinese  name  in  a  slightly  altered  form.  H.  E.  Stapleton  is  a 
chemist,  not  a  philologist;  it  therefore  suffices  to  say  that  these  specu- 
lations, as  well  as  his  opinion  "that  the  syllables  nau-$a  appear  to  be 
capable  of  complete  analysis  into  Chinese  roots,"6  are  impossible. 

The  Hindustani  name  can  by  no  means  come  into  question  as  the 
prototype  of  the  Chinese  term,  as  proposed  by  F.  P.  SMITH7  and  T. 
WATTERS;S  for  the  Chinese  transcription  was  framed  as  early  as  the 
sixth  century  A.D.,  when  Hindustani  was  not  yet  in  existence.  The 
Hindustani  is  simply  a  Persian  loan-word  of  recent  date,  as  is 
likewise  Neo-Sanskrit  naiqadala;  while  Sanskrit  navasdra,  navasddara, 
or  narasdra,  the  vacillating  spelling  of  which  betrays  the  character 
of  a  loan-word,  is  traceable  to  a  more  ancient  Iranian  form  (see 
below) . 

In  the  Sui  $u*  we  meet  the  term  in  the  form  tfi  ffi  nao-$a,  stated  to 

1  See  also  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i,  Ch.  6,  p.  4  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

2  Science  Papers,  pp.  217,  276. 

3  Me"moires  concernant  les  Chinois,  Vol.  XI,  1786,  p.  330. 

4  Sal  Ammoniac:    a  Study  in  Primitive  Chemistry  (Memoirs  As.  Soc.  Bengal, 
Vol.  I,  1905,  pp.  40-41). 

5  He  starts  from  the  popular  etymology  nus  daru  ("life-giving   medicine"), 
which,  of  course,  is  not  to  be  taken  seriously. 

6  Even  if  this  were  the  case,  it  would  not  tend  to  prove  that  the  word  is  of 
Chinese  origin.  As  is  now  known  to  every  one,  there  is  nothing  easier  to  the  Chinese 
than  to  transcribe  a  foreign  word  and  to  choose  such  characters  as  will  convey  a 
certain  meaning. 

7  Contributions  toward  the  Materia  Medica  of  China,  p.  190. 

8  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  350. 

9  Ch.  83,  pp.  4  b  and  5  b. 


506  SlNO-lRANICA 

be  a  product  of  K'ari  (Sogdiana)  and  Kuca.1  The  fact  that  this  tran- 
scription is  identical  with  fiS  we  recognize  from  the  parallel  passage  in 
the  Pel  Si,2  where  it  is  thus  written.  The  text  of  the  Sui  Annals  with 
reference  to  Iranian  regions  offers  several  such  unusual  modes  of 
writing,  where  the  Pei  Si  has  the  simple  types  subsequently  adopted  as 
the  standard.  The  variation  of  the  Sui  Annals,  at  all  events,  demon- 
strates that  the  question  is  of  reproducing  a  foreign  word;  and,  since 
it  hails  from  Sogdiana,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  a  word  of  the 
Sogdian  language  of  the  type  *navsa  or  *naf  sa  (cf .  Sanskrit  navasara, 
Armenian  navt*,  Greek  va(j>6a);  Persian  naSddir,  nuSddir,  nauSadir, 
nauSddur,  noSddur,  being  a  later  development.  It  resulted  also 
in  Russian  nuSatyr.  In  my  opinion,  the  Sogdian  word  is  related 
to  Persia  neft  ("naphta"),  which  may  belong  to  Avestan  napta 

("moist").3 

Tribute-gifts  of  nao-Sa  are  not  infrequently  mentioned  in  the  Chinese 
Annals.  In  A.D.  932,  Wan  Zen-mei  3:  iH  H,  Khan  of  the  Uigur,  pre- 
sented to  the  Court  among  other  objects  ta-p'en  Sa  (" borax")4  and  sal 
ammoniac  (kan  So).6  In  A.D.  938  Li  Sen-wen  $  H  3C,  king  of  Khotan, 
offered  nao-Sa  and  ta-p'en  Sa  ("borax")  to  the  Court;  and  in  A.D.  959 
jade  and  nao-Sa  were  sent  by  the  Uigur.6  The  latter  event  is  recorded 
also  in  the  Kin  Wu  Tai  Si,7  where  the  word  is  written  ffl  #J%  pho- 
netically kan-Sa,  but  apparently  intended  only  as  a  graphic  variant 
for  nao-Sa*  The  same  work  ascribes  sal  ammoniac  (written  in  the  same 
manner)  to  the  T'u-fan  (Tibetans)  and  the  Tafi-hian  (a  Tibetan  tribe 
in  the  Kukunor  region).9  In  the  T'ang  period  the  substance  was  well 

1  According  to  Masudi  (BARBIER  DE  MEYNARD,  Les  Prairies  d'or,  Vol.  I,  p.  347), 
sal-ammoniac  mines  were  situated  in  Soghd,  and  were  passed  by  the  Moham- 
medan merchants  travelling  from  Khorasan  into  China.    KuSa  still  yields  sal  am- 
moniac (A.  N.  KUROPATKIN,  Kashgaria,  pp.  27,  35,  76).    This  fact  is  also  noted  in 
the  Hui  k'ian  ci  (Ch.  2),  written  about  1772  by  two  Majichu  officials,  Fusamb6 
and  Surde,  who  locate  the  mine  45  li  west  of  Kuca  in  the  Sartatsi  Mountains,  and 
mention  a  red  and  white  variety  of  sal  ammoniac.    Cf.  also  M.  REINAUD,  Relation 
des  voyages  faits  par  les  Arabes  et  les  Persans  dans  1'Inde  et  a  la  Chine,  Vol.  I, 

p.   CLXIII. 

2  Ch.  97,  p.  12. 

3  Cf.  P.  HORN,  Neupersische  Etymologic,  No.  1035;  H.  HUBSCHMANN,  Persische 
Studien,  p.  101,  and  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  100. 

4  As  I  have  shown  on  a  former  occasion   (T'oung  Pao,  1914,  p.  88),  Chinese 
p'en  (*bun)  is  a  transcription  of  Tibetan  bul. 

5  Ts'efu  yuan  kwei,  Ch.  972,  p.  19. 

6  Wu  Tai  hui  yao,  Chs.  28,  p.  10  b;  and  Ch.  29,  p.  13  b  (ed.  of  Wu  yin  lien). 

7  Ch.  138,  p.  3. 

8  The  character  kan  is  not  listed  in  K'an-hi's  Dictionary. 

9  Ch.  138,  pp.  i  b,  3  a. 


IRANIAN  MINERALS — SAL  AMMONIAC  507 

known.  The  Si  yao  er  yal  gives  a  number  of  synonymes  of  Chinese 
origin,  as  kin  tsei  &  B$,  c*i  $a3$~$  ("red  gravel")?  P™  h™  Kin  &  M 
$&  ("essence  of  the  white  sea"). 

Sal  ammoniac  is  found  in  Dimindan  in  the  province  of  Kirman. 
Yaqut  (1179-1229)  gives  alter  Ibn  al-Faqih  (tenth  century)  a  descrip- 
tion of  how  nuSadir  is  obtained  there,  which  in  the  translation  of  C. 

B ARBIER  DE  MEYNARD2  HinS  as  f olloWS  I 

"Cette  substance  se  trouve  principalement  dans  une  montagne 
nommee  Donbawend,  dont  la  hauteur  est  eValuee  a  3  farsakhs.  Cette 
montagne  est  a  7  farsakhs  de  la  ville  de  Guwasir.  On  y  voit  une  caverne 
profonde  d'oti.  s'£chappent  des  mugissements  semblables  a  ceux  des 
vagues  et  une  fume'e  epaisse.  Lorsque  cette  vapeur,  qui  est  le  principe 
du  sel  ammoniac,  s'est  attache'e  aux  parois  de  1'orifice,  et  qu'une  certaine 
quantite  s'est  solidifiee,  les  habitants  de  la  ville  et  des  environs  viennent 
la  recueillir,  une  fois  par  mois  ou  tous  les  deux  mois.  Le  sulthan  y  envoie 
des  agents  qui,  la  re"colte  faite,  en  prel event  le  cinquieme  pour  le  tr£sor; 
les  habitants  se  partagent  le  reste  par  la  voie  du  sort.  Ce  sel  est  celui 
qu'on  expedie  dans  tous  les  pays." 

Ibn  Haukal  describes  the  mines  of  Setrus'teh  thus:3  "The  mines 
of  sal  ammoniac  are  in  the  mountains,  where  there  is  a  certain  cavern, 
from  which  a  vapor  issues,  appearing  by  day  like  smoke,  and  by  night 
like  fire.  Over  the  spot  whence  the  vapor  issues,  they  have  erected  a 
house,  the  doors  and  windows  of  which  are  kept  so  closely  shut  and 
plastered  over  with  clay  that  none  of  the  vapor  can  escape.  On  the 
upper  part  of  this  house  the  copperas  rests.  When  the  doors  are  to  be 
opened,  a  swiftly-running  man  is  chosen,  who,  having  his  body  covered 
over  with  clay,  opens  the  door;  takes  as  much  as  he  can  of  the  copperas, 
and  runs  off;  if  he  should  delay,  he  would  be  burnt.  This  vapor  comes 
forth  in  different  places,  from  time  to  time;  when  it  ceases  to  issue  from 
one  place,  they  dig  in  another  until  it  appears,  and  then  they  erect  that 
kind  of  house  over  it;  if  they  did  not  erect  this  house,  the  vapor  would 
burn,  or  evaporate  away." 

Taxes  are  still  paid  in  this  district  with  sal  ammoniac.  Abu  Mansur 
sets  forth  its  medicinal  properties.4 

1  See  Beginnings  of  Porcelain  (this  volume,  p.  115). 

2  Dictionnaire  g6ographique  de  la  Perse,  p.  235  (Paris,  1861).    Jbn  al-Faqlh's 
text  is  translated  by  P.  SCHWARZ  (Iran  im  Mittelalter,  p.  252).    According  to  Ibn 
Haukal  (W.  OUSELEY,  Oriental  Geography  of  Ebn  Haukal,  p.  233),  sal-ammoniac 
mines  were  located  in  Maweralnahr  (Transoxania). 

3  W.  OUSELEY,  op.  cit.,  p.  264. 

4  ACHUNDOW,   Abu   Mansur,   p.    144. — ABEL-REMUSAT   (Melanges  asiatiques, 
Vol.  I,  p.  209,  1825),  translating  from  the  Japanese  edition  of  the  cyclopaedia  San 
ts'ai  Vu  hui,  gave  the  following  interesting  account:  "Le  sel  nomine"  (en  chinois) 


508  SlNO-lRANICA 

The  Tibetans  appear  to  have  received  sal  ammoniac  from  India,  as 
shown  at  least  by  their  term  rgya  ts'wa  ("Indian  salt"),  literally  trans- 
lated into  Mongol  Anatkak  dabusu.  Mongol  Andtkak  is  a  reproduction 
of  Chinese  *In-duk-kwok  (" country  of  India").  The  informants  of 
M.  CoLLAS1  stated  that  the  nao-$a  of  the  Peking  shops  came  from  Tibet 
or  adjacent  places.  Lockhart  received  in  Peking  the  information  that 
it  is  brought  from  certain  volcanic  springs  in  Se-6'wan  and  in  Tibet.* 

80.  *  te  fll  vni-fo-sen,  *m'it(m'ir) -da-sari,  and  8  £  ft  mu-to- 
seh,  *mut(mur)-ta-san,  litharge,  dross  of  lead,  is  an  exact  reproduction 
of  Persian  mirdasang  or  murdasang  of  the  same  meaning.3  Both  tran- 
scriptions are  found  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  of  the  T'ang  dynasty,  written 
about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century.4  Therefore  we  are  entitled  to 
extend  the  Persian  word  into  the  period  of  Middle  Persian.  Su  Kuh, 
the  reviser  of  the  T'an  pen  ts'ao,  states  expressly  that  both  mi-t'o  and 
mu-to  are  words  from  the  language  of  the  Hu  or  Iranians  ($J  !f  -&), 
and  that  the  substance  comes  from  or  is  produced  in  Persia,  being  in 
shape  like  the  teeth  of  the  yellow  dragon,  but  stronger  and  heavier; 
there  is  also  some  of  white  color  with  veins  as  in  Yun-nan  marble.  Su 
Sun  of  the  Sung  period  says  that  then  ("at  present")  it  was  also  found 

nao-cha  (en  persan  nouchader)  et  aussi  sel  de  Tartarie,  sel  volatil,  se  tire  de  deux 
montagnes  volcaniques  de  la  Tartarie  centrale;  1'une  est  le  volcan  de  Tourfan,  qui 
a  donne"  a  cette  ville  (ou  pour  mieux  dire  a  une  ville  qui  est  situe"e  a  trois  lieues  de 
Tourfan,  du  cdte"  de  Test)  le  nom  de  Ho-tcheou,  ville  de  feu;  1'autre  est  la  montagne 
Blanche,  dans  le  pays  de  Bisch-balikh;  ces  deux  montagnes  jettent  continuellement 
des  flammes  et  de  la  fume"e.  II  y  a  des  cavity's  dans  lesquelles  se  ramasse  un  liquide 
verdatre.  Expose"  a  1'air,  ce  liquide  se  change  en  un  sel,  qui  est  le  nao-cha.  Les 
gens  du  pays  le  recueillent  pour  s'en  servir  dans  la  preparation  des  cuirs.  Quant  a 
la  montagne  de  Tourfan,  on  en  voit  continuellement  sortir  une  colonne  de  fum^e; 
cette  fume"e  est  remplace'e  le  soir  par  une  flamme  semblable  a  celle  d'un  flambeau. 
Les  oiseaux  et  les  autres  animaux,  qui  en  sont  e"clair6s,  paraissent  de  couleur  rouge. 
On  appelle  cette  montagne  le  Mont-de-Feu.  Pour  aller  chercher  le  nao-cha,  on  met 
des  sabots,  car  des  semelles  de  cuir  seraient  trop  vite  brule"es.  Les  gens  du  pays 
recueillent  aussi  les  eaux-meres  qu'ils  font  bouillir  dans  des  chaudieres,  et  ils  en 
retirent  le  sel  ammoniac,  sous  la  forme  de  pains  semblables  a  ceux  du  sel  commun. 
Le  nao-cha  le  plus  blanc  est  repute"  le  meilleur;  la  nature  de  ce  sel  est  tres-p6n6trante. 
On  le  tient  suspendu  dans  une  poele  au-dessus  du  feu  pour  le  rendre  bien  sec;  on  y 
ajoute  du  gingembre  pour  le  conserver.  Expose"  au  froid  ou  a  rhumidite",  il  tombe  en 
deliquescence,  et  se  perd."  Wan  Yen-te,  who  in  A.D.  981  was  sent  by  the  Chinese 
emperor  to  the  ruler  of  Kao-c"fan,  was  the  first  to  give  an  account  of  the  sal-ammoniac 
mountain  of  Turkistan  (BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  II,  p.  190). 
See  also  F.  DE  MELY,  Lapidaire  chinois,  p.  140;  W.  SCHOTT,  Zur  Uigurenfrage,  II, 
p.  45  (Abh.  Berl.  Akad.,  1875)  and  Ueber  ein  chinesisches  Mengwerk  (ibid.,  1880, 
p.  6) ;  GEERTS,  Produits,  p.  322. 

1  Me"moires  concernant  les  Chinois,  Vol.  XI,  p.  331. 

2  D.  HANBURY,  Science  Papers,  p.  277. 

3  Cf.  HUBSCHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  270. 

4  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  4,  p.  31;  and  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  8,  p.  8  b. 


IRANIAN  MINERALS — LITHARGE,  GOLD  509 

in  the  silver  and  copper  foundries  of  Kwan-tun  and  Fu-kien.  It  is 
further  mentioned  briefly  in  the  Pen  ts*ao  yen  i  of  IH6,1  which  maintains 
that  the  kind  with  a  color  like  gold  is  the  best. 

According  to  Yaqut,  mines  of  antimony,  known  under  the  name 
razit  litharge,  lead,  and  vitriol,  were  in  the  environs  of  Donbawend  or 
Demawend  in  the  province  of  Kirman.2  In  the  Persian  pharmacopoeia 
of  Abu  Mansur,  the  medicinal  properties  of  litharge  are  described  under 
the  Arabicized  name  murddsanj,  to  which  he  adds  the  synonymous  term 
murtak?  Pegoletti,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  gives  the  word  with  a 
popular  etymology  as  morda  sangue*  The  Dictionary  of  Four  Lan- 
guages5 correlates  Chinese  mi-t'o-sen  with  Tibetan  gser-zil  (literally, 
"gold  brightness  ")>6  Manchu  for  can,  and  Mongol  jildunur.7 

81.  PALLADIUSS  offers  a  term  3?t  Hf  &  tse-mo  kin  with  the  meaning 
"gold  from  Persia,"  no  source  for  it  being  cited.  In  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan 
mu*  the  tse-mo  kin  of  Po-se  (Persia)  is  given  as  the  first  in  a  series  of 
five  kinds  of  gold  of  foreign  countries,10  without  further  explanation. 
The  term  occurs  also  in  Buddhist  literature:  CHAVANNESU  has  found  it 
in  the  text  of  a  Jataka,  where  he  proposes  as  hypothetical  translation, 
"un  amas  d'or  raffine*  rouge."  It  therefore  seems  to  be  unknown  what 
the  term  signifies,  although  a  special  kind  of  gold  or  an  alloy  of  gold  is 
apparently  intended.  The  Swi  kin  cu  &  M  ffi12  says  that  the  first 
quality  of  gold,  according  to  Chinese  custom,  is  styled  tse-mo  kin 
(written  as  above);  according  to  the  custom  of  the  barbarians,  how- 
ever, yan-mai  SI  31.  From  this  it  would  appear  that  tse-mo  is  a  Chinese 
term,  not  a  foreign  one. 

1  Ch.  5,  p.  6  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

2  BARBIER  DE  MEYNARD,  op.  tit.,  p.  237. 

3  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  139.     This  form  goes  back  to  Middle  Persian 
murtak  or  martak. 

4  YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  167. 

5  Ch.  22,  p.  71. 

6  JAESCHKE,  in  his  Tibetan  Dictionary,  was  unable  to  explain  this  term. 

7  KOVALEVSKI,   in  his    Mongol    Dictionary,   explains  this  word  wrongly  by 
"mica." 

8  Chinese-Russian  Dictionary,  Vol.  II,  p.  203. 

9  Ch.  8,  p.  i  b. 

10  The  four  others  are,  the  dark  gold  of  the  eastern  regions,  the  red  gold  of 
Lin-yi,  the  gold  of  the  Si-zun,  and  the  gold  of  Can-6'en  (Camboja).   The  five  kinds 
of  foreign  gold  are  mentioned  as  early  as  the  tenth  century  in  the  Pao  ts'an  lun 

s  mm. 

11  Fables  et  contes  de  1'Inde,  in  Actes  du  XIV6  Congres  des  Orientalistes, 
Vol.  I,  1905,  p.  103. 

12  Ch.  36,  p.  18  b  (ed.  Wu-6'an,  1877).     See  p.  622. 


510  SlNO-lRANICA 


The  Ko  ku  yao  lun1  has  a  notice  of  tse  kin  $£  &  ("purple  gold") 
as  follows:  "The  ancients  say  that  the  pan-Han  3r  M  money2  is  tse 
kin.  The  people  of  the  present  time  make  it  by  mixing  copper  with 
gold,  but  our  contemporaries  have  not  yet  seen  genuine  tse  kin." 
The  same  alloy  is  mentioned  as  a  product  of  Ma-k'o-se-li  in  the 
Tao  i  ci  lio,  written  in  1349  by  Wan  Ta-yuan.3  I  am  not  sure,  of 
course,  that  this  tse  kin  is  identical  with  tse-mo  kin. 

In  the  same  manner  as  the  Chinese  speak  of  foreign  gold,  they  also 
offer  a  series  of  foreign  silver.  There  are  four  kinds;  namely,  silver  of 
Sin-ra  (in  Korea),  silver  of  Po-se  (Persia),  silver  of  Lin-yi,  and  silver 
of  Yiin-nan.  Both  gold  and  silver  are  enumerated  among  the  products 
of  Sasanian  Persia.  The  Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao  cites  the  Nan  ytie  ci  of  the 
fifth  century  to  the  effect  that  the  country  Po-se  possesses  a  natural 
silver-dust  HI  Iff  ,  employed  as  a  remedy,  and  that  remedies  are  tested 
by  means  of  finger-rings.4  Whether  Persia  is  to  be  understood  here 
seems  doubtful  to  me.  Gold-dust  is  especially  credited  to  the  country 
of  the  Arabs.5 

82.  5fi$&  yen-lii  ("the  green  of  salt,"  various  compositions  with 
copper-oxide)  is  mentioned  as  a  product  of  Sasanian  Persia6  and  of 
Ku6a.7  Su  Kun  of  the  T'ang  (seventh  century)  points  it  out  as  a  product 
of  Karasar  (Yen-Si  35  iff)  ,  found  in  the  water  on  the  lower  surface  of 
stones.  Li  Sim,  who  wrote  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century, 
states  that  "it  is  produced  in  the  country  Po-se  (Persia)  adhering  to 
stones,  and  that  the  kind  imported  on  ships  is  called  U'-lil  35  l$Cthe 
green  of  the  stone  ')  ;  its  color  is  resistant  for  a  long  time  without  chang- 
ing; the  imitation  made  in  China  from  copper  and  vinegar  must  not 
be  employed  in  the  pharmacopoeia,  nor  does  it  retain  its  color  long." 
Li  Si-cen  employs  the  term  "green  salt  of  Po-se."8  The  substance  was 
employed  as  a  remedy  in  eye-diseases. 

This  is  Persian  zingdr  (Arabic  zinjar),  described  in  the  stone-book 
of  Pseudo-  Aristotle  as  a  stone  extracted  from  copper  or  brass  by  means 

1  Ch.  6,  p.  12  b. 

2  See  Beginnings  of  Porcelain,  p.  83. 

3  ROCKHILL,  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  p.  622. 

4  Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  4,  p.  23. 
6  Ibid.,  Ch.  4,  p.  21  b. 

6  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

7  £ou  Su,  Ch.  50,  p.  5;  Sui  Su,  Ch.  83,  p.  5  b. 

8  Cf.  also  GEERTS,  Produits,  p.  634;  F.  DE  M£LY,  Lapidaire  chinois,  pp.  134, 
243.  According  to  Geerts,  the  term  is  applied  in  Japan  to  acetate  of  copper,  formerly 
imported,  but  now  prepared  in  the  country. 


IRANIAN  MINERALS — COPPER-OXIDES,  SALT,  ZINC  511 

of  vinegar,  and  employed  as  an  ingredient  in  many  remedies  for  eye- 
diseases.1 

83.  The  Emperor  Yafi  (A.D.  605-616)  of  the  Sui  dynasty,  after 
his  succession  to  the  throne,  despatched  Tu  Han-man  tt  fi1  Sf  to  the 
Western  Countries.    He  reached  the  kingdom  of  Nan  3c  (Bukhara), 
obtained  manicolored  salt  (wu  se  yen),  and  returned.2    Istaxri  relates 
that  in  the  district  of  Darabejird  there  are  mountains  of  white,  yellow, 
green,  black,  and  red  salts;  the  salt  in  other  regions  originates  from  the 
interior  of  the  earth  or  from  water  which  forms  crystals;  this,  however, 
is  salt  from  mountains  which  are  above  the  ground.   Ibn  Haukal  adds 
that  this  salt  occurs  in  all  possible  colors.3 

The  Pei  hu  In*  distinguishes  red,  purple,  black,  blue,  and  yellow 
salts.  C*i  yen  ffi  IS  ("red  salt ")  like  vermilion,  and  white  salt  like  jade, 
are  attributed  to  Kao-c'aii  (Turf an).5  Black  salt  (hei  yen)  was  a  product 
of  the  country  Ts'ao  (Jaguda)  north  of  the  Ts'un-lin.6  It  is  likewise 
attributed  to  southern  India.7  These  colored  salts  may  have  been  im- 
pure salt  or  minerals  of  a  different  origin. 

84.  lift  ^  t'ou-$i  is  mentioned  as  a  metallic  product  of  Sasanian 
Persia  (enumerated  with  gold,  silver,  copper,  pin,  iron,  and  tin)  in  the 
Sui  $u.8  It  is  further  cited  as  a  product  of  Nu  kwo,  the  Women's  Realm 
south  of  the  Ts'uii-liii;9  of  A-lo-yi-lo  K  it  $*  H  in  the  north  of  Udcji- 
yana,10  and  of  the  Arabs  (Ta-si).11   Huan  Tsafi's  Memoirs  contain  the 
term  three  times,  once  as  a  product  found  in  the  soil  of  northern  India 
(together  with  gold,  silver,  copper,  and  iron) ,  and  twice  as  a  material 
from  which  Buddhist  statues  were  made.12    According  to  the  Kin  Pu 

1  J.  RUSKA,  Steinbuch  des  Aristoteles,  p.   182;  and  Steinbuch  des  Qazwlnl, 
p.  25. 

2  Sui  Su,  Ch.  83,  p.  4  b. 

3  P.  SCHWARZ,  Iran,  p.  95. 

4  Ch.  2,  p.  ii  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 

6  Sui  su,  Ch.  83,  p.  3  b.  In  the  T'ai  p"in  hwan  yu  ki  (Ch.  180,  p.  n  b)  the  same 
products  are  assigned  to  Ku-§i  J|L  flljj  (Turf an). 

6  Sui  su,  Ch.  83,  p.  8. 

7  ran  su,  Ch.  221  A,  p.  10  b. 
*  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

9  T'ai  p*in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  186,  p.  9. 

10  Ibid.,  p.  12  b. 

11  Ibid.,  p.  15  b. 

12  Cf.  S.  JULIEN,  M6moires  sur  les  contre"es  occidentales,  Vol.  I,  pp.  37,  189, 
354.    Julien  is  quite  right  in  translating  the  term  by  laiton  ("brass").    PALLADIUS 
(Chinese-Russian  Dictionary,  Vol.  II,  p.  16)  explains  it  as  "brass  with  admixture  of 
lead,  possessing  attractive  power."    The  definition  of  Giles  ("rich  ore  brought 
from  Persia  supposed  to  be  an  ore  of  gold  and  copper,  or  bronze")  is  inexact.    T*ou- 


512  SlNO-lRANICA 

swi  Si  ki  M  ®  J^  fff  H,  written  in  the  sixth  century,  the  needles  used 
by  women  on  the  festival  of  the  seventh  day  of  the  seventh  month1 
were  made  of  gold,  silver,  or  Vou-U.2  Under  the  T'ang,  t*ou-$i  was  an 
officially  adopted  alloy,  being  employed,  for  instance,  for  the  girdles  of 
the  officials  of  the  eighth  and  ninth  grades.3  It  was  sent  as  tribute 
from  Iranian  regions;  for  instance,  in  A.D.  718,  from  Maimargh  (north- 
west of  Samarkand).4 

The  Ko  ku  yao  lun  states,  "  T*ou-$i  is  the  essence  of  natural  copper. 
At  present  zinc-bloom  is  smelted  to  make  counterfeit  t* ou.  According  to 
Ts'ui  Fail  -S  B#,  one  catty  of  copper  and  one  catty  of  zinc-bloom  will 
yield  Vou-li.  The  genuine  /' ou  is  produced  in  Persia.  It  looks  like  gold, 
and,  when  fired,  assumes  a  red  color  which  will  never  turn  black." 
This  is  clearly  a  description  of  brass  which  is  mainly  composed  of  copper 
and  zinc.  Li  Si-Sen5  identifies  t*ou-$i  with  the  modern  term  hwan  fun 
("yellow  copper");  "that  is,  brass.  According  to  T'an  Ts'ui,6  Vou-U  is 
found  in  the  C'6-li  4  M  t'u-se  of  Yim-nan. 

The  Chinese  accounts  of  t*ou  or  t*ou-$i  agree  with  what  the  Persians 
and  Arabs  report  about  tutiya.  It  was  in  Persia  that  zinc  was  first  mined, 
and  utilized  for  a  new  copper  alloy,  brass.  Ibn  al-Faqih,  who  wrote 
about  A.D.  902,  has  left  a  description  of  the  zinc-mines  situated  in  a 
mountain  Dunbawand  in  the  province  of  Kirman.  The  ore  was  (and 
still  is)  a  government  monopoly.7  Jawbari,  who  wrote  about  1225,  has 
described  the  process  of  smelting.8  The  earliest  mention  of  the  term 
occurs  in  the  Arabic  stone-book  of  Pseudo-Aristotle  (ninth  century),9 
where  the  stone  tutiya  is  explained  as  belonging  to  the  stones  found  in 
mines,  with  numerous  varieties  which  are  white,  yellow,  and  green; 

Si  is  only  said  to  resemble  gold,  and  the  notion  that  brass  resembles  gold  turns  up  in 
all  Oriental  writers.  See  also  BEAL,  Records  of  the  Western  World,  Vol.  I,  p,  51; 
and  CHAVANNES  (T'oung  Pao,  1904,  p.  34),  who  likewise  accepts  the  only  admissible 
interpretation,  "brass." 

1  Cf.  W.  GRUBE,  Zur  Pekinger  Volkskunde,  p.  76;   J.  PRZYLUSKI,  T'oung  Pao, 
1914,  p.  215. 

2  P'ei  wen  yunfu,  Ch.  100  A,  p.  25. 

8  Jade,  p.  286;  cf.  also  Ta  T'an  leu  tien,  Ch.  8,  p.  22. 

4  CHAVANNES,  T'oung  Pao,  1904,  p.  34. 

5  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  8,  pp.  3  and  4.   Cf.  also  GEERTS,  Produits,  p.  575. 

6  Tien  hai  yu  hen  ci,  Ch.  2,  p.  3  b. 

7  P.  SCHWARZ,  Iran  im  Mittelalter,  p.  252. 

8G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  I'Extr^me-Orient,  p.  610  (cf.  also  pp.  225,  228; 
and  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  322). 

9J.  RUSKA,  Steinbuch  des  Aristoteles,  p.  175.  J.  BECKMANN  (Beytrage  zur 
Geschichte  der  Erfmdungen,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  388)  states  that  the  word  first  occurs  in 
Avicenna  of  the  eleventh  century. 


IRANIAN  MINERALS— ZINC  513 

the  quarries  are  located  on  the  shores  of  Hind  and  Sind.  This  is  prob- 
ably intended  for  vitriol  or  sulphate  of  copper.1 

In  Chinese  fou-&,  the  second  element  &"  ("stone")  does  not  form 
part  of  the  transcription;  the  term  means  simply  "t*ou  stone/'  and  t'ou 
(*tu)  reproduces  the  first  syllable  of  Persian  tutiya,  which,  on  the  basis 
of  the  Sui  Annals,  we  are  obliged  to  assign  also  to  the  Middle-Persian 
language.  To  derive  the  Chinese  word  from  Turkish  tujt  as  proposed 
by  WATTERS,2  and  accepted  without  criticism  by  HiRTH,3  is  utterly  im- 
possible. The  alleged  Turkish  word  occurs  only  in  Osmanli  and  other 
modern  dialects,  where  it  is  plainly  a  Persian  loan-word,  but  not  in 
Uigur,  as  wrongly  asserted  by  Hirth.  This  theory  seems  to  imply  that 
the  element  U  should  form  part  of  the  transcription;  this  certainly  is 
out  of  the  question,  as  5  represents  ancient  *sek  or  *sak,  *zak,  and 
could  not  reproduce  a  palatal.  For  the  rest,  the  Chinese  records  point 
to  Iran,  not  to  the  Turks,  who  had  no  concern  whatever  with  the 
whole  business.4  Two  variations  of  the  Persian  word  have  penetrated 
into  the  languages  of  Europe.  The  Arabs  carried  their  tiltiyd  into 
Spain,  where  it  appears  as  atutia  with  the  Arabic  article;  in  Portuguese 
we  have  tutia,  in  French  tutie,  in  Italian  tuzia,  in  English  tutty.  A  final 
palatal  occurs  in  the  series  Osmanli  tuj  or  tune,  Neo-Greek  rovvr^i, 
Albanian  tut,  Serbian  and  Bulgarian  tuc,  Rumanian  tuciu.  Whether 
Sanskrit  tuttha,  as  has  been  assumed,  is  to  be  connected  with  the  Per- 
sian word,  remains  doubtful  to  me:  the  Sanskrit  word  refers  only  to 
green  or  blue  vitriol.5  It  is  noteworthy  that  Persian  birinj  ("brass"),  a 
more  recent  variant  of  pirin  (Kurd  pirinjok,  Armenian  plinj)*  has  not 
migrated  into  any  foreign  language,  for  I  am  far  from  being  convinced 
that  our  word  "bronze"  should  be  traceable  to  this  type.7 

The  Japanese  pronunciation  of  $f£  5  is  cuseki.   The  Japanese  used 

1  A  curious  error  occurs  in  FELDHAUS'  Technik  (col.  1367),  where  it  is  asserted, 
"Qazwml  says  about  600  that  zinc  is  known  in  China,  and  could  also  be  made 
flexible  there."    Qazwlnl  wrote  his  cyclopaedia  in  1134,  and  says  nothing  about 
zinc  in  China  (cf.  RUSKA,  Steinbuch  des  Qazwlnl,  p.  n);  but  he  mentions  a  tutiya 
mine  in  Spain  (G.  JACOB,  Studien  in  arabischen  Geographen,  p.  13). 

2  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  359. 

3  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  81.    T*ou-si  does  not  mean  "white  copper"  in  the  passage 
under  notice,  but  means  "brass."   "White  copper"  is  a  Chinese  and  quite  different 
alloy  (see  below,  p.  555). 

4  It  is  likewise  odd  to  connect  Italian  tausia  (properly  taunia)  and  German 
tauschieren  with  this  word.    This  is  just  as  well  as  to  derive  German  tusche  from 
an  alleged  Chinese  t'u-se  (HiRTH,  Chines.  Studien,  p.  226). 

5  P.  C.  RAY,  History  of  Hindu  Chemistry,  2d  ed.,  Vol.  II,  p.  25. 

6  HUBSCHMANN,  Persische  Studien,  p.  27. 

7  O.  SCHRADER,  Sprachvergleichung  und  Urgeschichte,  Vol.  II,  p.  73. 


514  SlNO-lRANICA 

to  import  the  alloy  from  China,  and  their  Honz5  (Pen  ts'ao)  give  for- 
mulas for  its  preparation.1  The  Koreans  read  the  same  word  not  or 
not-si.  The  French  missionaries  explain  it  as  "  composition  de  differents 
metaux  qui  sert  a  faire  les  cuilleres,  etc.  Airain,  cuivre  jaune  (premiere 
qualite).  Cuivre  rouge  et  plomb."2 

The  history  of  zinc  in  the  East  is  still  somewhat  obscure;  at  least, 
it  so  appears  from  what  the  historians  of  the  metal  have  written  about 
the  subject.  I  quote  from  W.  R.  INGALLS:S  "It  is  unknown  to  whom  is 
due  the  honor  of  the  isolation  of  zinc  as  a  metal,  but  it  is  probable  that 
the  discovery  was  first  made  in  the  East.  In  the  sixteenth  century  zinc 
was  brought  to  Europe  from  China  and  the  East  Indies  under  the  name 
of  tutanego  (whence  the  English  term  tutenegue),  and  it  is  likely  that 
knowledge  of  it  was  obtained  from  that  source  at  an  earlier  date.  .  .  . 
The  production  of  zinc  on  an  industrial  scale  was  first  begun  in  England; 
it  is  said  that  the  method  applied  was  Chinese,  having  been  introduced 
by  Dr.  Isaac  Lawson,  who  went  to  China  expressly  to  study  it.  In  1740 
John  Champion  erected  works  at  Bristol  and  actually  began  the  manu- 
facture of  spelter,  but  the  production  was  small,  and  the  greater  part 
used  continued  to  come  from  India  and  China."  The  fact  that  in  the 
eighteenth  century  the  bulk  of  zinc  which  came  to  Europe  was  shipped 
from  India  is  also  emphasized  by  J.  BECKMANN,4  who,  writing  in  1792, 
regretted  that  it  was  then  unknown  where,  how,  and  when  this  metal 
was  obtained  in  India,  and  in  what  year  it  had  first  been  brought  over 
to  Europe.  According  to  the  few  notices  of  the  subject,  he  continues,  it 
originates  from  China,  from  Bengal,  from  Malakka,  and  from  Malabar, 
whence  also  copper  and  brass  are  obtained.  On  the  other  hand,  W. 
AiNSLiE5  states  that  by  far  the  greater  part  of  zinc  which  is  met  with 
in  India  is  brought  from  Cochin-China  or  China,  where  both  the  cala- 
mine  and  blende  are  common.  Again,  S.  JULIENG  informs  us  that  zinc 
is  not  mentioned  in  ancient  books,  and  appears  to  have  been  known  in 
China  only  from  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

W.  HoMMEL7  pleaded  for  the  origin  of  zinc-production  in  India, 
whence  it  was  obtained  by  the  Chinese.  He  does  not  know,  of  course, 
that  there  is  no  evidence  for  such  a  theory  in  Chinese  sources.  The 

1  GEERTS,  Produits,  p.  641;  F.  DE  M£LY,  Lapidaire  chinois,  p.  42. 

2  Dictionnaire  cor£en-frangais,  p.  291. 

3  Production  and  Properties  of  Zinc,  pp.  2-3  (New  York  and  London,  1902). 

4  Op.  cit.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  408. 

6  Materia  Indica,  Vol.  I,  p.  573. 

6  Industries  de  1'empire  chinois,  p.  46. 

7  Chemiker-Zeitung,  1912,  p.  905. 


IRANIAN  MINERALS — ZINC,  STEEL  515 

Indian  hypothesis,  I  believe,  has  been  accepted  by  others.  In  my  opin- 
ion, the  art  of  zinc-smelting  originated  neither  in  India  nor  in  China,  but 
in  Persia.  We  noted  from  Ibn  al-Faqih  that  the  zinc-mines  of  Kirman 
were  wrought  in  the  tenth  century;  and  the  early  Chinese  references  to 
t*ou-&  would  warrant  the  conclusion  that  this  industry  was  prominent 
under  the  Sasanians,  and  goes  back  at  least  to  the  sixth  century. 

Li  Si-cen1  states  that  the  green  copper  of  Persia  can  be  wrought  into 
mirrors.  I  have  no  other  information  on  this  metal. 

85.  $&  or  !§  Sc  pin  t*ie,  pin  iron,  is  mentioned  as  a  product  of  Sa- 
sanian  Persia,2  also  ascribed  to  Ki-pin  (Kashmir).3  Mediaeval  authors 
like  C'afi  Te  mention  it  also  for  India  and  Kami.4  The  Ko  ku  yao  lun5 
says  that  pin  Vie  is  produced  by  the  Western  Barbarians  (Si  Fan),  and 
that  its  surface  exhibits  patterns  like  the  winding  lines  of  a  conch  or 
like  sesame-seeds  and  snow.  Swords  and  other  implements  made  from 
this  metal  are  polished  by  means  of  gold  threads,  and  then  these  pat- 
terns become  visible;  the  price  of  this  metal  exceeds  that  of  silver.  This 
clearly  refers  to  a  steel  like  that  of  Damascus,  on  which  fine  dark  lines 
are  produced  by  means  of  etching  acids.6 

Li  Si-cen7  states  that  pin  t'ie  is  produced  by  the  Western  Barbarians 
(Si  Fan),  and  cites  the  Pao  ts'an  lun  H  JU  H,  by  Hien  Yuan-§u 
ff  St  3&  of  the  tenth  century,  to  the  effect  that  there  are  five  kinds  of 
iron,  one  of  these  being  pin  t'ie,  which  is  so  hard  and  sharp  that  it  can 
cut  metal  and  hard  stone.  K'an-hi's  Dictionary  states  that  pin  is 
wrought  into  sharp  swords.  Previous  investigators  have  overlooked  the 
fact  that  this  metal  is  first  mentioned  for  Sasanian  Persia,  and  have 
merely  pointed  to  the  late  mediaeval  mention  in  the  Sung  Annals.8 

The  word  pin  has  not  yet  been  explained.  Even  the  Pan-Turks  have 
not  yet  discovered  it  in  Turkish.  It  is  connected  with  Iranian  *spaina, 
Pamir  languages  spin,  Afghan  ospina  or  ospana,  Ossetic  afsan.g  The 

1  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  8,  p.  3  b. 

2  Cou  £w,  Ch.  50,  p.  6;  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

3  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yil  ki,  Ch.  182,  p.  12  b. 

4  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  I,  p.  146;  Kwan  yil  ki,  Ch.  24, 
p.  sb. 

5  Ch.  6,  p.  14  b  (ed.  of  Si  yin  Man  ts'un  su). 

8  A  reference  to  pin  t'ie  occurs  also  in  the  San  ku  sin  hwa  \lj  f§  Jpf  gj§,  written 
by  Yan  Yu  ^  1$  in  1360  (p.  19,  ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  £ai  ts'un  $u). 

7  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  8,  p.  n  b. 

8  BRETSCHNEIDER,  On  the  Knowledge  possessed  by  the  Chinese  of  the  Arabs, 
p.  12,  and  China  Review,  Vol.  V,  p.  21;  W.  F.  MAYERS,  China  Review,  Vol.  IV 
P- 175. 

9  HUBSCHMANN,  Persische  Studien,  p.  10. 


516  SlNO-lRANICA 

character  pin  has  been  formed  ad  hoc,  and,  as  already  remarked  by 
Mayers,  is  written  also  without  the  classifier;  that  is,  in  a  purely  pho- 
netic way. 

86.  H>11>  se-se,  *sit-sit  (Japanese  sitsu-sitsu) ,  hypothetical  restora- 
tion *sirsir,  a  precious  stone  of  Sasanian  Persia,  which  I  have  discussed 
at  some  length  in  my  " Notes  on  Turquois  in  the  East"  (pp.  25-35, 
45-55,  67-68).  For  this  reason  only  a  brief  summary  is  here  given,  with 
some  additional  information  and  corrections.  I  no  longer  believe  that 
se-se  might  be  connected  with  Shignan  (p.  47)  or  Arabic  jaza  (p.  52),  but 
am  now  convinced  that  se-se  represents  the  transcription  of  an  Iranian 
(most  probably  Sogdian)  word,  the  original  of  which,  however,  has  not 
yet  been  traced.  Chinese  records  leave  us  in  the  dark  as  to  the  character 
of  the  Iranian  se-se.  It  is  simply  enumerated  in  a  list  of  precious  stones 
of  Persia  and  Sogdiana  (K'afi) ,l  The  T'ang  Annals  locate  the  se-se  mines 
to  the  south-east  of  the  Yaxartes  in  Sogdiana;2  and  the  stones  were 
traded  to  China  by  way  of  Khotan.3  Possibly  the  Nestorians  were 
active  in  bringing  to  China  these  stones  which  were  utilized  for  the 
decoration  of  their  churches.  The  same  history  ascribes  columns  of 
se-se  to  the  palaces  of  Fu-lin  (Syria);4  in  this  case  the  question  is  of  a 
building-stone.  In  ancient  Tibet,  se-se  formed  part  of  the  official  costume, 
being  worn  by  officials  of  the  highest  rank  in  strings  suspended  from 
the  shoulder.  The  materials  ranking  next  to  this  stone  were  gold, 
plated  silver,  silver,  and  copper,5 —  a  clear  index  of  the  fact  that  se-se 
was  regarded  in  Tibet  as  a  precious  stone  of  great  value,  and  surpassing 
gold.  The  Tibetan  women  used  to  wear  beads  of  this  stone  in  their 
tresses,  and  a  single  bead  is  said  to  have  represented  the  equivalent  of 
a  noble  horse.6  Hence  arose  the  term  ma  kia  c u  $f  i§  *5fc  ("pearl  or  bead 
equalling  a  horse  in  price").  These  beads  are  treated  in  the  Ko  ku  yao 
luri1  as  a  separate  item,  and  distinct  from  turquois.8 

In  the  T'ang  period,  se-se  stones  were  also  used  as  ornaments  by  the 

1  Pei  Si,  Ch.  97,  pp.  7  b,  12;  Cou  Su,  Ch.  50,  p.  6;  Sui  I«,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b;  Wei  Su, 
Ch.  102,  pp.  5  a,  9  b. 

2  Tan  Su,  Ch.  221  B,  p.  2  b. 

3  Tan  Su,  Ch.  221  A,  p.  lob. 

4  Kiu  Tan  Su,  Ch.  198,  p.  II  b;  Tan  Su,  Ch.  221  B,  p.  7  b. 
6  Tan  $u,  Ch.  216  A,  p.  I  b  (not  in  Kiu  Tan  Su). 

6  Sin  Wu  Tai  Si,  Ch.  74,  p.  4  b. 

7  Ch.  6,  p.  5  b. 

8  As  justly  said  by  GEERTS  (Produits  de  la  nature  japonaise  et  chinoise,  p.  481), 
it  is  possible  that  ma  kia  cu  (Japanese  bakasu)  is  merely  a  synonyme  of  the  emerald. 
Also  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  (Ch.  8,  p.  17  b)  a  distinction  is  made  between  the  two 
articles,  tien-tse  jU  -J-  being  characterized  as  pij^,  ma  kia  cu  as  ts'ui  z$L. 


IRANIAN  PRECIOUS  STONES — SE-SE  517 

women  of  the  Nan  Man  (the  aboriginal  tribes  of  southern  China),  being 
fastened  in  their  hair;1  and  were  known  in  the  kingdom  of  Nan-cao.2 
Likewise  the  women  of  Wei-cou  H  ^H  in  Se-£'wan  wore  strung  se-se 
in  their  hair.3  Further,  we  hear  at  the  same  time  of  se-se  utilized  by  the 
Chinese  and  even  mined  in  Chinese  soil.  In  so^e  cases  it  seems  that 
a  building-stone  is  involved;  in  others  it  appears  as  a  transparent 
precious  stone,  strung  and  used  for  curtains  and  screens,  highly  valued, 
and  on  a  par  with  genuine  pearls  and  precious  metals.4  Under  the  year 
786,  the  Tang  Annals  state,  "The  Kwan-£'a-si  8£t^$l5  of  San-cou 
K.  ffl  (in  Ho-nan),  Li  Pi  $  $&  by  name,  reported  to  the  throne  that  the 
foundries  of  Mount  Lu-si  A  Ki  produce  se-se,  and  requested  that  it 
should  be  prohibited  to  accept  these  stones  in  the  place  of  taxes;  where- 
upon the  Emperor  (Te  Tsufi)  replied,  that,  if  there  are  se-se  not  pro- 
duced by  the  soil,  they  should  be  turned  over  to  the  people,  who  are 
permitted  to  gather  them  for  themselves."  The  question  seems  to  be 
in  this  text  of  a  by-product  of  metallic  origin;  and  this  agrees  with  what 
Kao  Se-sun  remarks  in  his  Wei  lio}  that  the  se-se  of  his  time  (Sung  period) 
were  made  of  molten  stone. 

I  have  given  two  examples  of  the  employment  of  se-se  in  objects  of 
art  from  the  K'ao  ku  t'u  and  Ku  yu  t'u  p*u  (p.  31).  Meanwhile  I  have 
found  two  instances  of  the  use  of  the  word  se-se  in  the  Po  ku  t'u  lut 
published  by  Wan  Fu  in  1107-11.  In  one  passage  of  this  work,6  the 
patina  of  a  tin  ffi,  attributed  to  the  Cou  period,  is  compared  with  the 
color  of  se-se:  since  patinas  occur  in  green,  blue,  and  many  other  hues, 
this  does  not  afford  conclusive  evidence  as  to  the  color  of  se-se.  In 
another  case7  a  small  tin  dated  in  the  Han  period  is  described  as  being 
decorated  with  inlaid  gold  and  silver,  and  decorated  with  the  seven 
jewels  (saptaratna)  and  se-se  of  very  brilliant  appearance.  This  is 
striking,  as  se-se  are  not  known  to  be  on  record  under  the  Han,  but  first 
appear  in  the  accounts  of  Sasanian  Persia:  either  the  bronze  vessel  in 
question  was  not  of  the  Han,  but  of  the  T'ang;  or,  if  it  was  of  the  Han, 
the  stone  thus  diagnosed  by  the  Sung  author  cannot  have  been  identical 
with  what  was  known  by  this  name  under  the  T'ang.  I  already  had 
occasion  to  state  (p.  33)  that  the  Sung  writers  knew  no  longer  what  the 

1  Tan  $u,  Ch.  222  A,  p.  2. 

2  Man  su,  p.  48. 

3  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  78,  p.  9  b. 

4  Min  hwan  tsa  lu,  Ch.  B,  p.  4;  Wei  Ho,  Ch.  5,  p.  3;  Tu  yan  tsa  pien,  Ch.  A,  pp.  3, 
8;  Ch.  c,  pp.  5,  9  b,  14  b. 

5  Official  designation  of  a  Tao-t'ai. 

6  Ch.  3,  p.  15  b. 

7  Ch.  5,  p.  46  b. 


$l8  SlNO-lRANICA 

se-se  of  the  T'ang  really  were,  that  the  T'ang  se-se  were  apparently 
lost  in  the  age  of  the  Sung,  and  that  substitutes  merely  designated  by 
that  name  were  then  in  vogue. 

Under  the  Yuan  or  Mongol  dynasty  the  word  se-se  was  revived. 
C'ari  Te,  the  envoy  who  visited  Bagdad  in  1259,  reported  se-se  among 
the  precious  stones  of  the  Caliph,  together  with  pearls,  lapis  lazuli,  and 
diamonds.  A  stone  of  small  or  no  value,  found  in  Kin-cou  (in  Sen-kin, 
Manchuria),  was  styled  se-se; 1  and  under  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
C'en-tsun  (1295-1307)  we  hear  that  two  thousand  five  hundred  catties 
of  se-se  were  palmed  off  on  officials  in  lieu  of  cash  payments,  a  practice 
which  was  soon  stopped  by  imperial  command.2  Under  the  Ming,  se-se 
was  merely  a  word  vaguely  conveying  the  notion  of  a  precious  stone  of 
the  past,  and  transferred  to  artifacts  like  beads  of  colored  glass  or 
clay.3 

The  Chinese  notices  of  se-se  form  a  striking  analogy  to  the  accounts 
of  the  ancients  regarding  the  emerald  (smaragdos) ,  which  on  the  one 
hand  is  described  as  a  precious  stone,  chiefly  used  for  rings,  on  the 
other  hand  as  a  building-stone.  Theophrastus4  states,  "The  emerald 
is  good  for  the  eyes,  and  is  worn  as  a  ring-stone  to  be  looked  at.  It  is 
rare,  however,  and  not  large.  Yet  it  is  said  in  the  histories  of  the 
Egyptian  kings  that  a  Babylonian  king  once  sent  as  a  gift  an  emerald 
of  four  cubits  in  length  and  three  cubits  in  width;  there  is  in  the  temple 
of  Jupiter  an  obelisk  composed  of  four  emeralds,  forty  cubits  high,  four 
cubits  wide,  and  two  cubits  thick.  The  false  emerald  occurs  in  well- 
known  places,  particularly  in  the  copper-mines  of  Cyprus,  where  it 
fills  lodes  crossing  one  another  in  many  ways,  but  only  seldom  is  it 
large  enough  for  rings."  H.  O.  LENz5  is  inclined  to  understand  by  the 
latter  kind  malachite.  Perhaps  the  se-se  of  Iran  and  Tibet  was  the 
emerald;  the  se-se  used  for  pillars  in  Fu-lin,  malachite.  No  Chinese 
definition  of  what  se-se  was  has  as  yet  come  to  light,  and  we  have  to 
await  further  information  before  venturing  exact  and  positive  identifi- 
cations. 

In  Buddhist  literature  the  emerald  appears  in  the  transcription 
mo-lo-k*ie-t*o  0  ^  fi/H  P2,6  corresponding  to  Sanskrit  marakata.  In  the 
transcription  $6  ;fc  $!)  cu-mu-la,  in  the  seventeenth  century  written 
jfi  -&  $fc  tsu-mu-lu,  the  emerald  appears  to  be  first  mentioned  in  the 

1  Yuan  si,  Ch.  24,  p.  2  b. 

*Ibid.,  Ch.  21,  p.  7b. 

8  Cf .  Notes  on  Turquois,  p.  34. 

4  De  lapidibus,  42. 

6  Mineralogie  der  Griechen  und  R&mer,  p.  20. 

6  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  Ch.  8,  p.  14  b. 


IRANIAN  PRECIOUS  STONES — EMERALD,  TURQUOIS  519 

Co  ken  lu,  written  in  I366.1  The  Dictionary  in  Four  Languages2  writes 
this  word  tsie-mu-lu  IB.  l&  $&.  This  is  a  transcription  of  Persian 
zumurrud. 

The  word  itself  is  of  Semitic  origin.  In  Assyrian  it  has  been  traced 
in  the  form  barraktu  in  a  Babylonian  text  dated  in  the  thirty-fifth  year 
of  Artaxerxes  I  (464-424  B.C.).3  In  Hebrew  it  is  bdreket  or  barkat,  in 
Syriac  borko,  in  Arabic  zummurud,  in  Armenian  zemruoot;  in  Russian 
izumrud.  The  Greek  maragdos  or  smaragdos  is  borrowed  from  Semitic; 
and  Sanskrit  marakata  is  derived  from  Greek,  Tibetan  mar-gad  from 
Sanskrit.4  The  Arabic-Persian  zummurud  appears  to  be  based  directly 
on  the  Greek  form  with  initial  sibilant. 

87.  In  regard  to  turquois  I  shall  be  brief.  The  Persian  turquois, 
both  that  of  Nisapur  and  Kirman,  is  first  mentioned  under  the  name 
tien-tse  'fcj  -f  in  the  Co  ken  lu  of  1366.  This  does  not  mean  that  the 
Chinese  were  not  acquainted  with  the  Persian  turquois  at  a  somewhat 
earlier  date.  It  is  even  possible  that  the  Kitan  were  already  acquainted 
with  turquois.5  I  do  not  believe  that  pi-lu  8  5&  represents  a  transcrip- 
tion of  Persian  firuza  ("turquois"),  as  proposed  by  WATTERSC  without 
indicating  any  source  for  the  alleged  Chinese  word,  which,  if  it  exists, 
may  be  restricted  to  the  modern  colloquial  language.  I  have  not  yet 
traced  it  in  literature.7  As  early  as  1290  turquoises  were  mined  in  Hui- 
£'wan,  Yun-nan.8  The  Geography  of  the  Ming  dynasty  indicates  a 
turquois-mine  in  Nan-nin  Sou  ;£c  ¥  #1  in  the  prefecture  of  Yun-nan, 

1  Ch.  7,  p.  5  b;  Wu  li  siao  Si,  Ch.  7,  p.  14.    The  author  of  this  work  cites  the 
writing  of  the  Yuan  work  as  the  correct  one,  adding  tsu-mu-lu,  which  he  says  is  at 
present  in  vogue,  as  an  erroneous  form.    It  is  due  to  an  adjustment  suggested  by 
popular  etymology,  the  character  lu  ("green")  referring  to  the  green  color  of  the 
stone,  whose  common  designation  is  lit  pao  Si  $jfc  jt£  5  ("green  precious  stone"); 
see  GEERTS,  Produits,  p.  481. 

2  Ch.  22,  p.  66. 

3  C.  FOSSEY,  Etudes  assyriennes  (Journal  asiatique,  1917,  I,  p.  473). 

4  Cf.  Notes  on  Turquois,  p.  55;   T'oung  Pao,   1916,  p.  465.     MUSS-ARNOLT 
(Transactions  Am.  Phil.  Assoc.,  Vol.  XXIII,  1892,  p.  139)  states  erroneously  that 
both  the  Greek  and  the  Semitic  words  are  independently  derived  from  Sanskrit. 
In  the  attempt  to  trace  the  history  of  loan-words  it  is  first  of  all  necessary  to  ascer- 
tain the  history  of  the  objects. 

5  As  intimated  by  me  in  American  Anthropologist,  1916,  p.  589.    Tien-tse  as  the 
product  of  Pan-ta-li  are  mentioned  in  the  Tao  i  ci  lio,  written  in  1349  by  Wan  Ta- 
yuan  (ROCKHILL,  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  p.  464). 

6  Essays  on  the  Chinese  Language,  p.  352. 

7  In  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  (Ch.  8,  p.  17  b)  is  mentioned  a  stone  p'iao  pi  lu  Hf 
H  $&,  explained  as  a  precious  stone  (pao  Si)  of  pi  ^  color.    This  is  possibly  the 
foundation  of  Watters'  statement. 

8  Yuan  Si,  Ch.  16,  p.  10  b.   See,  further,  Notes  on  Turquois,  pp.  58-59. 


520  SlNO-lRANICA 

Yun-nan  Province.1  In  this  text,  the  term  pi  t'ien-tse  it  *0|  -f-  is  em- 
ployed. T'an  Ts'ui2  says  that  turquoises  (pi  t'ien)  are  produced  in  the 
Mori-van  t'u-se  :£  ^  ±  3  of  Yun-nan.  In  the  Hin-nan  fu  ci  R  ^ 
fl\f  S,3  the  gazetteer  of  the  prefecture  of  Hiii-iian  in  southern  Sen-si, 
it  is  said  that  pi  Vien  (written  Hi)  were  formerly  a  product  of  this  lo- 
cality, and  mined  under  the  T'ang  and  Sung,  the  mines  being  closed  in 
the  beginning  of  the  Ming.  This  notice  is  suspicious,  as  we  hear  of 
pi-tien  or  tien-tse  neither  under  the  T'ang  nor  the  Sung;  the  term  comes 
into  existence  under  the  Yuan.4 

88.  &  fit  kin  tsih  (" essence  of  gold")  appears  to  have  been  the  term 
for  lapis  lazuli  during  the  T'ang  period.  The  stone  came  from  the 
famous  mines  of  Badaxsan.5 

At  the  time  of  the  Yuan  or  Mongol  dynasty  a  new  word  for  lapis 
lazuli  springs  up  in  the  form  lan-fri  S3  Jfc.  The  Chinese  traveller  C'an 
Te,  who  was  despatched  in  1259  as  envoy  by  the  Mongol  Emperor 
Mangu  to  his  brother  Hulagu,  King  of  Persia,  and  whose  diary,  the 
Si  U  ki,  was  edited  by  Liu  Yu  in  1263,  reports  that  a  stone  of  that  name 
is  found  on  the  rocks  of  the  mountains  in  the  south-western  countries 
of  Persia.  The  word  Ian-Pi  is  written  with  two  characters  meaning 
"orchid"  and  "red,"  which  yields  no  sense;  and  BRETSCHNEiDER6  is 
therefore  right  in  concluding  that  the  two  elements  represent  the  tran- 
scription of  a  foreign  name.  He  is  inclined  to  think  that  "it  is  the  same 
as  landshiwer,  the  Arabic  name  for  lapis  lazuli."  In  New  Persian  it  is 
la&vard  or  Idjvard  (Arabic  lazvard).  Another  Arabic  word  is  Unej,  by 
which  the  cyanos  of  Dioscorides  is  translated.7  An  Arabic  form  lanjiver 
is  not  known  to  me. 

"There  is  also  in  the  same  country  [Badashan]  another  mountain, 
in  which  azure  is  found;  'tis  the  finest  in  the  world,  and  is  got  in  a  vein 
like  silver.  There  are  also  other  mountains  which  contain  a  great 
amount  of  silver  ore,  so  that  the  country  is  a  very  rich  one."  Thus  runs 

1  Ta  Min  i  t'un  ci,  Ch.  86,  p.  8. 

2  Tien  hai  yil  hen  ci,  1799,  Ch.  I,  p.  6  b  (ed.  of  Wen  yin  lou  yii  ti  ts'un  $u).    See 
above,  p.  228.    T'u-se  are  districts  under  a  native  chieftain,  who  himself  is  subject  to 
Chinese  authority. 

3Ch.  ii,  p.  ii  b  (ed.  of  1788). 

4  The  turquois  has  not  been  recognized  in  a  text  of  the  Wei  si  wen  kien  ki  of 
1769  by  G.  SOULI£  (Bull,  de  I'Ecole  fran$ aise,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  372),  where  the  question 
is  of  coral  and  turquois  used  by  the  Ku-tsun  (a  Tibetan  tribe)  women  as  ornaments; 
instead  of  yuan-song,  as  there  transcribed,  read  lii  sun  Si  %Jk  ffi  ^. 

6  CHAVANNES,  Documents  sur  les  Tou-kiue,  p.  159;  and  T'oung  Pao,  1904, 
p.  66. 

6  Chinese  Recorder,  Vol.  VI,  p.  16;  or  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  I,  p.  151. 

7  LECLERC,  Traite*  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  254. 


IRANIAN  PRECIOUS  STONES  — LAPIS  LAZULI  521 

Marco  Polo's  account.1  YULE  comments  as  follows:  "The  mines  of 
Lajwurd  (whence  1'Azur  and  Lazuli)  have  been,  like  the  ruby  mines, 
celebrated  for  ages.  They  He  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Kokcha,  called 
Koran,  within  the  tract  called  Yamgan,  of  which  the  popular  etymology 
is  Hamah-Kan,  or  ' All-Mines,'  and  were  visited  by  Wood  in  iS^S.2 
The  produce  now  is  said  to  be  of  very  inferior  quality,  and  in  quantity 
from  thirty  to  sixty  pud  (thirty-six  Ibs.  each)  annually.  The  best 
quality  sells  at  Bokhara  at  thirty  to  sixty  tillas,  or  12  /.  to  24  I.  the  pud 
(Manphul)."3  In  the  Dictionary  of  Four  Languages,4  lapis  lazuli  is 
styled  ts'in  kin  $i  W  &  ^;  in  Tibetan  mu-men,  Mongol  and  Manchu 
nomin. 

The  diamond  is  likewise  attributed  by  the  Chinese  to  Sasanian 
Persia,  and  I  have  formerly  shown  that  several  Iranian  tribes  were 
acquainted  with  this  precious  stone  in  the  beginning  of  our  era.5  Dia- 
mond-points were  imported  from  Persia  into  China  under  the  T'ang 
dynasty.6 

89.  The  first  mention  of  amber  in  Chinese  records  is  the  reference 
to  amber  in  Ki-pin  (Kashmir).7  Then  we  receive  notice  of  the  occurrence 
of  amber  in  Ta  Ts'in  (the  Hellenistic  Orient)8  and  in  Sasanian  Persia.9 
The  correctness  of  the  latter  account  is  confirmed  by  the  Bundahisn,  in 
which  the  Pahlavi  term  for  amber,  kahrupai,  is  transmitted.10  This  word 
corresponds  to  New  Persian  kahrubd,  a  compound  formed  with  kdh 
("straw")  and  rubd  ("to  lift,  to  attract").11  The  Arabs  derived  their 
kahrubd  (first  in  Ibn  el- Abbas)  from  the  Persians;  and  between  the 

1  YULE'S  edition,  Vol.  I,  p.  157.     / 

2  This  refers  to  WOOD,  Journey  to  the  Oxus,  p.  263. 

3  See,  further,  M.  BAUER,  Precious  Stones,  p.  442. 

4  Ch.  22,  p.  65. 

5  The  Diamond,  p.  53. 

6  Ta  Tan  leu  tien,  Ch.  22,  p.  8. 

7  Ts'ien  Han  $u,  Ch.  96  A,  p.  5. 

8  In  the  Wei  Ho  and  Hou  Han  $u  (cf.  CHAVANNES,  T'oung  Pao,  1907,  p.  182). 

9  Nan  si,  Ch.  79,  p.  8;  Wei  su,  Ch.  102,  p.  5  a;  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b.    The  Sui 
Su  has  altered  the  name  hu-p'o  into  $ou-p*o  Hfc  §S|,  in  order  to  observe  the  tabu 
of  the  name  Hu  in  Li  Hu  •$:  jj^,  the  father  of  the  founder  of  the  T'ang  dynasty. 
Amber  (also  coral  and  silver)  is  attributed  to  Mount  Ni  /§  \\1  in  the  country  Fu-lu-ni 
W  lit  JB  to  the  north  of  Persia,  also  to  the  country  Hu-se-mi  Pf  j£[  Jg  (Wei  Su, 
Ch.  102,  p.  6  b). 

10  WEST,  Pahlavi  Texts,  Vol.  I,  p.  273. 

11  Analogies  occur  in  all  languages:  Chinese  U-kiai  f§*  3f*  ("attracting  mustard- 
seeds");  Sanskrit  Ir.inagrahin  ("attracting  straw");  Tibetan  sbur  len  or  sbur  Ion, 
of  the  same  meaning:  French  (obsolete)  tire-paille.  Another  Persian  word  for  amber 
is  saihbari. 


522  SlNO-lRANICA 

ninth  and  the  tenth  century,  the  word  penetrated  from  the  Arabic  into 
Syriac.1  In  Armenian  it  is  kahribd  and  kahribar.  The  same  word 
migrated  westward:  Spanish  carabe,  Portuguese  carabe  or  charabe, 
Italian  carabe,  French  carabe;  Byzantine  Kepafit',  Cumanian  charabar. 
Under  the  Ming,  amber  is  listed  as  a  product  of  Herat,  Khotan,  and 
Samarkand.2  A  peculiar  variety  styled  "gold  amber"  (kin  p'o  &  59) 
is  assigned  to  Arabia  (T'ien-faii).3 

The  question  arises,  From  what  sources  did  the  Persians  derive  their 
amber?  G.  JACOB, 4  from  a  study  of  Arabic  sources,  has  reached  the 
conclusion  that  the  Arabs  obtained  amber  from  the  Baltic.  The  great 
importance  of  Baltic  amber  in  the  history  of  trade  is  well  known,  but, 
in  my  estimation,  has  been  somewhat  exaggerated  by  the  specialists, 
whereas  the  fact  is  easily  overlooked  that  amber  is  found  in  many  parts 
of  the  world.  I  do  not  deny  that  a  great  deal  of  amber  secured  by  the 
Arabs  may  be  credited  to  the  Baltic  sources  of  supply,  but  I  fail  to  see 
that  this  theory  (for  it  is  no  more)  follows  directly  from  the  data  of 
Arabic  writers.  These  refer  merely  to  the  countries  of  the  Rus  and  Bui- 
gar  as  the  places  of  provenience,  but  who  will  guarantee  that  the  amber 
of  the  Russians  hailed  exclusively  from  the  Baltic?  We  know  surely 
enough  that  amber  occurs  in  southern  Russia  and  in  Rumania.  Again, 
Ibn  al-Baitar  knows  nothing  about  Rus  and  Bulgar  in  this  connection, 
but,  with  reference  to  al-Jafiki,  speaks  of  two  kinds  of  amber,  one 
coming  from  Greece  and  the  Orient,  the  other  being  found  on  the  littoral 
and  underground  in  the  western  portion  of  Spain.5  Pliny  informs  us 
that,  according  to  Philemon,  amber  is  a  fossil  substance,  and  that 
it  is  found  in  Scythia  in  two  localities,  one  white  and  of  waxen  color, 
styled  electrum;  while  in  the  other  place  it  is  red,  and  is  called  suali- 
ternicum*  This  Scythian  or  South-Russian  amber  may  have  been  traded 
by  the  Iranian  Scythians  to  Iran.  In  order  to  settle  definitely  the 
question  of  the  provenience  of  ancient  Persian  and  Arabic  amber,  it 
would  be  necessary,  first  of  all,  to  obtain  a  certain  number  of  authentic, 
ancient  Persian  and  Arabic  ambers,  and  to  subject  them  to  a  chemical 
analysis.  We  know  also  that  several  ancient  amber  supplies  were 

1  Cf.  E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  146;  and  G.  JACOB,  ZDMG,  Vol.  XLIII,  1889, 
P-  359- 

3  Ta  Min  i  t'un  li,  Ch.  89,  pp.  23,  24  b,  25  (ed.  of  1461). 

*  Ibid.,  Ch.  91,  p.  20. 

4  L.  c.,  and  Arabische  Handelsartikel,  p.  63. 

5  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  209. 

6  Philemon  fossile  esse  et  in  Scythia  erui  duobus  locis,  candidum  atque  cerei 
colons  quod  vocaretur  electrum,  in  alio  fulvum  quod  appellaretur  sualiternicum 
(xxxvn,  ii,  §  33). 


IRANIAN  MINERALS — AMBER  523 

exhausted  long  ago.  Thus  Pliny  and  the  ancient  Chinese  agree  on  the 
fact  that  amber  was  a  product  of  India,  while  no  amber-mines  are 
known  there  at  present.1  Amber  was  formerly  found  in  the 
district  of  Yun-6'an  in  Yun-nan,  and  even  on  the  sacred  Hwa-San  in 
Sen-si.2 

G.  JACOB3  has  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  supposition  of  a 
derivation  of  the  Chinese  word  from  Pahlavi  kahrupdl  is  confronted 
with  unsurmountable  difficulties  of  a  chronological  character.  The 
phonetic  difficulties  are  still  more  aggravating;  for  Chinese  hu-p'o  %  ffi 
was  anciently  *gu-bak,  and  any  alleged  resemblance  between  the  two 
words  vanishes.  Still  less  can  Greek  harpax*  come  into  question  as  the 
foundation  of  the  Chinese  word,  which,  in  my  opinion,  comes  from  an 
ancient  San  or  T'ai  language  of  Yun-nan,  whence  the  Chinese  received 
a  kind  of  amber  as  early  at  least  as  the  first  century  A.D.  Of  the  same 
origin,  I  am  inclined  to  think,  is  the  word  tun-mou  ^  ^  for  amber, 
first  and  exclusively  used  by  the  philosopher  Wan  C'un.5 

Uigur  kubik  is  not  the  original  of  the  Chinese  word,  as  assumed  by 
Klaproth;  but  the  Uigur,  on  the  contrary  (like  Korean  xobag),  is  a 
transcription  of  the  Chinese  word.  Mongol  %uba  and  Manchu  xdba 
are  likewise  so,  except  that  these  forms  were  borrowed  at  a  later  period, 
when  the  final  consonant  of  Chinese  bak  or  bek  was  silent.6 

90.  Coral  is  a  substance  of  animal  origin;  but,  as  it  has  always  been 
conceived  in  the  Orient  as  a  precious  stone,7  a  brief  notice  of  it,  as  far 
as  Sino-Persian  relations  are  concerned,  may  be  added  here.  The 

1  Cf.  Ts'ien  Han  Su,  Ch.  96  A,  p.  5  (amber  of  Kashmir);  Nan  Si,  Ch.  78,  p.  7. 

2  Cf.  Hwa  yoli  ^  ^  jg,  Ch.  3,  p.  i  (ed.  of  1831). 

3  L.  c.,  p.  355. 

4  Proposed  by  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  245.   This  was  merely 
a  local  Syriac  name,  derived  from  Greek  dpTrdfw  (In  Syria  quoque  f eminas  verticillos 
inde  facere  et  vocare  harpaga,  quia  folia  paleasque  et  vestium  fimbrias  rapiat. — 
Pliny,  xxxvn,  n,  §  37). 

6  Cf.  A.  FORKE,  Lun-heng,  pt.  II,  p.  350.  This  is  not  the  place  for  a  discussion 
of  this  problem,  which  I  have  taken  up  in  a  study  entitled  "Ancient  Remains  from 
the  Languages  of  the  Nan  Man." 

6  For  further  information  on  amber,  the  reader  may  be  referred  to  my  Historical 
Jottings  on  Amber  in  Asia  (Memoirs  Am.  Anthr.  Assoc.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  3).  I  hope  to  come 
back  to  this  subject  in  greater  detail  in  the  course  of  my  Sino-Hellenistic  studies, 
where  it  will  be  shown  that  the  Chinese  tradition  regarding  the  origin  and  properties 
of  amber  is  largely  influenced  by  the  theories  of  the  ancients. 

7  The  proof  of  the  animal  character  of  coral  is  a  recent  achievement  of  our 
science.    Peyssonel  was  the  first  to  demonstrate  in  1727  that  the  alleged  coral- 
flowers  are  real  animals;  Pallas  then  described  the  coral  as  Isis  nobilis;  and  Lamarck 
formed  a  special  genus  under  the  name  Corallium  rubrum  (cf.  LACAZE-DUTHIERS, 
Histoire  naturelle  du  corail,  Paris,  1864;  GUIBOURT,  Histoire  naturelle  des  drogues, 
Vol.  IV,  p.  378).    The  common  notion  in  Asia  was  that  coral  is  a  marine  tree. 


524  SlNO-lRANICA 

Chinese  learned  of  the  genuine  coral  through  their  intercourse  with 
the  Hellenistic  Orient :  as  we  are  informed  by  the  Wei  lio  and  the  Han 
Annals,1  Ta  Ts'in  produced  coral;  and  the  substance  was  so  common, 
that  the  inhabitants  used  it  for  making  the  king-posts  of  their  habita- 
tions. The  T'ang  Annals2  then  describe  how  the  marine  product  is  fished 
in  the  coral  islands  by  men  seated  in  large  craft  and  using  nets  of  iron 
wire.  When  the  corals  begin  to  grow  on  the  rocks,  they  are  white  like 
mushrooms;  after  a  year  they  turn  yellow,  and  when  three  years  have 
elapsed,  they  change  into  red.  Their  branches  then  begin  to  intertwine, 
and  grow  to  a  height  of  three  or  four  feet.3  Hirth  may  be  right  in 
supposing  that  this  fishing  took  place  in  the  Red  Sea,  and  that  the 
"Coral  Sea"  of  the  Nestorian  inscription  and  the  "sea  producing 
corals  and  genuine  pearls"  of  the  Wei  lio  are  apparently  identical  with 
the  latter.4  But  it  may  have  been  the  Persian  Gulf  as  well,  or  even  the 
Mediterranean.  Pliny5  is  not  very  enthusiastic  about  the  Red-Sea 
coral;  and  the  Periplus  speaks  of  the  importation  of  coral  into  India, 
which  W.  H.  ScnoFF6  seems  to  me  to  identify  correctly  with  the  Medi- 
terranean coral.  Moreover,  the  Chinese  themselves  correlate  the  above 
account  of  coral-fishing  with  Persia,  for  the  Yi  wu  ci  H  $7  ;S  is  cited 
in  the  Cen  lei  pen  ts*ao7  as  saying  that  coral  is  produced  in  Persia,  being 
considered  by  the  people  there  as  their  mosjt  precious  jewel;  and  the 
Pen  ts'ao  yen  i  speaks  of  a  coral-island  in  the  sea  of  Persia,8  going  on  to 
tell  the  same  story  regarding  coral-fishing  as  the  T'ang  Annals  with 
reference  to  Fu-lin  (Syria).  Su  Kuii  of  the  T'ang  states  that  coral  grows 
in  the  Southern  Sea,  but  likewise  comes  from  Persia  and  Ceylon,  the 
latter  statement  being  repeated  by  the  T'u  kin  pen  ts*ao  of  the  Sung. 
It  is  interesting  that  the  Pen  ts'ao  of  the  T'ang  insists  on  the  holes  in 
coral,  a  characteristic  which  in  the  Orient  is  still  regarded  (and  justly 
so)  as  a  mark  of  authenticity.  Under  the  T'ang,  coral  was  first  intro- 
duced into  the  materia  medica.  In  the  Annals,  coral  is  ascribed  to 

1  HIRTH,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  pp.  41,  73. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  44- 
*  Ibid.,  p.  59. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  246. 

B  xxxii,  ii. 

6  The  Periplus  of  the  Erythraean  Sea,  p.  128. 

'  Ch.  4,  p.  37. 

8  Ch.  5,  p.  7  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan).  The  coral  island  where  the  coral- tree  grows 
is  also  mentioned  by  an  Arabic  author,  who  wrote  about  A.D.  1000  (G.  FERRAND, 
Textes  relatifs  a  1'Extr^me-Orient,  Vol.  I,  p.  147).  See,  further,  E.  WIEDEMANN, 
Zur  Mineralogie  im  Islam,  p.  244. 


IRANIAN  MINERALS — CORAL,  BEZOAR  525 

Sasanian  Persia;1  and  it  is  stated  in  the  T'ang  Annals  that  Persia  pro- 
duces coral  not  higher  than  three  feet.2  There  is  no  doubt  that  Persian 
corals  have  found  their  way  all  over  Asia;  and  many  of  them  may  still 
be  preserved  by  Tibetans,  who  prize  above  all  coral,  amber,  and  tur- 
quois.  The  coral  encountered  by  the  Chinese  in  Ki-pin  (Kashmir)3 
may  also  have  been  of  Persian  origin.  Unfortunately  we  have  no 
information  on  the  subject  from  ancient  Iranian  sources,  tor  do  we 
know  an  ancient  Iranian  name  for  coral.  Solinus  inform,  us  that 
Zoroaster  attributed  to  coral  a  certain  power  and  salubrious  effects;4 
and  what  Pliny  says  about  coral  endowed  with  sacred  properties  and 
being  a  preservative  against  all  dangers,  sounds  very  much  like  an 
idea  emanating  from  Persia.  Persian  infants  still  wear  a  piece  of  coral 
on  the  abdomen  as  a  talisman  to  ward  off  harm;5  and,  according  to 
Pliny,  this  was  the  practice  at  his  time,  only  that  the  branches  of  coral 
were  hung  at  the  infant's  neck. 

The  Chinese  word  for  coral,  M  $8  $an-hu,  *san-gu  (Japanese 
san-go),  possibly  is  of  foreign  origin,  but  possibly  it  is  not/1  For  the 
present  there  is  no  word  in  any  West-Asiatic  or  Iranian  language  with 
which  it  could  be  correlated.  In  Hebrew  it  is  ra  'mot,  which  the  Seventy 
transcribes  pa^oQ  or  translates  /-terewpa.  The  common  word  in  New 
Persian  is  marjdn  (hence  Russian  marZan);  other  designations  are 
birbdl,  xuruhak  or  xurohak,  bussad  or  bissad  (Arabic  bessed  or  bussad). 
In  Armenian  it  is  bust.7 

91.  The  identification  of  Chinese  H  l£  p'o-so  (*bwa-sa)  with  Persian 
pdzdhr  or  pddzahr*  ("bezoar,"  literally,  "antidote"),  first  proposed  by 
HiRTH,9  in  my  opinion,  is  not  tenable,  although  it  has  been  indorsed 

1  Cou  $u,  Ch.  50,  p.  6;  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b;  regarding  coral  in  Fu-lu-ni,  see 
above,  p.  52 1 ,  note  9. 

2  Tan  $u,  Ch.  221  B,  p.  6  b.   The  Lian  Su  (Ch.  54,  p.  14  b)  attributes  to  Persia 
coral-trees  one  or  two  feet  high. 

3  Ts'ien  Han  su,  Ch.  96  A,  p.  5.  This  passage  (not  Hou  Han  su,  Ch.  1 18,  as  stated 
by  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  p.  226,  after  Bretschneider)  contains  the  earliest  mention 
of  the  word  san-hu. 

4  Habet  enim,  ut  Zoroastres  ait,  materia  haec  quandam  potestatem,  ac  propterea 
quidquid  inde  sit,  ducitur  inter  salutaria  (n,  39,  §  42). 

5  SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  166. 

6  According  to  BRETSCHNEIDER  (Chinese  Recorder,  Vol.  VI,  p.  16),  "it  seems  not 
to  be  a  Chinese  name." 

7  Cf .  PATKANOV,  The  Precious  Stones  according  to  the  Notions  of  the  Armenians 
(in  Russian),  p.  52. 

8  Pazand  padazahar  (see  HUBSCHMANN,  Persische  Studien,  p.  193).    STEINGASS 
gives  also  pdnzahr.   The  derivation  from  bad  "wind"  (H.  FUHNER,  Janus,  Vol.  VI, 
I9OI»  P-  317)  is  not  correct. 

9  Lander  des  Islam,  p.  45. 


526  SlNO-lRANICA 

by  PELLiOT.1  Pelliot,  however,  noticed  well  that  what  the  Chinese 
describe  as  p'o-so  or  mo-so  IS  §c  is  not  bezoar,  and  that  the  tran- 
scription is  anomalous.2  This  being  the  case,  it  is  preferable  to  reject 
the  identification,  and  there  are  other  weighty  reasons  prompting  us 
to  do  so.  There  is  no  Chinese  account  that  tells  us  that  Persia  had 
bezoars  or  traded  bezoars  to  China.  The  Chinese  were  (and  are)  well 
acquainted  with  the  bezoar3  (I  gathered  several  in  China  myself),  and 
bezoars  are  easy  to  determine.  Now,  if  p*o-so  or  mo-so  were  to  repre- 
sent Persian  pdzahr  and  a  Persian  bezoar,  the  Chinese  would  not  for 
a  moment  fail  to  inform  us  that  p'o-so  is  the  Po-se  niu-hwan  or  Persian 
bezoar;  but  they  say  nothing  to  this  effect.  On  the  contrary,  the  texts 
cited  under  this  heading  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu*  do  not  make  any 
mention  of  Persia,  but  agree  in  pointing  to  the  Malay  Archipelago  as 
the  provenience  of  the  p'o-so  stone.  Ma  Ci  of  the  Sung  assigns  it  to 
the  Southern  Sea  (Nan  Hai).  Li  Si-Sen  points  to  the  Ken  sin  yil  ts'e 
J^J  ^  3£  flfl",  written  about  1430,  as  saying  that  the  stone  comes  from 
San-fu-ts'i  (Palembang  on  Sumatra).5  F.  DE  MELY  designates  it  only 
as  a  "pierre  d'epreuve,"  and  refers  to  an  identification  with  aventurine, 
proposed  by  Remusat.6  Bezoar  is  a  calculus  concretion  found  in  the 
stomachs  of  a  number  of  mammals,  and  Oriental  literatures  abound  in 
stories  regarding  such  stones  extracted  from  animals.  Not  only  do  the 
Chinese  not  say  that  the  p'o-so  stone  is  of  animal  origin,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, they  state  explicitly  that  it  is  of  mineral  origin.  The  Ken  sin  yu  ts*e 
relates  how  mariners  passing  by  a  certain  mountain  on  Sumatra  break 
this  stone  with  axes  out  of  the  rock,  and  that  the  stone  when  burnt 
emits  a  sulphurous  odor.  Ma  Ci  describes  this  stone  as  being  green 
in  color  and  without  speckles;  those  with  gold  stars,  and  when  rubbed 
yielding  a  milky  juice,  are  the  best.  All  this  does  not  fit  the  bezoar. 
Also  the  description  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i1  refers  only  to  a  stone  of 
mineral  origin. 

1  Toung  Pao,  1912,  p.  438. 

2  The  initial  of  the  Persian  word  would  require  a  labial  surd  in  Chinese.  Whether 
the  p'o-sa  §|  ££  of  the  Pei  hu  lu  belongs  here  is  doubtful  to  me;  it  is  not  explained 
what  this  stone  is.   As  admitted  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  yen  i  (Ch.  4,  p.  4  b),  the  form  mo-so 
is  secondary. 

3  It  is  first  mentioned  in  the  ancient  work  Pie  lu,  then  in  the  Wu  Si  pen  ts'ao 
of  the  third  century,  and  by  T'ao  Hun-kin. 

4  Ch.  10,  p.  10  b. 

6  This  text  is  cited  in  the  same  manner  in  the  Tun  si  yan  k'ao  of  1618  (Ch.  3, 
p.  10).   Cf.  F.  DE  M£LY,  Lapidaire  chinois,  p.  120. 

6  Ibid.,  pp.  LXIV,  260. 

7  Ch.  4,  p.  4  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan). 


IRANIAN  MINERALS — BEZOAR  527 

Even  as  early  as  the  T'ang  period,  the  term  p'o-so  merely  denotes 
a  stone.  It  is  mentioned  in  a  colophon  to  the  P*ih  ts*uan  $an  ku  ts*ao  mu 
fo^&tllS^/Ktfiby  Li  Te-yu  3s  IS  IS  (A.D.  787-849)  as  a  curious 
stone  preserved  in  the  P'o-so  Pavilion  south  of  the  C'an-tien  &  K  in 
Ho-nan. 

Yada  or  jada,  as  justly  said  by  Pelliot,  is  a  bezoar;  but  what  at- 
tracted the  Chinese  to  this  Turkish-Mongol  word  was  not  its  char- 
acter as  a  bezoar,  but  its  role  in  magic  as  a  rain-producing  stone.  Li 
Si-cenl  has  devoted  a  separate  article  to  it  under  the  name  fcfc  ^  ca-ta, 
and  has  recognized  it  as  a  kind  of  bezoar;  in  fact,  it  follows  immediately 
his  article  on  the  Chinese  bezoar  (nin-hwan)  .2 

The  Persian  word  was  brought  to  China  as  late  as  the  seventeenth 
century  by  the  Jesuits.  Pantoja  and  Aleni,  in  their  geography  of  the 
world,  entitled  Cifan  wai  ki?  and  published  in  1623,  mention  an  animal 
of  Borneo  resembling  a  sheep  and  a  deer,  called  pa-tsa'r  JC  H  Bl,4  in 
the  abdomen  of  which  grows  a  stone  capable  of  curing  all  diseases,  and 
highly  prized  by  the  Westerners.  The  Chinese  recognized  that  this  was 
a  bezoar.5  Bezoars  are  obtained  on  Borneo,  but  chiefly  from  a  monkey 
(Simia  longumanis,  Dayak  buhi)  and  hedgehog.  The  Malayan  name 
for  bezoar  is  gullga;  and,  as  far  as  I  know,  the  Persian  word  is  not  used 
by  the  Malayans.6  The  Chinese  Gazetteer  of  Macao  mentions  "an 
animal  like  a  sheep  or  goat,  in  whose  belly  is  produced  a  stone  capable 


1  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  50  B,  p.  15  b. 

1  There  is  an  extensive  literature  on  the  subject  of  the  rain-stone.  The  earliest 
Chinese  source  known  to  me,  and  not  mentioned  by  Pelliot,  is  the  K'ai  yuan  t'ien 
pao  i  fi  M  j£.  3?  X  ife  4(  J*  Wan  Zen-yu  3£  C  IS  of  the  T'ang  (p.  20  b). 
Cf.  also  the  Sit  K'ien  su  0f  Jfr  |J,  written  by  Can  Cu  jjjt  $f  in  1805  (Ch.  6,  p.  8, 
ed.  of  Yiie  ya  fan  ts'un  Su).  The  Yakut  know  this  stone  as  sata  (BOEHTLINGK,  Jakut. 
WCrterbuch,  p.  153);  Pallas  gives  a  Kalmuk  form  sadan.  See,  further,  W.  W.  ROCK- 
HILL,  Rubruck,  p.  195;  F.  v.  ERDMANN,  Temudschin,  p.  94;  G.  OPPERT,  Presbyter 
Johannes,  p.  102;  J.  RUSKA,  Steinbuch  des  Qazwlnl,  p.  19,  and  Der  Islam,  Vol.  IV, 
1913,  pp.  26-30  (it  is  of  especial  interest  that,  according  to  the  Persian  mineralogical 
treatise  of  Mohammed  Ben  Mansur,  the  rain-stone  comes  from  mines  on  the  frontier 
of  China,  or  is  taken  from  the  nest  of  a  large  water-bird,  called  surxab,  on  the  frontier 
of  China;  thus,  after  all,  the  Turks  may  have  obtained  their  bezoars  from  China); 
VAMB£RY,  Primitive  Cultur,  p.  249;  POTANIN,  Tangutsko-Tibetskaya  Okraina 
Kitaya,  Vol.  II,  p.  352,  where  further  literature  is  cited. 

1  Ch.  i,  p.  ii  (see  above,  p.  433). 

4  This  form  comes  very  near  to  the  pajar  of  Barbosa  in  1516. 

8  Cf.  the  Lu  can  kun  Si  k'i  (above,  p.  346),  p.  48. 

6  Regarding  the  Malayan  beliefs  in  bezoars,  see,  for  instance,  L.  BOUCHAL  in 
Mitt.  Anthr.  Ges.  Wien,  1900,  pp.  179-180;  BECCARI,  Wanderings  in  the  Great 
Forests  of  Borneo,  p.  327;  KREEMER  in  Bijdr.  taal-  land-  en  volkenkunde,  1914, 
p.  38;  etc. 


528  SlNO-lRANICA 

of  curing  any  disease,  and  called  pa-tsa'r"  (written  as  above);1  cf. 
Portuguese  bazar y  bazodr,  bezoar. 

On  the  other  hand,  bezoars  became  universal  in  the  early  middle 
ages,  and  the  Arabs  also  list  bezoars  from  China  and  India.2  From  the 
Persian  word  fddaj,  explained  as  "a  stone  from  China,  bezoar,"  it 
appears  also  that  Chinese  bezoars  were  traded  to  Persia.  In  Persia,  as 
is  well  known,  bezoars  are  highly  prized  as  remedies  and  talismans.3 

1  Ao-men  li  lio,  Ch.  B,  p.  37. 

2  J.  RUSKA,  Steinbuch  des  Aristoteles,  p.  148. 

8  C.  ACOSTA  (Tractado  de  las  drogas,  pp.  153-160,  Burgos,  1578),  E.  KAEMPFER 
(Amoenitates  exoticae,  pp.  402-403),  GUIBOURT  (Histoire  naturelle  des  drogues 
simples,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  106  et  seq.),  and  G.  F.  KUNZ  (Magic  of  Jewels  and  Charms, 
pp.  203-220)  give  a  great  deal  of  interesting  information  on  the  subject.  See  also 
YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  90;  E.  WIEDEMANN,  Zur  Mineralogie  im  Islam,  p.  228; 
D.  HOOPER,  Journal  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  Vol.  VI,  1910,  p.  519. 


TITLES  OF  THE  SASANIAN  GOVERNMENT 

92.  SI  J?  sa-pao,  *saS(sar)-pav.      Title  of  the  official  in  charge  of 
the  affairs  of  the  Persian  religion  in  Si-nan,  an  office  dating  back  to  the 
time  when  temples  of  the  celestial  god  of  fire  were  erected  there,  about 
A.D.  621.  In  an  excellent  article  PELLIOT  has  assembled  all  texts  relative 
to  this  function.1    I  do  not  believe,  however,  that  we  are  justified  in 
accepting  Deveria's  theory  that  the  Chinese  transcription  should  render 
Syriac  saba  ("old  man").   This  plainly  conflicts  with  the  laws  of  tran- 
scription so  rigorously  expounded  and  upheld  by  Pelliot  himself:  it  is 
necessary  to  account  for  the  final  dental  or  liquid  in  the  character  sa, 
which  regularly  appears  in  the  T'ang  transcriptions.    It  would  be 
strange  also  if  the  Persians  should  have  applied  a  Syriac  word  to  a 
sacred  institution  of  their  own.    It  is  evident  that  the  Chinese  tran- 
scription corresponds  to  a  Middle-Persian  form  traceable  to  Old  Persian 
x$aOra-pavan  (x$$pava,  x$a$apdva),  which  resulted  in  Assyrian  axSadar- 
apan  or  axSadrapdn,  Hebrew  axaSdarfnim?  Greek  crarpctTnys  (Armenian 
Sahapand,  Sanskrit  k$atrapa).  The  Middle-Persian  form  from  which  the 
Chinese  transcription  was  very  exactly  made  must  have  been  *sa0-pav 
or  *xsa0-pav.    The  character  sa  renders  also  Middle  and  New  Persian 
sar  ("head,  chief").3 

93.  J5  Si  ftl  K'u-sa-ho,  *Ku-sa5(r)-7wa,  was  the  title.  3r*  of  the 
kings  of  Parsa  (Persia).4  This  transcription  appears  to  be  based  on  an 
Iranian  xtadva  or  xZarva,  corresponding  to  Old  Iranian  *xsayavan-, 
*xsaivan,  Sogdian  x$evan  ("  king  ")  .5  It  is  notable  that  the  initial  spirant 
x  is  plainly  and  aptly  expressed  in  Chinese  by  the  element  k'u,G  while 
in  the  preceding  transcription  it  is  suppressed.    The  differentiation  in 
time  may  possibly  account  for  this  phenomenon:    the  transcription 
sa-pao  comes  down  from  about  A.D.  621;  while  K'u-sa-ho,  being  con- 

1  Le  Sa-pao,  Bull,  de  I'Ecole  fran$ aise,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  665-671. 
z  H.  POGNON,  Journal  asiatique,  1917,  I,  p.  395. 

3  R.  GAUTHIOT,  Journal  asiatique,  1911,  II,  p.  60. 

4  Sui  $u,  Ch.  83,  p.  7  b. 

5  R.  GAUTHIOT,  Essa",  sur  le  vocalisme  du  sogdien,  p.  97.    See  also  the  note  of 
ANDREAS  in  A.  Christens  ^n,  L'Empire  des  Sassanides,  p.  113.    I  am  unable  to  see 
how  the  Chinese  transcription  could  correspond  to  the  name  Khosrou,  as  proposed 
by  several  scholars  (CHAVANNES,  Documents  sur  les  Tou-kiue  occidentaux,  p.  171; 
and  HIRTH,  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXIII,  1913,  p.  197). 

6  In  the  Manichasan  transcriptions  it  is  expressed  by  P$  *xu  (hu) ;   see  CHA- 
VANNES and  PELLIOT,  Traite"  maniche"en,  p.  25. 

529 


53°  SlNO-lRANICA 

tained  in  the  Sui  Annals,  belongs  to  the  latter  part  of  the  sixth  century. 
According  to  SALEMANN,1  Iranian  initial  xS-  develops  into  Middle- 
Persian  £•;  solely  the  most  ancient  Armenian  loan-words  show  aSx-  for 
x$-,  otherwise  £  appears  regularly  save  that  $x  takes  the  place  of  inter- 
vocalic xLz  In  view  of  our  Sino-Iranian  form,  this  rule  should  perhaps 
be  reconsidered,  but  this  must  remain  for  the  discussion  of  Iranian 
scholars. 

94.  i£  5?  $a-ye,  *sat(sa5)-ya.  Title  of  the  sons  of  the  king  of 
Persia  (Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  p.  6;  T*ai  fin  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  185,  p.  17). 
It  corresponds  to  Avestan  xSaBrya  ("lord,  ruler").3  The  princes  of 
the  Sasanian  empire  were  styled  sa0ra5aran.4  According  to  Sasanian 
custom,  the  sons  of  kings  ruled  provinces  as  "kings."5  Regarding  $c 
in  transcriptions  of  Iranian  names,  cf.  the  name  of  the  river  Yaxartes 
H$t  (Sui  hi,  Ch.  83,  p.  4b)  Yao-sa,  that  is  *Yak-s"a5(sar).  As  the 
Middle-Persian  name  is  Xsart  or  Asart  (Pazend  Asard),6  we  are  bound 
to  assume  that  the  prototype  of  the  Chinese  transcription  was  *Ax§art 
or  *Yax§art. 

95.  H  plt  i-tsan,  but,  as  thefan-ts'ie  of  the  last  character  is  indicated 
by  ^  9J,  the  proper  reading  is  i-ts'at,  *i-dza5,  i-dza5,  designation  of  the 
king  of  Parsa  (•  A  $  or  II  £  0  V  Pg:  Wei  ht,  Ch.  102,  p.  6;  Tai 
fin  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  185,  p.  17).  The  Chinese  name  apparently  repre- 
sents a  transcription  of  IxseS,  the  Ixsidh  of  al-Beruni,  title  of  the 
kings  of  Sogd  and  Fergana,  a  dialectic  form  of  Old  Persian  xSdyaBiya.7 
IxseS  is  the  Avestan  x$aeta  ("brilliant"),  a  later  form  being  Sedah. 
It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Sogdian  was  the  lingua  franca  and 
international  language  of  Central  Asia,  and  even  the  vehicle  of  civiliza- 

1  Grundriss  der  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  I,  p.  262. 
s  Cf.  also  GAUTHIOT,  op.  cit.,  p.  54,  §  61. 

3  K.  Hori's  identification  with  New  Persian  $ah  (Spiegel  Memorial  Volume, 
p.  248)  must  be  rejected.   The  time  of  the  Wei  $u  plainly  refers  to  Sasanian  Persia; 
that  is,  to  the  Middle-Persian  language. 

4  A.  CHRISTENSEN,  op.  cit.,  p.  20.    Cf.  Old  Persian  xsc,m,  xsa$am  ("royalty, 
kingdom"),  Avestan  xSadrem,  Sanskrit  ksatram  (A.  MEILLET,  Grammaire  du  vieux 
perse,  p.  143);  xsadrya  corresponds  to  Sanskrit  kfatriya. 

6  N&LDEKE,  Tabari,  p.  49;  Grundriss,  Vol.  II,  p.  171.  I  think  that  H.  POGNON 
(Journal  asiatique,  1917,  I,  p.  397)  is  right  in  assuming  that  "satrap"  was  a  purely 
honorific  title  granted  by  the  king  not  only  to  the  governors  of  the  provinces,  but 
also  to  many  high  functionaries. 

6  WEST,  Pahlavi  Texts,  Vol.  I,  p.  80. 

7  See  SACHAU,  Chronology  of  Ancient  Nations,  p.  109;  F.  JUSTI,  Iranisches 
Namenbuch,  p.  141;  A.  MEILLET,  Grammaire  du  vieux  perse,  pp.  77,  167  (xsayaBiya 
parsaiy,  "king  in  Persia");  F.  W.  K.  MULLER,  Ein  Doppelblatt  aus  einem  mani- 
chaischen  Hymnenbuch,  p.  31. 


TITLES  or  THE  SASANIAN  GOVERNMENT  531 

tion.1  The  suggestion  offered  by  K.  HoRi,2  that  the  Chinese  transcrip- 
tion should  represent  the  Persian  word  izad  ("god"),  is  not  acceptable: 
first,  New  Persian  cannot  come  into  question,  but  only  Middle  Persian; 
second,  it  is  not  proved  that  izad  was  ever  a  title  of  the  kings  of  Persia. 
On  the  contrary,  as  stated  by  NoLDEKE,3  the  Sasanians  applied  to  them- 
selves the  word  bag  ("god"),  but  not  yazdan,  which  was  the  proper  word 
for  "god"  even  at  that  time. 

96.  W$?^  fan-pu-$wai,  *pwan-bu-zwi5,  designation  of  the  queen 
of  Parsa  (Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  p.  6;  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  185,  p.  17). 
The  foundation  of  this  transcription  is  presented  by  Middle  Persian 
bdnbufn,  bdnbiSn  (Armenian  bambiSn),  "consort  of  the  king  of  Persia."4 
The  Iranian  prototype  of  the  Chinese  transcription  seems  to  have  been 
*banbuzwi5.    The  latter  element  may  bear  some  relation  to  Sogdian 
wdbu  or  wydySth  ("consort").5 

97.  81  $1  }J[     mo-hu-t*an,     *mak-ku(mag-gu)-dan.      Officials     of 
Persia  in  charge  of  the  judicial  department  ^  0  ft  ^  f&  (Wei  lu, 
Ch.  102,  p.  6).    K.  HoRi6  has  overlooked  the  fact  that  the  element 
fan  forms  part  of  the  transcription,  and  has  simply  equalized  mo-hu  with 
Avestan  moyu.  The  transcription  *mak-ku  (mag-gu)  is  obviously  found- 
ed on  Middle  Persian  magu,  and  therefore  is  perfectly  exact.   The  later 
transcription  8  H  *muk-gu  (mu-hu)  is  based  on  New  Persian  muy, 
moy.7    The  ending  dan  reminds  one  of  such  formations  as  herbeddn 
("judge")  and  mobeddn  mobed  ("chief  of  the  Magi"),  the  latter  being 
Old  Persian  magupati,  Armenian  mogpet,  Pahlavi  maupat,  New  Persian 
mubid  (which,  according  to  the  Persian  Dictionary  of  Steingass,  means 
also  "one  who  administers  justice,  judge").    Above  all,  compare  the 
Armenian  loan-word  movpetan  (also  movpet,  mogpet,  mog).s    Hence  it 

1  R.  GAUTHIOT,  Essai  sur  le  vocalisme  du  sogdien,  p.  x;  P.  PELLIOT,  Les  in- 
fluences iraniennes  en  Asie  centrale  et  en  Extreme-Orient,  p.  II. 

2  Spiegel  Memorial  Volume,  p.  248. 

3  Tabari,  p.  452. 

4HuBSCHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  116.  In  his  opinion,  the  form  bdnbuSn, 
judging  from  the  Armenian,  is  wrong;  but  its  authenticity  is  fully  confirmed  by  the 
Chinese  transcription. 

5  R.  GAUTHIOT,  Essai  sur  le  vocalisme  du  sogdien,  pp.  59,  112.    The  three  afore- 
mentioned titles  had  already  been  indicated  by  ABEL-R£MUSAT  (Nouvelles  melanges 
asiatiques,  Vol.  I,  p.  249)  after  Ma  Twan-lin,  but  partially  in  wrong  transcription: 
"Le  roi  a  le  titre  de  Yi-thso;  la  reine,  celui  de  Tchi-sou,  et  les  fils  du  roi,  celui  de 
Cha-ye." 

6  Spiegel  Memorial  Volume,  p.  248. 

7  CHAVANNES  and  PELLIOT,  Traite"  maniche"en,  p.  170.  Accordingly  this  example 
cannot  be  invoked  as  proving  that  muk  might  transcribe  also  mak,  as  formerly 
assumed  by  PELLIOT  (Butt,  de  VEcole  franqaise,  Vol.  IV,  p.  312). 

8  HORN,   Neupersische  Etymologic,   No.   984;   and   HUBSCHMANN,   Persische 
Studien,  p.  123. 


532  SlNO-lRANICA 

may  justly  be  inferred  that  there  was  a  Middle-Persian  form  *ma- 
gutan  or  *magudan,  from  which  the  Chinese  transcription  was  exactly 
made. 

98.  JE  ^  ff  ni-hu-han,  *ni-hwut-7an.    Officials  of  Persia  who  have 
charge  of  the  Treasury  (Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  p.  6).   The  word,  in  fact,  is  a 
family-name  or  title  written  by  the  Greek  authors  Naxopayav,  Naxoepyav, 
'Zapvaxopyavr]*  (prefixed  by  the  word  sar,  "head,  upper").    Firdausl 
mentions  repeatedly  under  the  reign  of  Khosrau  II  a  Naxwara,  and 
the  treasurer  of  this  king  is  styled  "son  of  Naxwara."1    The  treasury 
is  named  for  him  al-Naxirajan.    The  Chinese  transcription  is  made 
after  the  Pahlavi  model  *Nixur7an  or  Nexur7an;  and,  indeed,  the 
form  Nixorakan  is  also  found.2 

99.  *&  $•  ^]  ti-pei-p'o,  *di-pi-bwi$(bir,   wir).     Officials   of   Persia 
who  have  charge  of  official  documents  and  all  affairs  (Cou  lu,  Ch.  50, 
p.  5b).  In  the  parallel  passage  of  the  Wei  $u  (Ch.  102,  p.  6),  the  second 
character  is  misprinted  •¥>  tsao*  *tsaw;  *di-tsaw  would  not  correspond 
to  any  Iranian  word.    From  the  definition  of  the  term  it  becomes 
obvious  that  the  above  transcription  *di-pi  answers  to  dipi  ("writing, 
inscription"),4  Middle  Persian  dijfir  or  dapir,  New  Persian  dibUr  or  dabir 
(Armenian  dpir)',  and  that  *di-pi-bwi5  corresponds  to  Middle  Persian 
dipivar,  from  *dipi-bara,  the  suffix  -var  (anciently  bar  a)  meaning  "carry- 
ing, bearing."5  The  forms  dipir  and  diblr  are  contractions  from  dipivar. 
This  word,  as  follows  from  the  definition,  appears  to  have  comprised 
also  what  was  understood  by  devdnt  the  administrative  chanceries  of 
the  Sasr  ,nian  empire. 

100.  JH  It  M  £&   no-lo-ho-ti,    *at(ar)-la-ha-di.     Officials   of  Persia 
who  superintended  the  inner  affairs  of  the  king  (or  the  affairs  of  the 
royal  household  —  Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  p.  6).   Theophylactus  Simocatta6 
gives  the  following  information  on  the  hereditary  functions  among 
the  seven  high  families  in  the  Sasanian  empire:    "The  family  called 
Artabides  possesses  the  royal  dignity,  and  has  also  the  office  of  placing 

1  NOLDEKE,  Tabari,  pp.  152-153,  439. 

2  JUSTI,  Iran.  Namenbuch,  p.  219.  In  Naxuraqan  or  Na%Irajan  q  and  j  represent 
Pahlavi  g.    The  reconstructions  attempted  by  MODI  (Spiegel  Memorial  Volume, 
p.  nx)  of  this  and  other  Sino-Iranian  words  on  the  basis  of  the  modern  Chinese 
pronunciation  do  not  call  for  any  discussion. 

3  This  misprint  is  not  peculiar  to  the  modern  editions,  but  occurs  in  an  edition 
of  this  work  printed  in  1596,  so  that  in  all  probability  it  was  extant  in  the  original 
issue.   It  is  easy  to  see  how  the  two  characters  were  confounded. 

4  In  the  Old-Persian  inscriptions,  where  it  occurs  in  the  accusative  form  dipim 
and  in  the  locative  dipiya  (A.  MEILLET,  Grammaire  du  vieux  perse,  pp.  147,  183). 

6  C.  SALEMAN,  Grundriss  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  i,  pp.  272,  282. 
8  m,  8. 


TITLES  OF  THE  SASANIAN  GOVERNMENT  533 

the  crown  on  the  king's  head.  Another  family  presides  over  military 
affairs,  another  superintends  civil  affairs,  another  settles  the  litigations 
of  those  who  have  a  dispute  and  desire  an  arbiter.  The  fifth  family  com- 
mands the  cavalry,  the  sixth  collects  the  taxes  and  supervises  the 
royal  treasures,  and  the  seventh  takes  care  of  armament  and  military 
equipment."  Artabides  ('Apra^ldrjs),  as  observed  by  NOLDEKE,*  should 
be  read  Argabides  ('Apyafildrjs),  the  equivalent  of  ArgabeS.  There 
is  also  a  form  apyaTre-nys  in  correspondence  with  Pahlavi  arkpat.  This 
title  originally  designated  the  commandant  of  a  castle  (arg,  "citadel"), 
and  subsequently  a  very  high  military  rank.2  In  later  Hebrew  we  find 
this  title  in  the  forms  alkafta,  arkafta,  or  arkabta*  The  above  tran- 
scription is  apparently  based  on  the  form  *Argade  ('Apyadrj)  =  Argabe5. 

1 01.  l¥  $&  ^8    sie-po-p'o,    *sit-pwa-bwi5.     Officials    of    Persia    in 
charge  of  the  army  (infantry  and  cavalry,  pai7an  and  aswaran),  of  the 
four  quarters,  the  four  patkos  (pat,  "province";  kos,   "guarding") 
^  0  ^^^:    Wei  $u,  Ch.  102,  p.  6.     The  Cou  $u  (Ch.  50,  p.  5^) 
has  II  *sat,  sar,  in  the  place  of  the  first  character.  The  word  corresponds 
to  Middle  Persian  spdhbed  ("general");  Pahlavi  pat,  New  Persian  -bad, 
-bud  ("master").    EranspahbeS  was  the  title  of  the  generalissimo  of 
the  army  of  the  Sasanian  empire  up  to  the  time  of  Khusrau  I.    The 
Pahlavi  form  is  given  as  spahpat;*  the  Chinese  transcription,  however, 
corresponds  better  to  New  Persian  sipahbad,  so  that  also  a  Middle- 
Persian  form  *spahba5  (-bed  or  -bud)  may  be  inferred. 

102.  3L  &  31  nu-se-ta,  *u-se-da5,  used  in  the  Chinese  inscription  dated  1489 
of  the  Jews  of  K'ai-fon  fu  in  Ho-nan,  in  connection  with  the  preceding  name  ^0  i$( 
Lie-wei  (Levi).5  As  justly  recognized  by  G.  DEV£RIA,  this  transcription  represents 
Persian  ustad,{ which  means  "teacher,  master."6    The  Persian  Jews  availed  them- 
selves of  this  term  for  the  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  title  Rab  (Rabbi),  although 
in  Persian  the  name  follows  the  title.  The  Chinese  Jews  simply  adopted  the  Chinese 
mode  of  expression,  in  which  the  family-name  precedes  the  title,  Ustad  Lie-wei 
meaning  as  much  as  "Rabbi  Levi."   The  transcription  itself  appears  to  be  of  much 
older  date  than  the  Ming,  and  was  doubtless  recorded  at  a  time  when  the  final 
consonant  of  ta  was  still  articulated.    In  a  former  article  I  have  shown  from  the 
data  of  the  Jewish  inscriptions  that  the  Chinese  Jews  emigrated  from  Persia  and 
appeared  in  China  not  earlier  than  in  the  era  of  the  Sung.    This  historical  proof  is 
signally  confirmed  by  a  piece  of  linguistic  evidence.    In  the  Annals  of  the  Yuan 
Dynasty  (Yuan  Si,  Ch.  33,  p.  7  b;  43,  p.  n  b)  the  Jews  are  styled  Su-hu  (Ju-hud) 

1  Tabari,  p.  5. 

2  CHRISTENSEN,  op.  tit.,  p.  27;  NOLDEKE,  op.  cit.,  p.  437;  HUBSCHMANN,  Per- 

sische  Studien,  pp.  239,  240. 

3  M.  JASTROW,  Dictionary  of  the  Targumim,  p.  73. 

4  HUBSCHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  240. 

6  J.  TOBAR,  Inscriptions  juives  de  K'ai-fong-fou,  p.  44. 

6  Regarding  this  word,  see  chiefly  H.  HUBSCHMANN,  Persische  Studien,  p.  14. 


534  SlNO-lRANICA 

jffl  ^  or  Cu-wu  ^  7C-  This  form  can  have  been  transcribed  only  on  the  basis  of 
New  Persian  JuhuS  or  JahuS  with  initial  palatal  sonant.  As  is  well  known,  the 
change  of  initial  y  into  j  is  peculiar  to  New  Persian.1  In  Pahlavi  we  have  Yah  at, 
as  in  Hebrew  Yehudl  and  in  Arabic  Yahud.  A  Middle-Persian  Yahut  would  have 
been  very  easy  for  the  Chinese  to  transcribe.  The  very  form  of  their  transcription 
shows,  however,  that  it  was  modelled  on  the  New-Persian  type,  and  that  it  cannot 
be  much  older  than  the  tenth  century  or  the  age  of  the  Sung. 

1  Cf.  HORN,  Grundr.  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  73. 


IRANO-SINICA 

After  dealing  with  the  cultural  elements  derived  by  the  Chinese 
from  the  Iranians,  it  will  be  only  just  to  look  also  at  the  reverse  of  the 
medal  and  consider  what  the  Iranians  owe  to  the  Chinese. 

i.  Some  products  of  China  had  reached  Iranian  peoples  long  before 
any  Chinese  set  their  foot  on  Iranian  soil.  When  Can  K'ien  in  128  B.C. 
reached  Ta-hia  (Bactria),  he  was  amazed  to  see  there  staves  or  walking- 
sticks  made  from  bamboo  of  Kiufi  flS  1t  ^t1  and  cloth  of  Su  (Se-S'wan) 
18  3ft.  What  this  textile  exactly  was  is  not  known.2  Both  these  articles 
hailed  from  what  is  now  Se-S'wan,  Kiufi  being  situated  in  Zun  cou  IS  $H 
in  the  prefecture  of  Kia-tin,  in  the  southern  part  of  the  province.  When 
the  Chinese  envoy  inquired  from  the  people  of  Ta-hia  how  they  had 
obtained  these  objects  of  his  own  country,  they  replied  that  they  pur- 
chased them  in  India.  Hence  Can  K'ien  concluded  that  India  could 
not  be  so  far  distant  from  Se-£'wan.  It  is  well  known  how  this  new 
geographical  notion  subsequently  led  the  Chinese  to  the  discovery  of 
Yun-nan.  There  was  accordingly  an  ancient  trade-route  running  from 
Se-5'wan  through  Yun-nan  into  north-eastern  India;  and,  as  India  on 
her  north-west  frontier  was  in  connection  with  Iranian  territory,  Chinese 
merchandise  could  thus  reach  Iran.  The  bamboo  of  Kiufi,  also  called 
Sr,  has  been  identified  by  the  Chinese  with  the  so-called  square  bamboo 
(Bambusa  or  Phyllostachys  quadrangularis)  .3  The  cylindrical  form  is  so 
universal  a  feature  in  bamboo,  that  the  report  of  the  existence  in  China 
and  Japan  of  a  bamboo  with  four-angled  stems  was  first  considered  in 
Europe  a  myth,  or  a  pathological  abnormity.  It  is  now  well  assured 
that  it  represents  a  regular  and  normal  species,  which  grows  wild  in 
the  north-eastern  portion  of  Yun-nan,  and  is  cultivated  chiefly  as  an 
ornament  in  gardens  and  in  temple-courts,  the  longer  stems  being  used 


1  He  certainly  did  not  see  "a  stick  of  bamboo,"  as  understood  by  HIRTH  (Journal 
Am.  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXVII,  1917,  p.  98),  but  it  was  a  finished  product  imported 
in  a  larger  quantity. 

-  Assuredly  it  was  not  silk,  as  arbitrarily  inferred  by  P.  v.  RICHTHOFEN  (China, 
Vol.  I,  p.  465).  The  word  pu  never  refers  to  silk  materials. 

3  For  an  interesting  article  on  this  subject,  see  D.  J.  MACGOWAN,  Chinese  Record- 
er, Vol.  XVI,  1885,  pp.  141-142;  further,  the  same  journal,  1886,  pp.  140-141.  E. 
SATOW,  Cultivation  of  Bamboos  in  Japan,  p.  92  (Tokyo,  1899).  The  square  bamboo 
(Japanese  sikaku-dake)  is  said  to  have  been  introduced  into  Japan  from  Liukiu. 
FORBES  and  HEMSLEY,  Journal  Linnean  Soc.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  p.  443. 

535 


S36  SlNO-lRANICA 

for  staves,  the  smaller  ones  for  tobacco-pipes.  The  shoots  of  this  species 
are  prized  above  all  other  bamboo-shoots  as  an  esculent. 

The  Pel  hu  lul  has  the  following  notice  on  staves  of  the  square 
bamboo:  "C'en  cou  §  $1  (in  Kwan-si)  produces  the  square  bamboo. 
Its  trunk  is  as  sharp  as  a  knife,  and  is  very  strong.  It  can  be  made  into 
staves  which  will  never  break.  These  are  the  staves  from  the  bamboo 
of  ICiun  ®r,  mentioned  by  Can  K'ien.  Such  are  produced  also  in  Yuri 
Sou  §&  W,2  the  largest  of  these  reaching  several  tens  of  feet  in  height. 
According  to  the  Cen  $en  tsi  JE  ^  3ft,  there  are  in  the  southern  ter- 
ritory square  bamboo  staves  on  which  the  white  cicadas  chirp,  and 
which  C'en  Cen-tsie  K  M  15  has  extolled.  Moreover,  Hai-yen  M  H3 
produces  rushes  (lu  JH,  Phragmites  communis)  capable  of  being  made 
into  staves  for  support.  P'an  6ou  M  #I4  produces  thousand-years  ferns 
T  ^  W,  and  walking-sticks  which  are  small  and  resemble  the  palmyra 
palm  J|  &  (Borassus  tftabelliformis') .  There  is,  further,  the  su-tsie 
bamboo  J$  IB  1t,  from  which  staves  are  abundantly  made  for  the 
Buddhist  and  Taoist  clergy, —  all  singular  objects.  According  to  the 
Hui  tsui  if  ft,  the  Vuh  M  bamboo  from  the  Cen  River  K  JI|  is  straight, 
without  knots  in  its  upper  parts,  and  hollow." 

The  Ko  ku  yao  lun5  states  that  the  square  bamboo  is  produced  in 
western  Se-S'wan,  and  also  grows  on  the  mountain  Fei-lai-fun  3$  ^  ^ 
on  the  West  Lake  in  Ce-kian;  the  knots  of  this  bamboo  are  prickly, 
hence  it  is  styled  in  Se-6'wan  tse  lu  M  1t  ("prickly  bamboo"). 

According  to  the  Min  siao  ki  P3  /h  IS,6  written  by  Cou  Liafi-kun 
M  J£  X  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  square  bamboo 
and  staves  made  from  it  are  produced  in  the  district  of  Yuri-tin  ^C  3t 
in  the  prefecture  of  T'in-c'ou  and  in  the  district  of  T'ai-niii  ^  ^  in  the 
prefecture  of  Sao-wu,  both  in  Fu-kien  Province.7 

1  Ch.  3,  p.  10  b  (ed.  of  Lu  Sin-yuan) ;  see  above,  p.  268. 

2  In  the  prefecture  of  Liu-£ou,  Kwan-si. 

3  Explained  in  the  commentary  as  the  name  of  a  locality,  but  its  situation  is 
not  indicated  and  is  unknown  to  me. 

4  The  present  Mou-min  hi  en,  forming  the  pref  ectural  city  of  Kao-Sou  f  u,  Kwan-tun. 
6  Ch.  8,  p.  9  (ed.  of  Si  yin  hilan  ts'un  Su). 

6  Ed.  of  $wo  lin,  p.  17. 

7  The  San  hai  kin  mentions  the  "narrow  bamboo  (hia  lu  ffi  1^)  growing  in 
abundance  on  the  Tortoise  Mountain";  and  Kwo  P'o  (A.D.  276-324),  in  his  com- 
mentary to  this  work,  identifies  with  it  the  bamboo  of  Kiun.    According  to  the 
Kwan  ci,  the  Kiun  bamboo  occurred  in  the  districts  of  Nan-kwan  [ff  He  (at  present 
Nan-k'i  ffif  j(f|)  and  Kiun-tu  in  Se-5'wan.    The  Memoirs  of  Mount  Lo-fou  (Lo-fou 
San  ki)  in  Kwan-tun  state  that  the  Kiun  bamboo  was  originally  produced  on  Mount 
Kiun,  being  identical  with  that  noticed  by  Can  K'ien  in  Ta-hia,  and  that  village- 
elders  use  it  as  a  staff.  A  treatise  on  bamboo  therefore  calls  it  the  "bamboo  support- 
ing the  old  "  ^  ^  Yf  -   These  texts  are  cited  in  the  T'ai  p*in  yu  Ian  (Ch.  963,  p.  3). 


IRANO-SINICA — THE  SQUARE  BAMBOO,  SILK  537 

It  is  said  to  occur  also  in  the  prefecture  of  Ten-Sou  ^  #1,  San-tun 
Province,  where  it  is  likewise  made  into  walking-sticks.1  The  latter 
being  much  in  demand  by  Buddhist  monks,  the  bamboo  has  received 
the  epithet  "Lo-han  bamboo"  (bamboo  of  the  Arhat).2 

It  is  perfectly  manifest  that  what  was  exported  from  Se-c'wan  by 
way  of  Yun-nan  into  India,  and  thence  forwarded  to  Bactria,  was  the 
square  bamboo  in  the  form  of  walking-canes.  India  is  immensely  rich 
in  bamboos;  and  only  a  peculiar  variety,  which  did  not  exist  in  India, 
could  have  compensated  for  the  trouble  and  cost  which  this  long  and 
wearisome  trade-route  must  have  caused  in  those  days.  For  years,  I 
must  confess,  it  has  been  a  source  of  wonder  to  me  why  Se-c'wan  bamboo 
should  have  been  carried  as  far  as  Bactria,  until  I  encountered  the  text 
of  the  Pei  hn  IM,  which  gives  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  problem.3 

2.  The  most  important  article  by  which  the  Chinese  became 
famously  known  in  ancient  times,  of  course,  was  silk.  This  subject  is  so 
extensive,  and  has  so  frequently  been  treated  in  special  monographs, 
that  it  does  not  require  recapitulation  in  this  place.  I  shall  only  recall 
the  fact  that  the  Chinese  silk  materials,  after  traversing  Central  Asia, 
reached  the  Iranian  Parthians,  who  acted  as  mediators  in  this  trade 
with  the  anterior  Orient.4  It  is  assumed  that  the  introduction  of  seri- 
culture into  Persia,  especially  into  Gilan,  where  it  still  flourishes,  falls 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  Sasanian  epoch.  It  is  very  probable  that  the 
acquaintance  of  the  Khotanese  with  the  rearing  of  silkworms,  introduced 
by  a  Chinese  princess  in  A.D.  419,  gave  the  impetus  to  a  further  growth 
of  this  new  industry  in  a  western  direction,  gradually  spreading  to 
Yarkand,  Fergana,  and  Persia.5  Chinese  brocade  (diba-i  cm)  is  fre- 
quently mentioned  by  Firdaus!  as  playing  a  prominent  part  in  Persian 
decorations.6  He  also  speaks  of  a  very  fine  and  decorated  Chinese  silk 
under  the  name  parniydn,  corresponding  to  Middle  Persian  parnlkan.1 
Iranian  has  a  peculiar  word  for  "silk,"  not  yet  satisfactorily  explained: 
Pahlavi  *apresum,  *aparesum;  New  Persian  abreSum,  abreSam  (Arme- 

1  San  tun  t*uh  ci,  Ch.  9,  p.  6. 

2  See  K'ien  su  Jj^  ^jf ,  Ch.  4,  p.  7  b  (in  Yue  ya  fan  ts'un  Su,  t*ao  24)  and  Su  K'ien 
su,  Ch.  7,  p.  2  b  (ibid.).    Cf.  also  £u  p*u  sian  lu  ft  |g  j^  £f£,  written  by  Li  K'an 
:$:  ffj  in  1299  (Ch.  4,  p.  i  b;  ed.  of  Ci  pu  tsu  cai  ts'un  su). 

3  The  speculations  of  J.  MARQUART  (Eransahr,  pp.  319-320)  in  regard  to  this 
bamboo  necessarily  fall  to  the  ground.    There  is  no  misunderstanding  on  the  part 
of  Can  K'ien,  and  the  account  of  the  Si  ki  is  perfectly  correct  and  clear. 

4  HIRTH,  Chinesische  Studien,  p.  10. 

5  SPIEGEL,  Eranische  Altertumskunde,  Vol.  I,  p.  256. 

6  J.  J.  MODI,  Asiatic  Papers,  p.  254  (Bombay,  1905). 

7  HUBSCHMANN,  Persische  Studien,  p.  242. 


538  SlNO-lRANICA 

nian,  loan-word  from  Persian,  apribtm);  hence  Arabic  ibarisam  or 
ibrisam;  Pamir  dialects  war  sum,  warsiim,  Sugni  wre%om,  etc.;  Afghan 
wresam.1  Certain  it  is  that  we  have  here  a  type  not  related  to  any 
Chinese  word  for  "silk."  In  this  connection  I  wish  to  register  my  utter 
disbelief  in  the  traditional  opinion,  inaugurated  by  KLAPROTH,  that 
Greek  ser  ("  silk- worm  ";  hence  Seres,  Serica)  should  be  connected  with 
Mongol  sirgek  and  Manchu  sirge  ("silk"),  the  latter  with  Chinese  se 
M.2  My  reasons  for  rejecting  this  theory  may  be  stated  as  briefly  as 
possible.  I  do  not  see  how  a  Greek  word  can  be  explained  from  Mongol 
or  Manchu, — languages  which  we  merely  know  in  their  most  recent 
forms,  Mongol  from  the  thirteenth  and  Manchu  from  the  sixteenth 
century.  Neither  the  Greek  nor  the  Mongol-Manchu  word  can  be 
correlated  with  Chinese  se.  The  latter  was  never  provided  with  a  final 
consonant.  Klaproth  resorted  to  the  hypothesis  that  in  ancient  dialects 
of  China  along  the  borders  of  the  empire  a  final  r  might  (peut-ttre)  have 
existed.  This,  however,  was  assuredly  not  the  case.  We  know  that  the 
termination  V  JS,  so  frequently  associated  with  nouns  in  Pekingese,  is 
of  comparatively  recent  origin,  and  not  older  than  the  Yuan  period 
(thirteenth  century) ;  the  beginnings  of  this  usage  may  go  back  to  the 
end  of  the  twelfth  or  even  to  the  ninth  century.3  At  any  rate,  it  did  not 
exist  in  ancient  times  when  the  Greek  ser  came  into  being.  Moreover, 
this  suffix  'r  is  not  used  arbitrarily:  it  joins  certain  words,  while  others 
take  the  suffix  tse  -?,  and  others  again  do  not  allow  any  suffix.  The 
word  se,  however,  has  never  been  amalgamated  with  'r.  In  all  probabil- 
ity, its  ancient  phonetic  value  was  *si,  sa.  It  is  thus  phonetically  im- 
possible to  derive  from  it  the  Mongol-Manchu  word  or  Korean  sir, 
added  by  Abel-Remusat.  I  do  not  deny  that  this  series  may  have  its 
root  in  a  Chinese  word,  but  its  parentage  cannot  be  traced  to  se.  I  do 

1  HUBSCHMANN,  Arm.  Gram.,  p.   107;  HORN,  Neupers.  Etymologic,  No.  65. 
The  derivation  from  Sanskrit  k$auma  is  surely  wrong.    Bulgar  ibrisim,  Rumanian 
ibriSin,  are  likewise  connected  with  the  Iranian  series. 

2  Cf.  KLAPROTH,  Conjecture  sur  1'origine  du  nom  de  la  soie  chez  les  anciens 
(Journal  asiatique,  Vol.  I,  1822,  pp.  243-245,  with  additions  by  ABEL-REMUSAT, 
245-247);  Asia  polyglotta,  p.  341;  and  Me"moires  relatifs  a  1'Asie,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  264. 
Klaproth's  opinion  has  been  generally,  but  thoughtlessly,  accepted  (HIRTH,  op. 
tit.,  p.  217;  F.  v.  RICHTHOFEN,  China,  Vol.  I,  p.  443;  SCHRADER,  Reallexikon,  p.  757). 
PELLIOT  (T'oung  Pao,  1912,  p.  741),  I  believe,  was  the  first  to  point  out  that  Chinese 
se  was  never  possessed  of  a  final  consonant. 

3  See  my  note  in  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  77;  and  H.  MASPERO,  Sur  quelques  textes 
anciens  de  chinois  parle",  p.  12.  Maspero  encountered  the  word  mao'r  ("  cat ")  in  a  text 
of  the  ninth  century.    It  hardly  makes  any  great  difference  whether  we  conceive  V 
as  a  diminutive  or  as  a  suffix.   Originally  it  may  have  had  the  force  of  a  diminutive, 
and  have  gradually  developed  into  a  pure  suffix.    Cf.  also  P.  SCHMIDT,  K  istorii 
kitaiskago  razgovornago  yazyka,  in  Sbornik  stat'ei  professorov,  p.  19  (Vladivostok, 
1917). 


I  RANO-SiNiCA — SILK,  PEACH  AND  APRICOT  539 

not  believe,  either,  that  Russian  folk  ("silk"),  as  is  usually  stated  (even 
by  Dal'),  is  derived  from  Mongol  sirgek:  first  of  all,  the  alleged  phonetic 
coincidence  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence;  and,  secondly,  an  ancient 
Russian  word  cannot  be  directly  associated  with  Mongol;  it  would  be 
necessary  to  trace  the  same  or  a  similar  word  in  Turkish,  but  there  it 
does  not  exist;  "silk"  in  Turkish  is  ipak,  torgu,  torka,  etc.  It  is  more 
probable  that  the  Russian  word  (Old  Slavic  selk,  Lithuanian  $snlkc&), 
in  the  same  manner  as  our  silk,  is  traceable  to  sericum.  There  is  no 
reason  to  assume  that  the  Greek  words  ser,  Sera,  Seres,  etc.,  have 
their  origin  in  Chinese.  This  series  was  first  propagated  by 
Iranians,  and,  in  my  opinion,  is  of  Iranian  origin  (cf.  New  Persian 
sarah,  "silk";  hence  Arabic  sarak). 

Persian  kimxaw  or  kamxab,  kamxa,  kimxd  (Arabic  kimxaw,  Hin- 
dustani kamxab),  designating  a  "gold  brocade,"  as  I  formerly  ex- 
plained,1 may  be  derived  from  Chinese  IS  ffi  kin-hwa,  *kim-xwa. 

3-4.  Of  fruits,  the  West  is  chiefly  indebted  to  China  for  the  peach 
(Amygdalus  persica)  and  the  apricot  (Prunus  armeniaca).  It  is  not 
impossible  that  these  two  gifts  were  transmitted  by  the  silk-dealers, 
first  to  Iran  (in  the  second  or  first  century  B.C.),  and  thence  to  Armenia, 
Greece,  and  Rome  (in  the  first  century  A.D.  ) .  In  Rome  the  two  trees  appear 
as  late  as  the  first  century  of  the  Imperium,  being  mentioned  as  Persica 
and  Armeniaca  arbor  by  Pliny2  and  Columella.  Neither  tree  is  men- 
tioned by  Theophrastus,  which  is  to  say  that  they  were  not  noted 
in  Asia  by  the  staff  of  Alexander's  expedition.3  DE  CANDOLLE  has  ably 
pleaded  for  China  as  the  home  of  the  peach  and  apricot,  and  ENGLER4 
holds  the  same  opinion.  The  zone  of  the  wild  apricot  may  well  extend 
from  Russian  Turkistan  to  Sungaria,  south-eastern  Mongolia,  and  the 
Himalaya;  but  the  historical  fact  remains  that  the  Chinese  have  been  -p^ 
the  first  to  cultivate  this  fruit  from  ancient  times.  Previous  authors 
have  justly  connected  the  westward  migration  of  peach  and  apricot 
with  the  lively  intercourse  of  China  and  western  Asia  following  Can 
K'ien's  mission.5  Persian  has  only  descriptive  names  for  these  fruits, 
the  peach  being  termed  saft-alu  ("large  plum"),  the  apricot  zard-dlu 

1  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  477;  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  484. 

2  xv,  n,  13. 

3  DE  CANDOLLE  (Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  222)  is  mistaken  in  crediting 
Theophrastus  with  the  knowledge  of  the  peach.    JORET  (Plantes  dans  1'antiquite", 
p.  79)  has  already  pointed  out  this  error,  and  it  is  here  restated  for  the  benefit  of 
those  botanists  who  still  depend  on  de  Candolle's  book. 

4  In  Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  433. 

5  JORET,  op.  cit.,  p.  81;  SCHRADER  in  Hehn,  p.  434. 


540  SlNO-lRANICA 

("yellow  plum").1    Both  fruits  are  referred  to  in  Pahlavi  literature 
(above,  pp.  192,  193). 

As  to  the  transplantation  of  the  Chinese  peach  into  India,  we  have 
an  interesting  bit  of  information  in  the  memoirs  of  the  Chinese  pilgrim 
Htian  Tsafi.2  At  the  time  of  the  great  Indo-Scythian  king  Kaniska, 
whose  fame  spread  all  over  the  neighboring  countries,  the  tribes  west  of 
the  Yellow  River  (Ho-si  in  Kan-su)  dreaded  his  power,  and  sent  hostages 
to  him.  Kaniska  treated  them  with  marked  attention,  and  assigned  to 
them  special  mansions  and  guards  of  honor.  The  country  where  the 
hostages  resided  in  the  winter  received  the  name  Cmabhukti  ("China 
allotment,"  in  the  eastern  Panjab).  In  this  kingdom  and  throughout 
India  there  existed  neither  pear  nor  peach.  These  were  planted  by  the 
hostages.  The  peach  therefore  was  called  cmanl  ("Chinese  fruit"); 
and  the  pear,  cmarajaputra  ("crown-prince  of  China").  These  names 
are  still  prevalent.3  Although  Hiian  Tsafi  recorded  in  A.D.  630  an  oral 
tradition  overheard  by  him  in  India,  and  relative  to  a  time  lying  back 
over  half  a  millennium,  his  well-tested  trustworthiness  cannot  be 
doubted  in  this  case:  the  story  thus  existed  in  India,  and  may  indeed 
be  traceable  to  an  event  that  took  place  under  the  reign  of  Kaniska, 
the  exact  date  of  which  is  still  controversial.4  There  are  mainly  two  rea- 
sons which  prompt  me  to  accept  Huan  Tsafi's  account.  From  a  botani- 
cal point  of  view,  the  peach  is  not  a  native  of  India.  It  occurs  there  only 

1  In  the  Pamir  languages  we  meet  a  common  name  for  the  apricot,  Minjan 
£eri,  WaxI  ciwan  or  loan  (but  Sariqoll  no$,  Signi  na&).   The  same  type  occurs  in  the 
Dardu  languages  (jui  or  ji  for  the  tree,  jarote  or  jorote  for  the  fruit,  and  juru  for 
the  ripe  fruit)  and  in  Kacmlii  (tser,  tser-kul) ;  further,  in  West-Tibetan  cu-li  or  co-li, 
Balti  su-ri,  Kanaurl  lul  (other  Tibetan  words  for  "apricot  "are  k'am-bu,  a-§u,  and 
Sa-rag,  the  last-named  being  dried  apricots  with  little  pulp  and  almost  as  hard  as 
a  stone).   KLAPROTH  (Journal  asiatique,  Vol.  II,  1823,  p.  159)  has  recorded  in  Bu- 
khara a  word  for  the  apricot  in  the  form  iserduli.   It  is  not  easy  to  determine  how  this 
type  has  migrated.    TOMASCHEK  (Pamir-Dialekte,  p.  791)  is  inclined  to  think  that 
originally  it  might  have  been  Tibetan,  as  Baltistan  furnishes  the  best  apricots. 
For  my  part,  I  have  derived  the  Tibetan  from  the  Pamir  languages  (T'oung  Pao, 
1916,  p.  82).    The  word  is  decidedly  not  Tibetan;  and  as  to  its  origin,  I  should 
hesitate  only  between  the  Pamir  and  Dardu  languages. 

2  Ta  Tan  Si  yil  kit  Ch.  4,  p.  5. 

8  There  are  a  few  other  Indian  names  of  products  formed  with  "China": 
cinapitfa  ("minium"),  cinaka  ("Panicum  miliaceum,  fennel,  a  kind  of  camphor"), 
cinakarpura  ("a  kind  of  camphor"),  cinavanga  ("lead"). 

4  Cf.  V.  A.  SMITH,  Early  History  of  India,  3d  ed.,  p.  263  (I  do  not  believe  with 
Smith  that  "the  territory  of  the  ruler  to  whose  family  the  hostages  belonged  seems 
to  have  been  not  very  distant  from  Kashgar";  the  Chinese  term  Ho-si,  at  the  time 
of  the  Han,  comprised  the  present  province  of  Kan-su  from  Lan-c"ou  to  An-si); 
T.  WAITERS,  On  Yuan  Chwang's  Travels,  Vol.  I,  pp.  292-293  (his  comments  on 
the  story  of  the  peach  miss  the  mark,  and  his  notes  on  the  name  Clna  are  erroneous; 
see  also  PELLIOT,  Bull,  de  VEcolefranQaise,  Vol.  V,  p.  457). 


IRANO-SINICA — PEACH,  CINNAMON  541 

in  a  cultivated  state,  and  does  not  even  succeed  well,  the  fruit  being 
mediocre  and  acid.1  There  is  no  ancient  Sanskrit  name  for  the  tree;  nor 
does  it  play  any  rdle  in  the  folk-lore  of  India,  as  it  does  in  China.  Fur- 
ther, as  regards  the  time  of  the  introduction,  whether  the  reign  of 
Kaniska  be  placed  in  the  first  century  before  or  after  our  era,  it  is 
singularly  synchronous  with  the  transplantation  of  the  tree  into  western 
Asia. 

5.  As  indicated  by  the  Persian  name  ddr-cml  or  dar-cm  ("Chinese 
wood"  or  "bark";  Arabic  ddr  sml),  cinnamon  was  obtained  by  the  c<^ 
Persians  and  Arabs  from  China.2  Ibn  Khordadzbeh,  who  wrote  between 
A.D.  844  and  848,  is  the  first  Arabic  author  who  enumerates  cinnamon 
among  the  products  exported  from  China.3  The  Chinese  export  cannot 
have  assumed  large  dimensions:  it  is  not  alluded  to  in  Chinese  records, 
Cao  Zu-kwa  is  reticent  about  it.4  Ceylon  was  always  the  main  seat  of  ^Tj 
cinnamon  production,  and  the  tree  (Cinnamomum  zeylanicum)  is  a  native 
of  the  Ceylon  forests.5  The  bark  of  this  tree  is  also  called  dar-cmi.  It 
is  well  known  that  cassia  and  cinnamon  are  mentioned  by  classical 
authors,  and  have  given  rise  to  many  sensational  speculations  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  cinnamon  of  the  ancients.  Herodotus6  places  cinnamon  in 
Arabia,  and  tells  a  wondrous  story  as  to  how  it  is  gathered.  Theo- 
phrastus7  seeks  the  home  of  cassia  and  cinnamomum,  together  with 
frankincense  and  myrrh,  in  the  Arabian  peninsula  about  Saba,  Had- 
ramyt,  Kitibaina,  and  Mamali.  Strabo8  locates  it  in  the  land  of  the 
Sabaeans,  in  Arabia,  also  in  Ethiopia  and  southern  India;  finally  he  has 
a  "cinnamon-bearing  country"  at  the  end  of  the  habitable  countries 
of  the  south,  on  the  shore  of  the  Indian  ocean.9  Pliny10  has  cinnamomum 
or  cinnamum  grow  in  the  country  of  the  Ethiopians,  and  it  is  carried 
over  sea  on  rafts  by  the  Troglodytae. 

1  C.  JORET,  Plantes  dans  l'antiquit<§,  Vol.  II,  p.  281. 

2  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  pp.  68,  272.    The  loan-word  daricenik 
in  Armenian  proves  that  the  word  was  known  in  Middle  Persian  (*dar-i  c"enik) ;  cf . 
HUBSCHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  137. 

8  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  lf Extreme-Orient,  p.  31. 

4  SCHOFF  (Periplus,  p.  83)  asserts  that  between  the  third  and  sixth  centuries 
there  was  an  active  sea-trade  in  this  article  in  Chinese  ships  from  China  to  Persia. 
No  reference  is  given.   I  wonder  from  what  source  this  is  derived. 

5  DE  CANDOLLE,  Origin  of  Cultivated  Plants,  p.  146;  WATT,  Commercial  Prod- 
ucts of  India,  p.  313. 

8  in,  107,  in. 

7  Hist,  plant.,  IX.  iv,  2. 

3  XV.  iv,  19;  XVI.  iv,  25;  XV.  I,  22. 
9 1.  iv,  2. 

10  xii,  42. 


542  SlNO-lRANICA 

The  descriptions  given  of  cinnamon  and  cassia  by  Theophrastus1 
show  that  the  ancients  did  not  exactly  agree  on  the  identity  of  these 
plants,  and  Theophrastus  himself  speaks  from  hearsay  ("In  regard  to 
cinnamon  and  cassia  they  say  the  following:  both  are  shrubs,  it  is  said, 
and  not  of  large  size.  .  .  .  Such  is  the  account  given  by  some.  Others 
say  that  cinnamon  is  shrubby  or  rather  like  an  under-brush,  and  that 
there  are  two  kinds,  one  black,  the  other  white").  The  difference  be- 
tween cinnamon  and  cassia  seems  to  have  been  that  the  latter  possessed 
stouter  branches,  was  very  fibrous,  and  difficult  to  strip  off  the  bark. 
This  bark  was  used;  it  was  bitter,  and  had  a  pungent  odor.2 

Certain  it  is  that  the  two  words  are  of  Semitic  origin.3  The  fact  that 
there  is  no  cinnamon  in  Arabia  and  Ethiopia  was  already  known  to 
GARCIA  DA  ORTA.4  An  unfortunate  attempt  has  been  made  to  trace 
the  cinnamon  of  the  ancients  to  the  Chinese.5  This  theory  has  thus 
been  formulated  by  Muss-ARNOLx:6  "This  spice  was  imported  by 
Phoenician  merchants  from  Egypt,  where  it  is  called  khisi-t.  The 
Egyptians,  again,  brought  it  from  the  land  of  Punt,  to  which  it  was 
imported  from  Japan,  where  we  have  it  under  the  form  kei-chi  ('branch 
of  the  cinnamon-tree'),  or  better  kei-shin  ('heart  of  the  cinnamon') 
[read  sin,  *sim].  The  Japanese  itself  is  again  borrowed  from  the  Chinese 
kei-&  [?].  The  -t  in  the  Egyptian  represents  the  feminine  suffix."  As 
may  be  seen  from  O.  SCHRADER,?  this  strange  hypothesis  was  first  put 
forward  in  1883  by  C.  SCHUMANN.  Schrader  himself  feels  somewhat 
sceptic  about  it,  and  regards  the  appearance  of  Chinese  merchandise  on 
the  markets  of  Egypt  at  such  an  early  date  as  hardly  probable.  From  a 
sinological  viewpoint,  this  speculation  must  be  wholly  rejected,  both 
in  its  linguistic  and  its  historical  bearings.  Japan  was  not  in  existence 
in  1500  B.C.,  when  cinnamon-wood  of  the  country  Punt  is  spoken  of  in 
the  Egyptian  inscriptions;  and  China  was  then  a  small  agrarian  inland 
community  restricted  to  the  northern  part  of  the  present  empire,  and 

1  Hist,  plant.,  IX.  v,  1-3. 

2  Theophrastus,  IX.  v,  3. 

3  Greek  /ccurJa  is  derived  from  Hebrew  qesi'a,  perhaps  related  to  Assyrian  kasu, 
kasiya  (POGNON,  Journal  asiatique,  1917,  I,  p.  400).    Greek  kinnamomon  is  traced 
to  Hebrew  qinnamon  (Exodus,  xxx,  23). 

4  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  pp.  119-120. 

6  Thus  also  FLUCKIGER  and  HANBURY  (Pharmacographia,  p.  520),  whose 
argumentation  is  not  sound,  as  it  lacks  all  sense  of  chronology.  The  Persian  term 
dar-clnl,  for  instance,  is  strictly  of  mediaeval  origin,  and  cannot  be  invoked  as  evidence 
for  the  supposition  that  cinnamon  was  exported  from  China  many  centuries  before 
Christ. 

6  Transactions  Am.  Phil.  Assoc.,  Vol.  XXIII,  1892,  p.  115. 

7  Reallexikon,  p.  989. 


IRANO-SINICA — CINNAMON  543 

not  acquainted  with  any  Cassia  trees  of  the  south.  Certainly  there  was 
no  Chinese  navigation  and  sea-trade  at  that  time.  The  Chinese  word 
kwei  ft  (*kwai,  kwi)  occurs  at  an  early  date,  but  it  is  a  generic  term  for 
Lauraceae;  and  there  are  about  thirteen  species  of  Cassia,  and  about 
sixteen  species  of  Cinnamomum  ,'m  China.  The  essential  point  is  that  the 
ancient  texts  maintain  silence  as  to  cinnamon;  that  is,  the  product  from 
the  bark  of  the  tree.  Cinnamomum  cassia  is  a  native  of  Kwaii-si,  Kwan- 
tun,  and  Indo-China ;  and  the  Chinese  made  its  first  acquaintance  under 
the  Han,  when  they  began  to  colonize  and  to  absorb  southern  China. 
The  first  description  of  this  species  is  contained  in  the  Nan  fan  ts*ao 
mu  cwan  of  the  third  century.1  This  work  speaks  of  large  forests  of  this 
tree  covering  the  mountains  of  Kwan-tun,  and  of  its  cultivation  in 
gardens  of  Kiao-ci  (Tonking) .  It  was  not  the  Chinese,  but  non-Chinese 
peoples  of  Indo-China,  who  first  brought  the  tree  into  cultivation,  which, 
like  all  other  southern  cultivations,  was  simply  adopted  by  the  con- 
quering Chinese.  The  medicinal  employment  of  the  bark  (kwei  p*i 
££  &)  is  first  mentioned  by  T'ao  Hun-kin  (A.D.  451-536),  and  probably 
was  not  known  much  earlier.  It  must  be  positively  denied,  however, 
that  the  Chinese  or  any  nation  of  Indo-China  had  any  share  in  the 
trade  which  brought  cinnamon  to  the  Semites,  Egyptians,  or  Greeks 
at  the  time  of  Herodotus  or  earlier.  The  earliest  date  we  may  assume 
for  any  navigation  from  the  coasts  of  Indo-China  into  the  Indian  Ocean 
is  the  second  century  B.C.2  The  solution  of  the  cinnamon  problem  of 
the  ancients  seems  simpler  to  me  than  to  my  predecessors.  First,  there 
is  no  valid  reason  to  assume  that  what  our  modern  botany  understands 
by  Cassia  and  Cinnamomum  must  be  strictly  identical  with  the  products 
so  named  by  the  ancients.  Several  different  species  are  evidently  in- 
volved. It  is  perfectly  conceivable  that  in  ancient  times  there  was  a 
fragrant  bark  supplied  by  a  certain  tree  of  Ethiopia  or  Arabia  or  both, 
which  is  either  extinct  or  unknown  to  us,  or,  as  Fee  inclines  to  think, 
a  species  of  Amyris.  It  is  further  legitimate  to  conclude,  without  forc- 
ing the  evidence,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  cinnamon  supply  came  from 
Ceylon  and  India,3  India  being  expressly  included  by  Strabo.  This,  at 
least,' is  infinitely  more  reasonable  than  acquiescing  in  the  wild  fantasies 
of  a  Schumann  or  Muss-Arnolt,  who  lack  the  most  elementary  knowl- 
edge of  East-Asiatic  history. 

6.    The  word  "  China  "  in  the  names  of  Persian  and  Arabic  products, 

1  The  more  important  texts  relative  to  the  subject  are  accessible  in  BRET- 
SCHNEIDER,  Bot.  Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  No.  303. 

2  Cf.  PELLIOT,  T'oung  Pao,  1912,  pp.  457-461. 

3  The  Malabar  cinnamon  is  mentioned  by  Marco  Polo  (YULE'S  ed.,  Vol.  II, 
p.  389)  and  others. 


544  SlNO-lRANICA 

or  the  attribution  of  certain  products  to  China,  is  not  always  to  be 
understood  literally.  Sometimes  it  merely  refers  to  a  far-eastern 
product,  sometimes  even  to  an  Indian  product,1  and  sometimes  to 
products  handled  and  traded  by  the  Chinese,  regardless  of  their  pro- 
venience. Such  cases,  however,  are  exceptions.  As  a  rule,  these  Persian- 
Arabic  terms  apply  to  actual  products  of  China. 

ScHLiMMER2  mentions  under  the  name  Killingea  monocephala  the 
zedoary  of  China:  according  to  Piddington's  Index  Plantarum,  it  should 
be  the  plant  furnishing  the  famous  root  known  in  Persia  as  jadivdre 
ocitdi  ("  Chinese  jadvar");  genuine  specimens  are  regarded  as  a  divine 
panacea,  and  often  paid  at  the  fourfold  price  of  fine  gold.  The  identifica- 
tion, however,  is  hardly  correct,  for  K.  monocephala  is  kin  niu  ts'ao 
&  ^  ~tJL  in  Chinese,3  which  hardly  holds  an  important  place  in  the 
Chinese  pharmacopoeia.  The  plant  which  Schlimmer  had  in  mind 
doubtless  is  Curcuma  zedoaria,  a  native  of  Bengal  and  perhaps  of  China 
and  various  other  parts  of  Asia.4  It  is  called  in  Sanskrit  nirvisd  ("poison- 
less")  or  sida,  in  Ku£a  or  Tokharian  B  viralom  or  wiralom,5  Persian  jad- 
vdr,  Arabic  zadvdr  (hence  our  zedoary,  French  zedoaire).  Abu  Mansur 
describes  it  as  zarvdr,  calling  it  an  Indian  remedy  similar  to  Costus  and 
a  good  antidote.6  In  the  middle  ages  it  was  a  much-desired  article  of 
trade  bought  by  European  merchants  in  the  Levant,  where  it  was  sold 
as  a  product  of  the  farthest  east.7  Persian  zarumbdd,  Arabic  zeronbdd, 
designating  an  aromatic  root  similar  to  zedoary,  resulted  in  our  zer- 
umbet*  While  it  is  not  certain  that  Curcuma  zedoaria  occurs  in  China 
(a  Chinese  name  is  not  known  to  me),  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  Persians, 
as  indicated  above,  ascribe  to  the  root  a  Chinese  origin:  thus  also 
kazur  (from  Sanskrit  karcura)  is  explained  in  the  Persian  Dictionary  of 

1Such  an  example  I  have  given  in  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  p.  319:  bi§,  an  edible 
aconite,  does  not  occur  in  China,  as  stated  by  Damlri,  but  in  India.  In  regard  to 
cubebs,  however,  GARCIA  DA  ORTA  (C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  169)  was  mis- 
taken in  denying  that  they  were  grown  in  China,  and  in  asserting  that  they  are 
called  kabab-cini  only  because  they  are  brought  by  the  Chinese.  As  I  have 
shown  (ibid.,  pp.  282-288),  cubebs  were  cultivated  in  China  from  the  Sung  period 
onward. 

2  Terminologie,  p.  335. 

3  Also  this    identification    is   doubtful    (STUART,    Chinese    Materia    Medica, 
p.  228). 

4W.  ROXBURGH,  'Flora  Indica,  p.  8;  WATT,  Commercial  Products  of  India, 
p.  444,  and  Dictionary,  Vol.  II,  p.  669. 

5  S.  L£vi,  Journal  asiatique,  1911,  II,  pp.  123,  138. 

6  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  79.    See  also  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I, 
P.  347- 

7  W.  HEYD,  Histoire  du  commerce  du  levant,  Vol.  II,  p.  676. 

8  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  979. 


IRANO-SINICA — ZEDOARY,  GINGER  545 

Steingass  as  "zedoary,  a  Chinese  root."  Further,  we  read  under  mah- 
parwdr  or  parwin,  "  zedoary,  a  Chinese  root  like  ginger,  but  perfumed." 

7.  Abu  Mansur  distinguishes  under  the  Arabic  name  zanjabll  three 
kinds  of  ginger  (product  of  Amomum  zingiber,  or  Zingiber  officinale), — 
Chinese,  Zanzibar,  and  Melinawi  or  Zurunbaj,  the  best  being  the 
Chinese.1  According  to  SiEiNGASS,2  Persian  anqala  denotes  "a  kind 
of  China  ginger."3  The  Persian  word  (likewise  in  Arabic)  demonstrates 
that  the  product  was  received  from  India:  compare  Prakrit  singabera} 
Sanskrit  $rngavera  (of  recent  origin),4  Old  Arabic  zangabil,  Pahlavi 
Sangawr,  New  Persian  $ankalil,  Arabic-Persian  zanjabll,  Armenian 
snroel  or  snkrvil  (from  *singivel),  Greek  £iyyi(3epis,  Latin  zingiberi; 
Madagasy  Sakawru  (Indian  loan-word).5 

The  word  galangal,  denoting  the  aromatic  rhizome  of  Alpinia 
galanga,  is  not  of  Chinese  origin,  as  first  supposed  by  D.  HANBURY,G 
and  after  him  by  HiRTH7  and  GILES. 8  The  error  was  mainly  provoked 
by  the  fact  that  the  Arabic  word  from  which  the  European  name  is 
derived  was  wrongly  written  by  Hanbury  khalanjdn,  while  in  fact  it  is 
khulanjdn  (xulandzdri) ,  Persian  xdwalinjdn.  The  fact  that  Ibn  Khor- 
dadzbeh,  who  wrote  about  A.D.  844-848,  mentions  khulanjdn  as  one  of 
the  products  of  China,9  does  not  prove  that  the  Arabs  received  this 
word  from  China;  for  this  rhizome  is  not  a  product  peculiar  to  China, 
but  is  intensively  grown  in  India,  and  there  the  Arabs  made  the  first 
acquaintance  of  it.  Ibn  al-Baitar10  states  expressly  that  khulanjdn 
comes  from  India;  and,  as  was  recognized  long  ago,  the  Arabic  word 
is  derived  from  Sanskrit  kulanja,11  which  denotes  Alpinia  galanga. 
The  European  forms  with  ng  (galangan,  galgan,  etc.)  were  suggested  by 
the  older  Arabic  pronunciation  khillangdn.12  In  Middle  Greek  we  have 

1  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  76. 

2  Persian  Dictionary,  p.  113. 

3  Concerning  ginger  among  the  Arabs,  cf.  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II, 
p.  217;  and  regarding  its  preparation,  see  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  1'Extreme- 
Orient,  p.  609. 

4  Cf.  the  discussion  of  E.  HULTZSCH  and  F.  W.  THOMAS  in  Journal  Roy.  As.  Soc., 
1912,  pp.  475,  1093.   See  also  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  374. 

5  The  curious  word  for  "ginger"  in  Kuca  or  Tokharian  B,  tvankaro  (S.  L£vi, 
Journal  asiatique,  1911,  II,  pp.  124,  137),  is  not  yet  explained. 

6  Science  Papers,  p.  373. 

7  Chinesische  Studien,  p.  219. 

8  Glossary  of  Reference,  p.  102. 

9  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  I'Extr&ne-Orient,  p.  31. 

10  Ibid.,  p.  259.   Cf.  also  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  60. 

11  ROEDIGER  and  POTT,  Z.  K.  d.  Morgenl.,  Vol.  VII,  1850,  p.  128. 

12  E.  WIEDEMANN  (Sitzber.  Phys.-Med.  Soz.  ErL,  Vol.  XLV,  1913,  p.  44)  gives 
as  Arabic  forms  also  xaulangad  and  xalangdn. 


546  SlNO-lRANICA 


/coXour£"ta,  xauXife*',  and  7a\cry7d;  in  Russian,  kalgdn.  The  whole  group 
has  nothing  to  do  with  Chinese  kao-lian-kian.1  Moreover,  the  latter 
refers  to  a  different  species,  Alpinia  officinarum;  while  Alpinia  galanga 
does  not  occur  in  China,  but  is  a  native  of  Bengal,  Assam,  Burma, 
Ceylon,  and  the  Konkan.  GARCIA  DA  ORTA  was  already  well  posted  on 
the  differences  between  the  two.2 

8.  Abu  Mansur  mentions  the  medical  properties  of  mamiran* 
According  to  AcnuNDOW,4  a  rhizome  originating  from  China,  and 
called  in  Turkistan  momiran,  is  described  by  Dragendorff  ,  and  is  re- 
garded by  him  as  identical  with  the  so-called  mishmee  (from  Coptis 
teeta  Wall.),  which  is  said  to  be  styled  mamiralin  in  the  Caucasus.  He 
further  correlates  the  same  drug  with  Ranunculus  ficaria  (xe\Ldovt,ov 
rb  viKpov),  subsequently  described  by  the  Arabs  under  the  name 
mamirun.  Al-Jafiki  is  quoted  by  Ibn  al-Baitar  as  saying  that  the 
mantiran  comes  from  China,  and  that  its  properties  come  near  to 
those  of  Curcuma?  these  roots,  however,  are  also  a  product  of  Spain, 
the  Berber  country,  and  Greece.6  The  Sheikh  Daud  says  that  the  best 
which  comes  from  India  is  blackish,  while  that  of  China  is  yellowish. 
Ibn  Batuta7  mentions  the  importation  of  mamlran  from  China,  saying 
that  it  has  the  same  properties  as  kurkum.  Hajji  Mahomed,  in  his 
account  of  Cathay  (ca.  1550),  speaks  of  a  little  root  growing  in  the 
mountains  of  Succuir  (Su-6ou  in  Kan-su),  where  the  rhubarb  grows, 
and  which  they  call  Mambroni  Cini  (mamiran-i  Cini,  "mamiran  of 
China").  "This  is  extremely  dear,  and  is  used  in  most  of  their  ail- 
ments, but  especially  where  the  eyes  are  affected.  They  grind  it  on 
a  stone  with  rose-water,  and  anoint  the  eyes  with  it.  The  result  is 
wonderfully  beneficial."8  In  1583  LEONHART  RAUWOLF9  mentions 

1  Needless  to  say  that  the  vivisections  of  Hirth,  who  did  not  know  the  Sanskrit 
term,  lack  philological  method. 

2  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  208.    Garcia  gives  lavandou  as  the  name  used  in 
China;  this  is  apparently  a  corrupted  Malayan  form  (cf.  Javanese  laos}.    In  Java,  he 
says,  there  is  another  larger  kind,  called  lancuaz;  in  India  both  are  styled  lancuaz.  This 
is  Malayan  lenkuwas,  Makasar  lankuwasa,  Cam  lakuah  or  lakuak,  Tagalog  lankuas. 
The  Arabic  names  are  written  by  Garcia  calvegiam,  chamligiam,  and  galungem;  the 
author's  Portuguese  spelling,  of  course,  must  be  taken  into  consideration. 

3  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  138. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  268. 

6  LECLERC,  Traite*  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  441.  Dioscorides  remarks  that  the 
sap  of  this  plant  has  the  color  of  saffron. 

6  In  Byzantine  Greek  it  is  y.o.\n\pk  or  nepriptv,  derived  from  the  Persian-Arabic 
word. 

7  Ed.  of  DEFREMERY  and  SANGUINETTI,  Vol.  II,  p.  186. 

8  YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I,  p.  292. 

9  Beschreibung  der  Raiss  inn  die  Morgenlander,  p.  126. 


IRANO-SINICA — MAMIRAN,  RHUBARB  547 

the  drug  mamirani  tchini  for  eye-diseases,  being  yellowish  like  Curcuma. 

Bernier  mentions  mamiran  as  one  of  the  products  brought  by  the 
caravans  from  Tibet.  Also  according  to  a  modern  Mohammedan  source, 
mamiran  and  rhubarb  are  exported  from  Tibet.1 

Mamlra  is  a  reputed  drug  for  eye-diseases,  applied  to  bitter  roots 
of  kindred  properties  but  of  different  origin.  By  some  it  is  regarded  as 
the  rhizome  of  Coptis  teeta  (tlta  being  the  name  of  the  drug  in  the  Mishmi 
country);  by  others,  from  Tkalictrum  foliosum,  a  tall  plant  common 
throughout  the  temperate  Himalaya  and  in  the  Kasia  Hills.2  In  another 
passage,  however,  YULES  suggests  that  this  root  might  be  the  ginseng 
of  the  Chinese,  which  is  highly  improbable. 

It  is  most  likely  that  by  mamira  is  understood  in  general  the  root  of 
Coptis  teeta.  This  is  a  ranunculaceous  plant,  and  the  root  has  some- 
times the  appearance  of  a  bird's  claw.  It  is  shipped  in  large  quantities 
from  China  (Chinese  hwan-Uen  H  31)  ma  Singapore  to  India.  The 
Chinese  regard  it  as  a  panacea  for  a  great  many  ills;  among  others,  for 
clearing  inflamed  eyes. 

9.  Abu  Mansur  discriminates  between  two  kinds  of  rhubarb, —  the 
Chinese  (riwand-i  slm)  and  that  of  Khorasan,  adding  that  the  former 
is  most  employed.4  Accordingly  a  species  of  rhubarb  (probably  Rheum 
ribes)  must  have  been  indigenous  to  Persia.  Yaqut  says  that  the  finest 
kind  grew  in  the  soil  of  Nisapur.5  According  to  E.  BoissiER,6  Rheum 
ribes  occurs  near  Van  and  in  Agerowdagh  in  Armenia,  on  Mount  Pir 
Omar  Gudrun  in  Kurdistan,  in  the  Daena  Mountain  of  eastern  Persia, 
near  Persepolis,  in  the  province  Aderbeijan  in  northern  Persia,  and  in 
the  mountains  of  Baluchistan.  There  is  a  general  Iranian  name  for 
"rhubarb":  Middle  Persian  rewds,  New  Persian  rewds,  rewand,  riwand 
(hence  Armenian  erevant),  Kurd  riwds,  rlbds;  Baluci  rava$;  Afghan 
rawdL1  The  Persian  name  has  penetrated  in  the  same  form  into  Arabic 

1  CH.  SCHEFER,  Histoire  de  1'Asie  centrale  par  Mir  Abdoul  Kerim  Boukhary, 
p.  239.    Cf.  also  R.  DOZY,  Supplement  aux  dictionnaires  arabes,  Vol.  II,  p.  565. 

2  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  548. 

3  Cathay,  Vol.  I,  p.  292. 

4AcHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  74.  Chinese  rhubarb  is  also  called  simply  Uni 
("Chinese")  in  Persian,  fini  in  Arabic. 

5  BARBIER  DE  MEYNARD,  Diet.  g6ogr.  de  la  Perse,  p.  579. 

6  Flora  Orientalis,  Vol.  IV,  p.  1004.    Rheum  ribes  does  not  occur  in  China  or 
Central  Asia. 

7  The  Afghan  word  in  particular  refers  to  Rheum  spiciforme,  which  grows  wild 
and  abundantly  in  many  parts  of  Afghanistan.    When  green,  the  leaf-stalks  are 
called  rawas;  and  when  blanched  by  heaping  up  stones  and  gravel  around  them, 
lukri;  when  fresh,  they  are  eaten  either  raw  or  cooked  (WATT,  Dictionary,  Vol.VI, 
p.  487).     The  species  under  notice  occurs  also  in  Kan-su,  China:    FORBES  and 


548  SlNO-lRANICA 

and  Turkish,  likewise  into  Russian  as  reven'  and  into  Serbian  as  reved. 
It  is  assumed  also  that  Greek  priov  (from  *rewon)  and  pd  are  derived  from 
Iranian,  and  it  is  more  than  likely  that  Iran  furnished  the  rhubarb 
known  to  the  ancients.  The  two  Greek  names  first  appear  in  Dios- 
corides,1  who  states  that  the  plant  grows  in  the  regions  beyond  the 
Bosporus,  for  which  reason  it  was  subsequently  styled  rha  ponticum 
or  rha  barbarum  (hence  our  rhubarb,  Spanish  ruibarbo,  Italian  rabarbaro, 
French  rhubarbe), —  an  interesting  case  analogous  to  that  of  the  Hu 
plants  of  the  Chinese.  In  the  fourth  century,  Ammianus  Marcellinus2 
states  that  the  plant  receives  its  name  from  the  River  Rha  ('Pd,  Finnish 
Rau,  Rawa),  on  the  banks  of  which  it  grows.  This  is  the  Volga,  but  the 
plant  does  not  occur  there.  It  is  clear  that  Ammianus'  opinion  is 
erroneous,  being  merely  elicited  by  the  homophony  of  the  names  of 
the  plant  and  the  river.  Pliny3  describes  a  root  termed  rhacoma,  which 
when  pounded  yields  a  co^or  like  that  of  wine  but  inclining  to  saffron, 
and  which  was  brought  from  beyond  the  Pontus.  Certain  it  is  that 
this  drug  represents  some  species  of  Rheum,  in  my  opinion  identical 
with  that  of  Iran.4  There  is  no  reason  to  speculate,  as  has  been  done  by 
some  authors,  that  the  rhubarb  of  the  ancients  came  from  China;  for 
the  Chinese  did  not  know  rhubarb,  as  formerly  assumed,  from  time 
immemorial.  This  is  shown  at  the  outset  by  the  composite  name  ta 
hwan  i$  3?  ("the  great  yellow  one")  or  hwan  lian  jH  &.("the  yellow 
good  one"),  merely  descriptive  attributes,  while  for  all  genuinely  ancient 
plants  there  is  a  root-word  of  a  single  syllable.  The  alleged  mention  of 
rhubarb  in  the  Pen  kin  or  Pen  ts *ao,  attributed  to  the  mythical  Emperor 
Sen-nun,  proves  nothing;  that  work  is  entirely  spurious,  and  the  text 
in  which  we  have  it  at  present  is  a  reconstruction  based  on  quotations 
in  the  preserved  Pen-ts'ao  literature,  and  teems  with  interpolations  and 
anachronisms.5  All  that  is  certain  is  that  rhubarb  was  known  to  the 

HEMSLEY,  Journal  Linnean  Soc.,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  355.  There  is  accordingly  no  rea- 
son to  seek  for  an  outside  origin  of  the  Iranian  word  (cf.  SCHRADER,  Reallexikon, 
p.  685).  The  Iranian  word  originally  designated  an  indigenous  Iranian  species, 
and  was  applied  to  Rheum  officinale  and  palmatum  from  the  tenth  century  onward, 
when  the  roots  of  these  species  were  imported  from  China. 

1  in,  2.   Theophrastus  is  not  acquainted  with  this  genus. 

2  XXII.  vm,  28. 

3  xxvn,  105. 

4  FLUCKIGER  and  HANBURY  (Pharmacographia,  p.  493)  state,  "Whether  pro- 
duced in  the  regions  of  the  Euxine  (Pontus),  or  merely  received  thence  from  remoter 
countries,  is  a  question  that  cannot  be  solved."    The  authors  are  not  acquainted 
with  the  Iranian  species,  and  their  scepticism  is  not  justified. 

6  It  is  suspicious  that,  according  to  Wu  P'u  of  the  third  century,  Sen  Nun  and 
Lei  Kun  ascribed  poisonous  properties  to  ta  hwan,  while  this  in  fact  is  not  true. 
The  Pen  kin  (according  to  others,  the  Pie  lu)  states  that  it  is  non-poisonous. 


IRANO-SINICA — RHUBARB  549 

Chinese  in  the  age  of  the  Han,  for  the  name  ta  hwan  occurs  on  one  of 
the  wooden  tablets  of  that  period  discovered  in  Turkistan  by  Sir  A. 
Stein  and  deciphered  by  CnAVANNES.1 

Abu  Mansur,  as  cited  above,  is  the  first  Persian  author  who  speaks 
of  Chinese  rhubarb.  He  is  followed  by  a  number  of  Arabic  writers. 
It  is  therefore  reasonable  to  infer  that  only  in  the  course  of  the  tenth 
century  did  rhubarb  develop  into  an  article  of  trade  from  China  to 
western  Asia.  In  1154  Edrisi  mentions  rhubarb  as  a  product  of  China 
growing  in  the  mountains  of  Buthink  (perhaps  north-eastern  Tibet).2 
Ibn  Sa'ld,  who  wrote  in  the  thirteenth  century,  speaks  of  the  abundance 
of  rhubarb  in  China.3  Ibn  al-Baitar  treats  at  great  length  of  rawend, 
by  which  he  understands  Persian  and  Chinese  rhubarb,4  and  of  ribas, 
"very  common  in  Syria  and  the  northern  countries,"  identified  by 
LECLERC  with  Rheum  ribes.5 

MARCO  POLO  relates  that  rhubarb  is  found  in  great  abundance  over 
all  mountains  of  the  province  of  Sukchur  (Su-cou  in  Kan-su),  and  that 
merchants  go  there  to  buy  it,  and  carry  it  thence  all  over  the 
world.6  In  another  passage  he  attributes  rhubarb  also  to  the  mountains 
around  the  city  of  Su-£ou  in  Kian-su,7  which,  Yule  says,  is  believed  by 
the  most  competent  authorities  to  be  quite  erroneous.  True  it  is  that 
rhubarb  has  never  been  found  in  that  province  or  anywhere  in  middle 
China;  neither  is  there  an  allusion  to  this  in  Chinese  accounts,  which 
restrict  the  area  of  the  plant  to  Sen-si,  Kan-su,  Se-c'wan,  and  Tibet. 
Nevertheless  it  would  not  be  impossible  that  at  Polo's  time  a  sporadic 
attempt  was  made  to  cultivate  rhubarb  in  the  environs  of  Su-£ou.  Friar 
Odoric  mentions  rhubarb  for  the  province  Kansan  (Kan-su),  growing 
in  such  abundance  that  you  may  load  an  ass  with  it  for  less  than  six 
groats.8 

Chinese  records  tell  us  very  little  about  the  export-trade  in  this 
article.  Cao  Zu-kwa  alone  mentions  rhubarb  among  the  imports  of 

1  Documents  chinois  de'couverts  dans  les  sables  du  Turkestan  oriental,  p.  115, 
No.  527. 

2  W.  HEYD,  Histoire  du  commerce  du  levant,  Vol.  II,  p.  665.  See  also  FLUCKIGER 
and  HANBURY,  Pharmacographia,  pp.  493-494. 

3  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  I'Extr&ne-Orient,  p.  350. 

4  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  pp.  155-164. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  190.  This  passage  was  unknown  to  me  when  I  identified  above  the 
Persian  term  riwand  with  this  species,  arriving  at  this  conclusion  simply  by  consult- 
ing Boissier's  Flora. 

6  YULE,  Marco  Polo,  Vol.  I,  p.  217. 

7  Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  p.  181. 

8  YULE,  Cathay,  Vol.  II,  p.  247. 


550  SlNO-lRANICA 

San-fu-ts'i  (Palembang)  and  Malabar.1  In  vain  also  should  we  look  in 
Chinese  books  for  anything  on  the  subject  that  would  correspond  to  the 
importance  attached  to  it  in  the  West. 

GARCIA  DA  ORTA  (1562)  held  it  for  certain  that  "all  the  rhubarb 
that  comes  from  Ormuz  to  India  first  comes  from  China  to  Ormuz  by 
the  province  of  Uzbeg  which  is  part  of  Tartary.  The  fame  is  that  it 
comes  from  China  by  land,  but  some  say  that  it  grows  in  the  same 
province,  at  a  city  called  f  amarcander  (Samarkand)  .2  But  this  is  very 
bad  and  of  little  weight.  Horses  are  purged  with  it  in  Persia,  and  I 
have  also  seen  it  so  used  in  Balagate.  It  seems  to  me  that  this  is  the 
rhubarb  which  in  Europe  we  called  ravam  turquino,  not  because  it  is 
of  Turkey  but  from  there."  He  emphasizes  the  point  that  there  is  no 
other  rhubarb  than  that  from  China,  and  that  the  rhubarb  coming  to 
Persia  or  Uzbeg  goes  thence  to  Venice  and  to  Spain;  some  goes  to 
Venice  by  way  of  Alexandria,  a  good  deal  by  Aleppo  and  Syrian  Tripoli, 
all  these  routes  being  partly  by  sea,  but  chiefly  by  land;3  the  rhubarb 
is  not  so  much  powdered,  for  it  is  more  rubbed  in  a  month  at  sea  than  in 
a  year  going  by  land.4  As  early  as  the  thirteenth  century  at  least,  as  we 
see  from  Ibn  al-Baitar,  what  was  known  to  the  Arabs  as  "rhubarb  of 
the  Turks  or  the  Persians,"  in  fact  hailed  from  China.  In  the  same 
manner,  it  was  at  a  later  time  that  in  Europe  "Russian,  Turkey,  and 
China  rhubarb'7  were  distinguished,  these  names  being  merely  in- 
dicative of  the  various  routes  by  which  the  drug  was  conveyed  to 
Europe  from  China.5  Also  CHRISTOVAL  ACOSTA  notes  the  corruption 
of  rhubarb  at  sea  and  its  overland  transportation  to  Persia,  Arabia, 
and  Alexandria.0 

1  HIRTH,  Chau  Ju-kua,  pp.  61,  88. 

2  Probably  Rheum  ribes,  mentioned  above. 

3  LEONHART  RAUWOLF  (Beschreibung  der  Raiss  inn  die  Morgenlander,  1583, 
p.  461)  reports  that  large  quantities  of  rhubarb  are  shipped  from  India  to  Aleppo 
both  by  sea  and  by  land. 

4  Cf.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  pp.  390-392. 

5  In  regard  to  the  Russian  trade  in  rhubarb  see  G.  CAHEN,  Le  livre  de  comptes 
de  la  caravane  russe  a  P6kin,  p.  108  (Paris,  1911). 

6  Reobarbaro  (medicina  singular,  y  digna  de  ser  de  todo  el  linage  humano  ve- 
nerada)  se  halla  solamente  dentro  de  la  China,  de  donde  lo  traen  a  vender  a  Cataon 
(que  es  el  puerto  de  mas  comercio  de  la  China,  donde  estan  los  Portugueses)  y  de 
alii  viene  por  mar  a  la  India:  y  deste  que  viene  por  mar  no  se  haze  mucho  caso,  por 
venir,  por  la  mayor  parte  corropido  (por  quanto  el  Reobarbaro  se  corrope  co  mucha 
facilidad  enla  mar)  y  dela  misma  tierra  detro  de  la  China,  lo  lleuan  a  la  Tartaria, 
y  por  la  prouincia  de  Vzbeque  lo  lleua  a  Ormuz,  y  a  toda  la  Persia,  Arabia,  y  Alex- 
adria:  de  dode  se  distribuye  por  toda  la  Europa  (Tractado  de  las  drogas,  y  medicinas 
de  las  Indias  Orientales,  p.  287,  Burgos,  1576).    Cf.  also  LINSCHOTEN  (Vol.  II, , 
p.  101,  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society),  who,  as  in  most  of  his  notices  of  Indian  products, 
exploits  Garcia. 


IRANO-SINICA— RHUBARB,  VARIOUS  PLANTS  551 

JOHN  GERARDE1  illustrates  the  rhubarb-plant  and  annotates,  "It 
is  brought  out  of  the  countrie  of  Sina  (commonly  called  China)  which 
is  towarde  the  east  in  the  upper  part  of  India,  and  that  India  which  is 
without  the  river  Ganges:  and  not  at  all  Ex  Scenitarum  provincia, 
(as  many  do  unadvisedly  thinke)  which  is  in  Arabia  the  happie,  and  far 
from  China/'  etc.  "The  best  rubarbe  is  that  which  is  brought  from 
China  fresh  and  newe,"  etc. 

WATT2  gives  a  Persian  term  revande-hindi  ("Indian  rhubarb")  for 
Rheum  emodi.  Curiously,  in  Hindustani  this  is  called  Hindi-remand 
cim  ("Chinese  rhubarb  of  India")?  and  in  Bengali  Bangla-revan  cml 
("Chinese  rhubarb  of  Bengal"),  indicating  that  the  Chinese  product 
was  preeminently  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  that  the  Himalayan 
rhubarbs  were  only  secondary  substitutes. 

10.  Abu  Mansur3  mentions  under  the  Arabic  name  ratta  a  fruit 
called  "Indian  hazel-nut"  (bunduq-i  hindi),  also  Chinese  Salsola  kali. 
It  is  the  size  of  a  small  plum,  contains  a  small  blackish  stone,  and 
is  brought  from  China.    It  is  useful  in  chronic  diseases  and  in  cases  of 
poisoning,  and  is  hot  and  dry  in  the  second  degree.    This  is  Sapindus 
mukorossi,  in  Chinese  wu  (or  mu)-hwan-tse   $&  (or  /fC)  ,S  -?*  (with  a 
number  of  synonymes),  the  seeds  being  roasted  and  eaten. 

11.  Arabic  suk,  a  drug  composed  of  several  ingredients,  according 
to  Ibn  Sina,  was  originally  a  secret  Chinese  remedy  formed  with  amlaj 
(Sanskrit  amalaka,  Phyllanthus  emblica,  the  emblic  myrobalan).4    It 
is  the  3§  j|l  (jf  an-mo-lOj  *an-mwa-lak,  of  the  Chinese.5   In  Persian  it 
is  amala  or  amula. 

12.  Persian  guli  xaira  (xairu)  is  explained  as  Chinese  and  Persian 
hollyhock  (Alihcea  rosea).Q   This  is  the  $u  k'wei  13  U  ("mallow  of  Se- 
c'wan")  of  the  Chinese,  also  called  Zun  k'wei  ("mallow  of  the  Zun"). 
It  is  the  common  hollyhock,  which  STUARTT  thinks  may  have  been 
originally  introduced  into  China  from  some  western  country. 

13.  Ibn  al-Baitar8  speaks  of  a  "rose  of  China"  (ward  smi),  usually 
called  nisrin.    According  to  Leclerc,  this  is  a  malvaceous  plant.    In 
Persian  we  find  gul-cim  ("rose  of  China"),  the  identification  of  which, 

1  The  Herball  or  Generall  Historic  of  Plantes,  p.  317  (London,  1597). 
~  Dictionary,  Vol.  VI,  p.  486. 

3  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  74. 

4  E.  SEIDEL,  Mechithar,  p.  215. 

5  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  30,  p.  5  b;  Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  Ch.  8,  p.  I.  STUART  (Chinese 
Materia  Medica,  p.  421)  wrongly  identifies  the  name  with  Spondias  amara. 

6  STEINGASS,  Persian  Dictionary,  p.  1092. 

7  Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  33. 

8  LECLERC,  Traits'  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  369,  409. 


552  SlNO-lRANICA 

judging  from  what  Steingass  says,  is  not  exactly  known.  The  Arabic 
author,  further,  has  a  $ah-smi  ("Chinese  king"),  described  as  a  drug 
in  the  shape  of  small,  thin,  and  black  tabloids  prepared  from  the  sap 
of  a  plant.  It  is  useful  as  a  refrigerant  for  feverish  headache  and  in- 
flamed tumors.  It  is  reduced  to  a  powder  and  applied  to  the  diseased 
spot.1  Leclerc  annotates  that,  according  to  the  Persian  treatises,  this 
plant  originating  from  China,  as  indicated  by  its  name,  is  serviceable 
for  headache  in  general.  Dimaski,  who  wrote  about  1325,  ascribes 
$ah-ftm  to  the  island  of  Cankhay  in  the  Malayan  Archipelago,  saying 
that  its  leaves  are  known  under  the  name  "betel."2  STEINGASS,  in 
his  Persian  Dictionary,  explains  the  term  as  "the  expressed  juice  of 
a  plant  brought  from  China,  good  for  headaches."  I  do  not  know  what 
plant  is  understood  here. 

14.  According  to    Ibn   al-Baitar,  the   mango    (Arabic   anbd)    is 
found  only  in  India  and  China.3    This  is  Mangifera  indica  (family 
Anacardiaceae) ,  a  native  of  India,  and  the  queen  of  the  Indian  fruits, 
counting  several  hundreds  of  varieties.    Its  Sanskrit  name  is  amra, 
known  to  the  Chinese  in  the  transcription  ^  jH  an-lo,  *am-la(ra). 
Persian  amba  and  Arabic  anbd  are  derived  from  the  same  word.   During 
the  T'ang  period  the  fruit  was  grown  in  Fergana.4    Malayan  manga 
(like  our  mango)  is  based  on  Tamil  mangas,  and  is  the  foundation  of  the 
Chinese  transcription  mun  HI .    The  an-lo  tree  is  first  mentioned  for 
Cen-la  (Camboja)  in  the  Sui  Annals,5  where  its  leaves  are  compared 
with  those  of  the  jujube  (Zizyphus  vulgaris),  and  its  fruits  with  those 
of  a  plum  (Prunus  tri flora) . 

15.  Isak  Ibn  Amran  says,  "Sandal  is  a  wood  that  conies  to  us  from 
China."6  Santalum  album  is  grown  in  Kwan-tun  to  some  extent,  but  it 
is  more  probable  that  the  sandal-wood  used  in  western  Asia  came  from 
India  (cf.  Persian  Randan,  candal,  Armenian  candan,  Arabic  sandal, 
from  Sanskrit  candand). 

1 6.  Antaki  notes  the  xalen  tree  ("birch")  in  India  and  China;  and 
Ibn  al-Kebir  remarks  that  it  is  particularly  large  in  China,  in  the 
country  of  the  Rus  (Russians)  and  Bulgar,  where  are  made  from  it 
vessels  and  plates  which  are  exported  to  distant  places;  the  arrows 
made  of  this  wood  are  unsurpassed.    According  to  Qazwmi  and  Ibn 

1  Ibid.,  p.  314. 

2  G.  FERRAND,  Textes  relatifs  a  I'Extr^me-Orient,  p.  381. 

8  LECLERC,  Trait<§  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  471.    Cf.  Ibn  Batata*  ed.  of  DE- 
FREMERY  and  SANGUINETTI,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  127;  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  553. 
4  T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  Ch.  181,  p.  13  b. 
6  Sui  $u,  Ch.  82,  p.  3  b. 
6  LECLERC,  op.  cit.,  p.  383. 


IRANO-SINICA— MANGO,  BIRCH,  TEA  553 

Fadlan,  the  tree  occurred  in  Tabaristan,  whence  its  wood  reached  the 
comb-makers  of  Rei.1  The  Arabic  xalen,  Persian  xadan  or  xadanj, 
is  of  Altaic  origin:  Uigur  qadan,  Koibal,  Soyot  and  Karagas  kaden, 
Cuwas  xoran,  Yakut  xatyn,  Mordwinian  kilen,  all  referring  to  the  birch 
(Betula  alba).  It  is  a  common  tree  in  the  mountains  of  northern  China 
(hwa  IS  ),  first  described  by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  of  the  eighth  century.2  The 
bark  was  used  by  the  Chinese  for  making  torches  and  candles  filled  with 
wax,  as  a  padding  or  lining  of  underclothes  and  boots,  for  knife-hilts 
and  the  decoration  of  bows,  the  latter  being  styled  " birch-bark  bows."3 
The  universal  use  of  birch-bark  among  all  tribes  of  Siberia  for  pails, 
baskets,  and  dishes,  and  as  a  roof -covering,  is  well  known. 

17.  It  would  be  very  desirable  to  have  more  exact  data  as  to 
when  and  how  the  consumption  of  Chinese  tea  (Camellia  theifera) 
spread  among  Mohammedan  peoples.  The  Arabic  merchant  Soleiman, 
who  wrote  about  A.D.  851,  appears  to  be  the  first  outsider  who  gives  an 
accurate  notice  of  the  use  of  tea-leaves  as  a  beverage  on  the  part  of  the 
Chinese,  availing  himself  of  the  curious  name  sax*  It  is  strange  that 
the  following  Arabic  authors  who  wrote  on  Chinese  affairs  have  nothing 
to  say  on  the  subject.  In  the  splendid  collection  of  Arabic  texts  relative 
to  the  East,  so  ably  gathered  and  interpreted  by  G.  FERRAND,  tea 
is  not  even  mentioned.  It  is  likewise  absent  in  the  Persian  pharmacology 
of  Abu  Mansur  and  in  the  vast  compilation  of  Ibn  al-Baitar.  On  the 
other  hand,  Chinese  mediaeval  authors  like  Cou  K'u-fei  and  Cao  Zu- 
kwa  do  not  note  tea  as  an  article  of  export  from  China.  As  far  as 
we  can  judge  at  present,  it  seems  that  the  habit  of  tea-drinking  spread 
to  western  Asia  not  earlier  than  the  thirteenth  century,  and  that  it 
was  perhaps  the  Mongols  who  assumed  the  r61e  of  propagators.  In 
Mongol,  Turkish,  Persian,  Indian,  Portuguese,  Neo-Greek,  and  Rus- 
sian, we  equally  find  the  word  cai,  based  on  North-Chinese  £'a.5  Ramu- 

1  G.  JACOB,  Handel sartikel  der  Araber,  p.  60. 

2  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  35  B,  p.  13. 

3  Ko  ku  yao  lun,  Ch.  8,  p.  8  b.    Cf.  also  O.  FRANKE,  Beschreibung  des  Jehol- 
Gebietes,  p.  77. 

4  REINAUD,  Relation  des  voyages,  Vol.  I,  p.  40  (cf.  YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed., 
Vol.  I,  p.  131).    Modern  Chinese  c'a  was  articulated  *ja  (dza)  in  the  T'ang  period; 
but,  judging  from  the  Korean  and  Japanese  form  sa,  a  variant  sa  may  be  supposed 
also  for  some  Chinese  dialects.    As  the  word,  however,  was  never  possessed  of  a 
final  consonant  in  Chinese,  the  final  spirant  in  Soleiman's  sax  is  a  peculiar  Arabic 
affair  (provided  the  reading  of  the  manuscript  be  correct). 

5  The  Tibetans  claim  a  peculiar  position  in  the  history  of  tea.    They  still  have 
the  Chinese  word  in  the  ancient  form  ja  (dza},  and,  as  shown  by  me  in  T'oung  Pao 
(1916,  p.  505),  have  imported  and  consumed  tea  from  the  days  of  the  T'ang.    In 
fact,  tea  was  the  dominant  economic  factor  and  the  key-note  in  the  political  rela- 
tions of  China  and  Tibet. 


554  SlNO-lRANICA 

sio,  in  the  posthumous  introduction  to  his  edition  of  Marco  Polo  pub- 
lished in  1545,  mentions  having  learned  of  the  tea  beverage  from  a 
Persian  merchant,  Hajji  Muhammed.1  A.  DE  MANDELSLO,2  in  1662, 
still  reports  that  the  Persians, instead  of  The,  drink  their  Kahwa  (coffee). 
In  the  fifteenth  century,  A-lo-tin,  an  envoy  from  T'ien-fan  (Arabia), 
in  presenting  his  tribute  to  an  emperor  of  the  Ming,  solicited  tea- 
leaves.3 

The  Kew  Bulletin  for  1896  (p.  157)  contains  the  following  inter- 
esting information  on  " White  Tea  of  Persia:"  — 

"In  the  Consular  Report  on  the  trade  of  Ispahan  and  Yezd  (Foreign  Office, 
Annual  Series,  1896,  No.  1662)  the  following  particulars  are  given  of  the  tea  trade 
in  Persia:  'Black  or  Calcutta  tea  for  Persian  consumption  continues  to  arrive  in 
steady  quantities,  2,000,000  pounds  representing  last  year's  supply.  White  tea  from 
China,  or  more  particularly  from  Tongking,  is  consumed  only  in  Yezd,  and,  there- 
fore, the  supply  is  limited.'  Through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  John  R.  Preece,  Her 
Majesty's  Consul  at  Ispahan,  Kew  received  a  small  quantity  of  the  'White  tea* 
above  mentioned  for  the  Museum  of  Economic  Botany.  The  tea  proved  to  be  very 
similar  to  that  described  in  the  Kew  Bulletin  under  the  name  of  P'u-erh  tea  (Kew 
Bulletin,  1889,  pp.  118  and  139).  The  finest  of  this  tea  is  said  to  be  reserved  for  the 
Court  of  Peking.  The  sample  from  Yezd  was  composed  of  the  undeveloped  leaf 
buds  so  thickly  coated  with  fine  hairs  as  to  give  them  a  silvery  appearance.  Owing 
to  the  shaking  in  transit  some  of  the  hairs  had  been  rubbed  off  and  had  formed  small 
yellow  pellets  about  ^  inch  diameter.  Although  the  hairs  are  much  more 
abundant  than  usual  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  leaves  have  been  derived  from 
the  Assam  tea  plant  (Camellia  theifera,  Griff.)  found  wild  in  some  parts  of  Assam 
and  Burma  but  now  largely  cultivated  in  Burma,  Tongking,  etc.  The  same  species 
has  been  shown  to  yield  Lao  tea  (Kew  Bulletin,  1892,  p.  219),  and  Leppett  tea  (Kew 
Bulletin,  1896,  p.  10).  The  liquor  from  the  Persian  white  tea  was  of  a  pale  straw 
colour  with  the  delicate  flavour  of  good  China  tea.  It  is  not  unknown  but  now  little 
appreciated  in  the  English  market." 

1 8.  The  Arabic  stone-book  sailing  under  the  false  flag  of  Aristotle 
distinguishes  several  kinds  of  onyx  (jiza'),  which  come  from  two  places, 
China  and  the  country  of  the  west,  the  latter  being  the  finest.   Qazwin! 
gives  Yemen  and  China  as  localities,  telling  an  anecdote  that  the 
Chinese  disdain  to  quarry  the  stone  and  leave  this  to  specially  privileged 
slaves,  who  have  no  other  means  of  livelihood  and  sell  the  stone  only 
outside  of  China.4  As  formerly  stated,5  this  may  be  the  pi  yti  H  3i  of 
the  Chinese. 

19.  Qazwlni  also  mentions  a  stone  under  the  name  husyat  ibtis 
("devil's  testicles")  which  should  occur  in  China.    Whoever  carries  it  is 

1  YULE,  Cathay,  new  ed.,  Vol.  I,  p.  292;  or  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  906. 

2  Travels,  p.  15. 

3  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Mediaeval  Researches,  Vol.  II,  p.  300. 

4  J.  RUSKA,  Steinbuch  des  Aristoteles,  p.   145;  and  Steinbuch  des  Qazwlni, 
p.  12;  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  p.  354. 

6  Notes  on  Turquois,  p.  52. 


IRANO-SINICA — MINERALS,  METALS  555 

not  held  up  by  bandits;  also  his  baggage  in  which  the  stone  is  hidden  is 
safe  from  attack,  and  its  wearer  rises  in  the  esteem  of  his  fellow-mates.1 
I  do  not  know  what  Chinese  stone  is  understood  here. 

20.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Chinese  have  a  peculiar  alloy  of  copper 
consisting  of  copper  40.4,  zinc  25.4,  nickel  31.6,  iron  2.6,  and  occa- 
sionally some  silver  and  arsenic.    It  looks  white  or  silver-like  in  the 
finish,  and  is  hence  called  pai-t'un  (" white  copper")-   In  Anglo-Indian 
it  is  tootnague  (Tamil  tutundgum,  Portuguese  tutanaga).2    It  is  also 
known  to  foreigners  in  the  East  under  the  Cantonese  name  paktung. 
It  is  mentioned  as  early  as  A.D.  265  in  the  dictionary  Kwan  ya  9t  5S,3 
where  the  definition  occurs  that  pai-t'un  is  called  wu  4 . 

This  alloy  was  adopted  by  the  Persians  under  the  name  xar-clm 
(Arabic  xdr-sim)  .4  The  Persians  say  that  the  Chinese  make  this  alloy 
into  mirrors  and  arrowheads,  a  wound  from  which  is  mortal.5  Vullers 
cites  a  passage  from  the  poet  Abu  al  Ma'am,  "One  who  rejects  and 
spurns  his  friend  pierces  his  heart  with  xdr-slni."  Qazwinl  speaks  of 
very  efficient  lance-heads  and  harpoons  of  this  metal.  The  Persians 
have  further  the  term  isfidruj,  which  means  "white  copper,"  and  which 
accordingly  represents  a  literal  rendering  of  Chinese  pai-t*uh.  More- 
over, there  is  Persian  sepidmi  (Arabic  isbiaddri,  isbdddrlti)\  that  is, 
"whitish  in  appearance."  English  spelter  (German  s planter,  speauter, 
spialter,  Russian  Spiauter),  a  designation  of  zinc,  is  derived  from  this 
word.6  Bimasqi,  who  wrote  about  1325,  explains  ocdr-sml  as  a  metal 
from  China,  the  yellow  color  of  copper  being  mixed  with  black  and 
white;  the  mirrors  imported  from  China,  called  "mirrors  of  distortion, " 
are  made  from  this  alloy.  It  is  an  artificial  product,  hard,  and  fragile; 
it  is  injured  by  fire,  after  being  wrought.  Qazwmi  adds  that  no  other 
metal  yields  a  ring  equalling  that  of  this  alloy,  and  that  none  is  so  suit- 
able for  the  manufacture  of  large  and  small  bells.7 

21.  In  the  thirteenth  century  the  Arabs  became  acquainted  with 
saltpetre,  which  they  received  from  China;  for  they  designate  it  as 

1RusKA,  ibid.,  p.  21. 

2  Cf.  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  932.    This,  of  course,  is  a  misnomer,  as  the 
Indian  word,  connected  with  Persian  tutiya  (above,  p.  512),  in  fact  refers  to  zinc. 

3  Ch.  8  A,  p.  1 6  (ed.  of  Kifu  ts'un  $u). 

4  Literally,  "stone  of  China."     Spanish  kazini  is  derived  from  the  Arabic  word. 
6  STEINGASS,  Persian  Dictionary,  p.  438. 

6  It  seems  also  that  the  Persian  word  is  the  source  of  the  curious  Japanese  term 
sabari  or  sahari,  which  denotes  the  white  copper  of  the  Chinese.  The  foreign  char- 
acter of  this  product  is  also  indicated  by  the  writing  jjjfl  iff  fj|. 

7Cf.  E.  WIEDEMANN,  Sitzber.  Phys.-Med.  Soz.  ErL,  Vols.  XXXVII,  1905, 
pp.  403-404;  and  XLV,  1913,  p.  46;  R.  DOZY,  Supplement,  Vol.  I,  p.  857. 


SlNO-lRANICA 

thelg  as-sm  (" Chinese  snow"),  and  the  rocket  as  sahm  xatai  (" Chinese 
arrow").1 

22.  Ibn  al-Faqlh  extols  the  art-industries  of  the  Chinese,  par- 
ticularly pottery,  lamps,  and  other  such  durable  implements,  which  are 
admirable  as  to  their  art  and  permanent  in  their  execution.2   Kaolin  is 
known  to  the  Persians  as  xak-i  Zlm  ("Chinese  earth").    In  excellent 
quality  it  is  found  in  Kermanshah,  but  the  art  of  making  porcelain 
there  is  now  lost.3  The  Persian  term  for  porcelain  is  fag  fun  or  fagfur-i 
£««.*   Fagfur  (Sogdian  va7vur,  "Son  of  Heaven"),  as  far  as  I  know,  is 
the  only  sinicism  to  be  found  in  Iranian,  being  a  literal  rendering  of 
Chinese  Vien-tse  X  ?. 

23.  Persian  Itibi  elm  ("China  root"),  Neo-Sanskrit  cobaclnl  or 
copaclm  (kub-cim  in  the  bazars  of  India),  is  the  root  of  Smilax  pseudo- 
china  ,  so-called  Chinese  sarsaparilla   (t'u-fu-lin  dhK^),  a  famous 
remedy  for  the  treatment  of  Morbus  americanus,  first  introduced  into 
Europe  by  the  returning  sailors  of  Columbus,  and  into  India  by  the 
sailors  of  Vasco  da  Gama  (Sanskrit  phirangaroga,  "disease  of  the 
Franks").   It  is  first  mentioned,  together  with  the  Chinese  remedy,  in 
Indian  writings  of  the  sixteenth  century,  notably  the  Bhavaprakaca.5 
Good  information  on  this  subject  is  given  by  GARCIA  DA  ORTA,  who 
says,  "As  all  these  lands  and  China  and  Japan  have  this  morbo  napo- 
litano,  it  pleased  a  merciful  God  to  provide  this  root  as  a  remedy  with 
which  good  doctors  can  cure  it,  although  the  majority  fall  into  error. 
As  it  is  cured  with  this  medicine,  the  root  was  traced  to  the  Chinese, 
when  there  was  a  cure  with  it  in  the  year  1535."°  Garcia  gives  a  detailed 
description  of  the  shrub  which  he  says  is  called  lampatam  by  the  Chi- 
nese.7 This  transcription  corresponds  to  Chinese  len-fan-fwan  &  Hfc  US 
(literally,  "cold  rice  ball"),  a  synonyme  of  t'u-fu-lin;  pronounced  at 

1  G.  JACOB,  Oriental  Elements  of  Culture  in  the  Occident  (Smithsonian  Report 
for  1902,  p.  520).    See  also  LECLERC,  Traite  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  pp.  71,  333;  and 
QUATREM^RE,  Journal  asiatique,  1850,  I,  p.  222. 

2  E.  WIEDEMANN,  Zur  Technik  bei  den  Arabern,  Sitzber.  Phys.-Med.  Soz.  ErL, 
Vol.  XXXVIII,  1906,  p.  355- 

3  SCHLIMMER,  Terminologie,  p.  334. 

4  See  Beginnings  of  Porcelain,  p.  126. 
B  J.  JOLLY,  Indische  Medicin,  p.  106. 

6  C.  MARKHAM,  Colloquies,  p.  379.    Cf.  also  FLUCKIGER  and  HANBURY,  Phar- 
macographia,  p.  712.   F.  PYRARD  (Vol.  I,  p.  182;  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society),  who  trav- 
elled in  India  from  1601  to  1610,  observes,  "Venereal  disease  is  not  so  common, 
albeit  it  is  found,  and  is  cured  with  China-wood,  without  sweating  or  anything 
else.  This  disease  they  call  farangui  baescour  (Arabic  basur,  'piles'),  from  its  coming 
to  them  from  Europe."   A  long  description  of  the  remedy  is  given  by  LINSCHOTEN 
(Vol.  II,  pp.  107-112,  ed.  of  Hakluyt  Society). 

7  C.  ACOSTA  (Tractado  de  las  drogas,  p.  80)  writes  this  word  lampatan. 


IRANO-SINICA — CHINA  ROOT,  PAPER  557 

Canton  lan-fan-t'un,  at  Amoy  lin-hoan-toan.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind 
that  final  Portuguese  m  is  not  intended  for  the  labial  nasal,  but  indicates 
the  nasalization  of  the  preceding  vowel,  am  and  a  being  alternately 
used.  The  frequent  final  guttural  nasal  n  of  Chinese  has  always  been 
reproduced  by  the  Portuguese  by  a  nasalized  vowel  or  diphthong;  for 
instance,  tufao  ("  typhoon "),  given  by  Fernao  Pinto  as  a  Chinese 
term,  where  fao  corresponds  to  Chinese  fun  ("wind");  tutao,  repro- 
ducing Chinese  tu-t'un  8$  $£  (" Lieutenant-General").  Thus  the  tran- 
scription lampatam  moves  along  the  same  line.  The  Portuguese  designa- 
tion of  the  root  is  raiz  da  China  ("root  of  China"). 

There  is  an  overland  trade  in  this  root  from  China  by  way  of  Turkis- 
tan  to  Ladakh,  and  probably  also  to  Persia.1  The  plant  has  been  known 
to  the  Chinese  from  ancient  times,  being  described  by  T'ao  Hun-kin.2 
The  employment  of  the  root  in  the  treatment  of  Morbus  americanus 
(yah  mei  tu  cwah  Hf  Jf8  H  3f )  is  described  at  length  by  Li  Si-cen,  who 
quotes  this  text  from  Wan  Ki  feE  ffi,  a  celebrated  physician,  who  lived 
during  the  Kia-tsin  period  (1522-66),  and  author  of  the  Pen  ts'ao  hui 
pien  >fc  3$£  'fr  81.  This  is  an  excellent  confirmation  of  the  synchronous 
account  of  Garcia.3  Li  Si-cen  states  expressly,  "The  yah-mei  ulcers 
are  not  mentioned  in  the  ancient  recipes,  neither  were  there  any  people 
afflicted  with  this  disease.  Only  recently  did  it  arise  in  Kwan-tun, 
whence  it  spread  to  all  parts  of  China." 

24.  Of  Chinese  loan-words  in  Persian,  HORN4  enumerates  only 
cdi  ("tea"),  ladan  ("teapot"),  cdu  ("paper  money"),  and  perhaps  also 
kdgab  or  kdgid  ("paper").  As  will  be  seen,  there  are  many  more  Chinese 
loans  in  Persian;  but  the  word  for  "paper"  is  not  one  of  them,  although  the 
Persians  received  the  knowledge  of  paper  from  the  Chinese.  This  theory 
was  first  set  forth  by  HiRTH,5  who  asserts,  "The  Arabic  word 
kdghid  for  paper,  derived  from  the  Persian,6  can  without  great  difficulty 
be  traced  to  a  term  ku-chih  He  &K  (ancient  pronunciation  kok-dz'), 
which  means  'paper  from  the  bark  of  the  mulberry-tree,'  and  was 
already  used  in  times  of  antiquity."  This  view  has  been  accepted  by 

1  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  477. 

2  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  8  B,  p.  2;  also  Ch.  4  B,  p.  6  b;  BRETSCHNEIDER,  Bot. 
Sin.,  pt.  Ill,  p.  320. 

3 1  have  sufficient  material  to  enable  me  to  publish  at  some  later  date  a  detailed 
history  of  the  disease  from  Chinese  sources. 

4  Grundriss  der  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  7. 

5  T'oung  Pao,  Vol.  I,  1890,  p.  12;  or  Chines.  Studien,  p.  269. 

6  In  my  opinion,  the  word  is  of  Uigur  origin  (kagat,  kagas),  and  was  subsequently 
adopted  by  the  Persians,  and  from  the  Persians  by  the  Arabs.    In  Persian  we  have 
the  forms  kdyad,  kdyid,  kdyaz,  and  kdgiz  (Baluci  kdgad).   Aside  from  this  vacillating 
mode  of  spelling,  the  word  is  decidedly  non-Persian.   See,  further,  below,  p.  558. 


558  SlNO-lRANICA 


KARABACEK  and  HoERNLE.1  Let  us  assume  for  a  moment  that  the  prem- 
ises on  which  this  speculation  is  based  are  correct :  how  could  the  Uigur, 
Persians,  and  Arabs  make  kdgad  out  of  a  Chinese  kok-li  (or  dzi)? 
How  may  we  account  for  the  vocalization  a,  which  persists  wherever  the 
word  has  taken  root  (Hindi  kdgad,  Urdu  kdgaz,  Tamil  kdgidam,  Mala- 
yalam  kdyitam,  Kannada  kdgada)  ?2  The  Uigur  and  Persians,  according 
to  their  phonetic  system,  were  indeed  capable  of  reproducing  the 
Chinese  word  correctly  if  they  so  intended;  in  fact,  Chinese  loan-words 
in  the  two  languages  are  self-evident  without  torturing  the  evidence. 
For  myself,  I  am  unable  to  see  any  coincidence  between  kok-ti  and 
kdgad.  But  this  alleged  kok-ci,  in  fact,  does  not  exist.  The  word  ku, 
as  written  by  Hirth,  is  known  to  every  one  as  meaning  " grain,  cereals; " 
and  none  of  our  dictionaries  assigns  to  it  the  significance  "mulberry." 
It  is  simply  a  character  substituted  for  kou  HI  (anciently  *ku,  without 
a  final  consonant),  which  refers  exclusively  to  the  paper-mulberry 
(Broussonetia  papyri/era),  expressed  also  (and  this  is  the  most  common 
word)  by  fru  fif.  The  Pen  ts'ao  kan  muz  gives  the  character  ku  i£  on 
the  same  footing  with  £*u,  quoting  the  former  from  the  ancient  dic- 
tionary Si  min*  and  adding  expressly  that  it  has  the  phonetic  value  of 
$$*,  and  is  written  also  S  .  The  character  ku,  accordingly,  to  be  read 
kou,  is  merely  a  graphic  variant,  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  word 
ku  (*kuk),  meaning  "cereals." 

According  to  Li  Si-Sen,  this  word  kou  (*ku)  originates  from  the 
language  of  C'u  3&,  in  which  it  had  the  significance  "milk"  (Zu  ?L); 
and,  as  the  bark  of  this  tree  contained  a  milk-like  sap,  this  word  was 
transferred  to  the  tree.  It  is  noteworthy  in  this  connection  that  Ts'ai 
Lun,  the  inventor  of  paper  in  A.D.  105,  was  a  native  of  C'u.  The 
dialectic  origin  of  the  word  kou  shows  well  how  we  have  two  root-words 
for  exactly  the  same  species  of  tree.  This  is  advisedly  stated  by  Li 
Si-£en,  who  rejects  as  an  error  the  opinion  that  the  two  words  should 
refer  to  two  different  trees;  he  also  repudiates  expressly  the  view  that 
the  word  kou  bears  any  relation  to  the  word  ku  in  the  sense  of  cereals  or 
rice.  According  to  T'ao  Hun-kin,  the  term  kou  li  was  used  by  the 
people  of  the  south,  who,  however,  said  also  ?u  ci;  the  latter  word, 

1  Journal  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  1903,  p.  671. 

2  According  to  BUHLER  (Indische  Palaographie,  p.  91),  paper  was  introduced 
into  India  by  the  Mohammedans  after  the  twelfth  century.    The  alleged  Sanskrit 
word  for  "paper,"  kdyagata,  ferreted  out  by  HOERNLE  (Journal  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  1911, 
p.  476),  rests  on  a  misunderstanding  of  a  Sanskrit  text,  as  has  been  shown  by  Lieut.- 
Col.  WADDELL  on  the  basis  of  the  Tibetan  translation  of  this  text  ((ibid.,  1914, 
pp.  136-137). 

3  Ch.  36,  p.  4. 

4  See  above,  p.  201. 


iRANO-SiNiCA — PAPER  559 

indeed,  has  always  been  more  common.  Hirth's  supposition  of  a  former 
pronunciation  kok  cannot  be  accepted;  but,  even  did  this  alleged  kok 
exist,  I  should  continue  to  disbelieve  in  the  proposed  etymology  of  the 
Persian-Arabic  word.  There  is  no  reason  to  assume  that,  because 
paper  was  adopted  by  the  Arabs  and  Persians  from  the  Chinese,  their 
designation  of  it  should  hail  from  the  same  quarter.  I  do  not  know 
of  a  foreign  language  that  was  willing  to  adopt  from  the  Chinese 
any  designation  for  paper.  Our  word  comes  from  the  Greek-Latin 
papyrus;  Russian  bumaga  originally  means  "  cotton,"  being  ultimately 
traceable  to  Middle  Persian  pambak.1  The  Tibetans  learned  the  tech- 
nique of  paper-making  from  the  Chinese,  but  have  a  word  of  their  own 
to  designate  paper  (sog-bu).  So  have  the  Japanese  (kami)  and  the 
Koreans  (muntsi).  The  Mongols  call  paper  tsagasun  (Buryat  tsaraso, 
sdrahan),  a  purely  Mongol  word,  meaning  "the  white  one."  Among 
the  Golde  on  the  Amur  I  recorded  the  word  ocausal.  The  Lolo  have 
f  o-i,  the  Annamese  bia,  the  Cam  baa,  baar,  or  biar,  the  Khmer  credas, 
which,  like  Malayan  kertas,  is  borrowed  from  Arabic  kirtas  (Greek 
xaprr?s).2  As  stated,  the  Persian- Arabic  word  is  borrowed  from  a 
Turkish  language:  Uigur  kagat  or  kagas;  Tuba,  Lebed,  Kumandu, 
Comanian  kagat;  Kirgiz,  Karakirgiz,  Taranci,  and  Kazan  kagaz.  The 
origin  of  this  word  can  be  explained  from  Turkish;  for  in  Lebed,  Ku- 
mandu, and  Sor,  we  have  kaga$  with  the  significance  "  tree-bark. " 

I  need  not  repeat  here  the  oft-told  story  of  how  the  manufacture  of 
paper  was  introduced  into  Samarkand  by  Chinese  captives  in  A.D.  751. 
Prior  to  this  date,  as  has  been  established  by  Karabacek,  Chinese 
paper  was  imported  to  Samarkand  as  early  as  650—1,  again  in  707. 3 
Under  the  Sasanians,  Chinese  paper  was  known  in  Persia ;  but  it  was  a 
very  rare  article,  and  reserved  for  royal  state  documents.4 

25.  Another  form  in  which  paper  reached  the  Persians  was  paper 
money.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Chinese  were  the  originators  of 

1  See  above,  p.  490. 

2  S.  FRAENKEL,  Die  aramaischen  Fremdworter  im  Arabischen,  p.  245. 

3  Cf.  HOERNLE,  Journal  Roy.  As.  Soc.,  1903,  p.  670.    I  regret  being  unable  to 
accept  his  general  result  that  the  Arabs  or  Samarkandis  should  be  credited  with  the 
invention  of  pure  rag-paper  (p.  674).   This  had  already  been  accomplished  in  China, 
and  indeed  was  the  work  of  Ts'ai  Lun.    I  expect  to  come  back  to  this  problem  on 
another  occasion.    With  all  respect  for  the  researches  of  Karabacek,  Wiesner,  and 
Hoernle,  I  am  not  convinced  that  the  far-reaching  conclusions  of  these  scholars  are 
all  justified.   We  are  in  need  of  more  investigations  (and  less  theorizing),  especially 
of  ancient  papers  made  in  China.    There  are  numerous  accounts  of  many  sorts  of 
paper,  hitherto  unnoticed,  in  Chinese  records,  which  should  be  closely  studied. 

4  According  to  Masudi  (B.  DE  MEYNARD,  Les  Prairies  d'or,  Vol.  II,  p.  202); 
see  also   E.  DROUIN,  Me"moire  sur  les  Huns  Ephthalites,  p.  53  (reprint  from  Le 
Museon,  1895). 


560  SlNO-lRANICA 

paper  bank-notes.1  The  Mongol  rulers  introduced  them  into  Persia, 
first  in  1294.  The  notes  were  direct  copies  of  Kubilai's,  even  the  Chinese 
characters  being  imitated  as  part  of  the  device  upon  them,  and  the 
Chinese  word  Vao  $3?  being  employed.  This  word  was  then  adopted 
by  the  Persians  as  tau  or  £av.2  The  most  interesting  point  about  this 
affair  is  that  in  that  year  (1294)  the  Chinese  process  of  block-printing 
was  for  the  first  time  practised  in  Tabriz  in  connection  with  the  printing 
of  these  bank-notes. 

In  his  graphic  account  describing  the  utilization  of  paper  money 
by  the  Great  Khan,  MARCO  PoLO3  makes  the  following  statement: 
"He  makes  them  take  of  the  bark  of  a  certain  tree,  in  fact  of  the  mul- 
berry tree,  the  leaves  of  which  are  the  food  of  the  silkworms, —  these 
trees  being  so  numerous  that  whole  districts  are  full  of  them.  What 
they  take  is  a  certain  fine  white  bast  or  skin  which  lies  between  the  wood 
of  the  tree  and  the  thick  outer  bark,  and  this  they  make  into  something 
resembling  sheets  of  paper,  but  black.  When  these  sheets  have  been 
prepared  they  are  cut  up  into  pieces  of  different  sizes."  In  the  third 
edition  of  Yule's  memorable  work,  the  editor,  HENRI  CORDIER,*  has 
added  the  following  annotation:  "Dr.  Bretschneider  (History  of 
Botanical  Discoveries,  Vol.  I,  p.  4)  makes  the  remark:  'Polo  states 
that  the  Great  Khan  causeth  the  bark  of  great  mulberry  trees,  made 
into  something  like  paper,  to  pass  for  money.'  He  seems  to  be  mistaken. 
Paper  in  China  is  not  made  from  mulberry-trees,  but  from  the  Brous- 
sonetia  papyri/era,  which  latter  tree  belongs  to  the  same  order  of 
Moraceae.  The  same  fibres  are  used  also  in  some  parts  of  China  for 
making  cloth,  and  Marco  Polo  alludes  probably  to  the  same  tree  when 
stating  that  'in  the  province  of  Cuiju  (Kuei-chou)  they  manufacture 
stuff  of  the  bark  of  certain  trees,  which  form  very  fine  summer  clothing.' " 

This  is  a  singular  error  of  Bretschneider.  Marco  Polo  is  perfectly 
correct:  not  only  did  the  Chinese  actually  manufacture  paper  from 
the  bark  of  the  mulberry-tree  (Morns  alba),  but  also  it  was  this  paper 
which  was  preferred  for  the  making  of  paper  money.  Bretschneider 
is  certainly  right  in  saying  th#t  paper  is  made  from  the  Broussonetia,  but 

1  KLAPROTH,  Sur  1'origine  du  papier-monnaie  (in  his  Memoires  relatifs  a  1'Asie, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  375-388);  YULE,  Marco  Polo,  Vol.  I,  pp.  426-430;  ANONYMUS,  Paper 
Money  among  the  Chinese  (Chin.  Repository,  Vol.  XX,  1851,  pp.  289-296);  S.  SA- 
BURO,  The  Origin  of  the  Paper  Currency  (Journal  Peking  Or.  Soc.,  Vol.  II,  1889, 
pp.  265-307);  S.  W.  BUSHELL,  Specimens  of  Ancient  Chinese  Paper  Money  (ibid., 
pp.  308-316);  H.  B.  MORSE,  Currency  in  China  (Journal  China  Branch  Roy.  As.  Soc.r 
Vol.  XXXVIII,  1907,  pp.  17-31);  etc. 

2  For  details  consult  YULE,  /.  c. 

3  H.  YULE,  The  Book  of  Ser  Marco  Polo,  Vol.  I,  p.  423. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  430. 


IRANO-SINICA — PAPER  MONEY  561 

he  is  assuredly  wrong  in  the  assertion  that  paper  is  not  made  in  China 
from  mulberry-trees.  This  fact  he  could  have  easily  ascertained  from 
S.  JULIEN/  who  alludes  to  mulberry- tree  paper  twice,  first,  as  "papier 
de  racines  et  d'ecorce  de  murier;"  and,  second,  in  speaking  of  the  bark 
paper  from  Broussonetia, — "On  emploie  aussi  pour  le  m£me  usage 
1'ecorce  d' Hibiscus  Rosa  sinensis  et  de  murier;  ce  dernier  papier  sert 
encore  a  recueillir  les  graines  de  vers  &  soie."  What  is  understood  by 
the  latter  process  may  be  seen  from  plate  i  in  Julien's  earlier  work  on 
sericulture,2  where  the  paper  from  the  bark  of  the  mulberry-tree  is  like- 
wise mentioned. 

The  Ci  p*u  jffi  Mf,  a  treatise  on  paper,  written  by  Su  Yi-kien  S£  H  IB 
toward  the  close  of  the  tenth  century,  enumerates,  among  the  various 
sorts  of  paper  manufactured  during  his  lifetime,  paper  from  the  bark 
of  the  mulberry-tree  (san  p*i  Jk  &)  made  by  the  people  of  the  north.3 

Chinese  paper  money  of  mulberry-bark  was  known  in  the  Islamic 
world  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century;  that  is,  during  the 
Mongol  period.  Accordingly  it  must  have  been  manufactured  in  China 
during  the  Yuan  dynasty.  Ahmed  Sibab  Eddin,  who  died  in  Cairo 
in  1338  at  the  age  of  ninety-three,  and  left  an  important  geographical 
work  in  thirty  volumes,  containing  interesting  information  on  China 
gathered  from  the  lips  of  eye-witnesses,  makes  the  following  comment 
on  paper  money,  in  the  translation  of  CH.  ScHEFER:4  "On  emploie 
dans  le  Khita,  en  guise  de  monnaie,  des  morceaux  d'un  papier  de  forme 
allonge*e  fabrique*  avec  des  filaments  de  muriers  sur  lequel  est  imprime* 
le  nom  de  1'empereur.  Lorsqu'un  de  ces  papiers  est  use",  on  le  porte 
aux  officiers  du  prince  et,  moyennant  une  perte  minime,  on  regoit  un 
autre  billet  en  ^change,  ainsi  que  cela  a  lieu  dans  nos  hdtels  des  mon- 
naies,  pour  les  matieres  d'or  et  d'argent  que  1'on  y  porte  pour  £tre 
converties  en  pieces  monnayees." 

And  in  another  passage:  "La  monnaie  des  Chinois  est  faite  de 
billets  fabriqu6s  avec  l'e*corce  du  murier.  II  y  en  a  de  grands  et  de 

1  Industries  anciennes  et  modernes  de  1'empire  chinois,  pp.  145,  149   (Paris 
1869). 

2  Re'sume'  des  principaux  trace's  chinois  sur  la  culture  des  muriers  et  1'e'ducation 
des  vers  a  soie,  p.  98  (Paris,  1837).   According  to  the  notions  of  the  Chinese,  JULIEN 
remarks,  everything  made  from  hemp,  like  cord  and  weavings,  is  banished  from  the 
establishments  where   silkworms  are  reared,  and  our  European   paper  would  be 
very  harmful  to  the  latter.    There  seems  to  be  a  sympathetic  relation  between  the 
silkworm  feeding  on  the  leaves  of  the  mulberry  and  the  mulberry  paper  on  which 
the  cocoons  of  the  females  are  placed. 

3  Ko  ci  kin  yuan,  Ch.  37,  p.  6. 

4  Relations  des  Musulmans  avec  les  Chinois  (Centenaire  de  1'Ecole  des  langues 
orientales  vivantes,  Paris,  1895,  p.  17). 


562  SlNO-lRANICA 

petits.  .  .  .  On  les  fabrique  avec  des  filaments  tendres  du  mirier  et, 
apres  y  avoir  appose  un  sceau  au  nom  de  Tempereur,  on  les  met  en 
circulation."1 

The  bank-notes  of  the  Ming  dynasty  were  likewise  made  of  mul- 
berry-pulp, in  rectangular  sheets  one  foot  long  and  six  inches  wide,  the 
material  being  of  a  greenish  color,  as  stated  in  the  Annals  of  the  Dy- 
nasty.2 It  is  clear  that  the  Ming  emperors,  like  many  other  institutions, 
adopted  this  practice  from  their  predecessors,  the  Mongols.  KLAPROTHS 
is  wrong  in  saying  that  the  assignats  of  the  Sung,  Kin,  and  Mongols 
were  all  made  from  the  bark  of  the  tree  Zu  (Broussonetia) ,  and  those  of 
the  Ming  from  all  sorts  of  plants.4 

In  the  Hui  kian  U  0  31  t&,  an  interesting  description  of  Turkistan 
by  two  Manchu  officials  Surde  and  Fusambd,  published  in  i772,5  the 
following  note,  headed  " Mohammedan  Paper"  0  -f  $£,  occurs:  " There 
are  two  sorts  of  Turkistan  paper,  black  and  white,  made  from  mulberry- 
bark,  cotton  ffi!  'Iff ,  and  silk-refuse  equally  mixed,  resulting  in  a  coarse, 
thick,  strong,  and  tough  material.  It  is  cut  into  small  rolls  fully  a  foot 
long,  which  are  burnished  by  means  of  stones,  and  are  then  fit  for 
writing." 

Sir  AUREL  STEiN6  reports  that  paper  is  still  manufactured  from  mul- 
berry-trees in  Khotan.  Also  J.  WIESNER,?  the  meritorious  investigator 

1  Ibid.,  p.  20.   . 

* Minti,  ch.  8i,P.  i  (#  M» U # i§  -K«  A -* K  it  €,)• 

The  same  text  is  found  on  a  bill  issued  in  1375,  reproduced  and  translated  by 
W.  VISSERING  (On  Chinese  Currency,  see  plate  at  end  of  volume),  the  minister  of 
finance  being  expressly  ordered  to  use  the  fibres  of  the  mulberry-tree  in  the  com- 
position of  these  bills. 

3  M6moires  relatifs  a  1'Asie,  Vol.  I,  p.  387. 

4  This  is  repeated  by  ROCKHILL  (Rub ruck,  p.  201).    I  do  not  deny,  of  course, 
that  paper  money  was  made  from  Broussonetia.   The  Chinese  numismatists,  in  their 
description  of  the  ancient  paper  notes,  as  far  as  I  know,  make  no  reference  to  the 
material  (cf.,  for  instance,  Ts'uan  pu  t'un  li  ^  ^fij  $t  ;§,  Ch.  5,  p.  42;  6  A,  p.  2; 
6  B,  p.  44).    The  Yuan  li  (Ch.  97,  p.  3)  does  not  state,  either,  the  character  of  the 
paper  employed  in  the  Mongol  notes.    My  point  is,  that  the  Mongols,  while  they 
enlisted  Broussonetia  paper  for  this  purpose,  used  mulberry-bark  paper  as  well, 
and  that  the  latter  was  exclusively  utilized  by  the  Ming. 

5  A.  WYLIE,  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  64.    The  John  Crerar  Library  of 
Chicago  owns  an  old  manuscript  of  this  work,  clearly  written,  in  4  vols.  and  chapters, 
illustrated  by  nine  ink-sketches  of  types  of  Mohammedans  and  a  map.   The  volumes 
are  not  paged. 

6  Ancient  Khotan,  Vol.  I,  p.  134. 

7  Mikroskopische  Untersuchung  alter  ostturkestanischer  Papiere,  p.  9  (Vienna, 
1902).    I  cannot  pass  over  in  silence  a  curious  error  of  this  scholar  when  he  says 
(p.  8)  that  it  is  not  proved  that  Cannabis  sativa  (called  by  him  "genuine  hemp") 
is  cultivated  in  China,  and  that  the  so-called  Chinese  hemp  paper  should  be  intended 
for  China  grass.    Every  tyro  in  things  Chinese  knows  that  hemp  (Cannabis  sativa) 


IRANO-SINICA — PAPER  MONEY,  PARCHMENT  563 

of  ancient  papers,  has  included  the  fibre  of  Morus  alba  and  M.  nigra 
among  the  materials  to  which  his  researches  extended. 

Mulberry-bark  paper  is  ascribed  to  Bengal  in  the  Si  yan  c'ao  kun 
tien  fo  V#  1MI- JlJRby  Hwafi  Siii-ts'en  ^  ^  't",  published  in  1520.! 
Such  paper  is  still  made  in  Corea  also,  and  is  thicker  and  more  solid 
than  that  of  China.2  The  bark  of  a  species  of  mulberry  is  utilized  by 
the  Shan  for  the  same  purpose.3 

As  the  mulberry-tree  is  eagerly  cultivated  in  Persia  in  connection 
with  the  silk-industry,  it  is  possible  also  that  the  Persian  paper  in  the 
bank-notes  of  the  Mongols  was  a  product  of  the  mulberry.4  At  any 
rate,  good  Marco  Polo  is  cleared,  and  his  veracity  and  exactness  have 
been  established  again. 

Before  the  introduction  of  rag-paper  the  Persians  availed  them- 
selves of  parchment  as  writing-material.  It  is  supposed  by  Herzfeld 
that  Darius  Hystaspes  introduced  the  use  of  leather  into  the  royal 
archives,  but  this  interpretation  has  been  contested.5  A  fragment  of 
Ctesias  preserved  by  Diodorus6  mentions  the  employment  of  parchment 
(di<f)6epa)  in  the  royal  archives  of  Persia.  The  practice  seems  to  be  of 
Semitic,  probably  Syrian,  origin.  In  the  business  life  of  the  Romans, 
parchment  (membrana)  superseded  wooden  tablets  in  the  first  century 
A.D.7  The  Avesta  and  Zend  written  on  prepared  cow-skins  with  gold  ink 
is  mentioned  in  the  Artai-viraf-namak  (i,  7).  The  Iranian  word  post 
("skin")  resulted  in  Sanskrit  pusta  or  pustaka  (" volume,  book"),8 
from  which  Tibetan  po-ti  is  derived.9  On  the  other  hand,  the  Persians 
have  borrowed  from  the  Greek  dufrdepa  ("skin,  parchment")  their 
word  daftar  or  defter  ("book,"  Arabic  da/tar,  diftar),  which  likewise 

belongs  to  the  oldest  cultivated  plants  of  the  Chinese  (see  above,  p.  293),  and  that 
hemp  paper  is  already  listed  among  the  papers  invented  by  Ts'ai  Lun  in  A.D.  105 
(cf.  CHAVANNES,  Les  Livres  chinois  avant  1'invention  du  papier,  Journal  asiatique, 
I9°5»  P-  6  of  the  reprint). 

1  Ch.  B.,  p.  10  b  (ed.  of  Pie  Ma  lai  ts'un  Su). 

2  C.  DALLET,  Histoire  de  l'e*glise  de  Core*e,  Vol.  I,  p.  CLXXXIII. 

3  J.  G.  SCOTT  and  J.  P.  HARDIMAN,  Gazetteer  of  Upper  Burma  and  the  Shan 
States,  pt.  I,  Vol.  II,  p.  411. 

4  The  Persian  word  for  the  mulberry,  tu8,  is  supposed  to  be  a  loan-word  from 
Aramaic  (HORN,  Grundriss  iran.  Phil.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  6);  but  this  is  erroneous 
(see  below,  p.  582). 

5  Cf.  V.  GARDTHAUSEN,  Buchwesen  im  Altertum,  p.  91. 

6  ii,  32. 

7  K.  DZIATZKO,  Ausgewahlte  Kapitel  des  antiken  Buchwesens,  p.  131. 

8  R.  GAUTHIOT  in  Memoires  Soc.  de  Linguistique,  Vol.  XIX,  1915,  p.  130. 

9  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  452. 


564  SlNO-lRANICA 

spread  to  Central   Asia   (Tibetan   deb-t*er,   Mongol   debter,  Manchu 
debtelin)  * 

The  use  of  parchment  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Parthia  (An-si)  has 
already  been  noted  by  the  mission  of  Can  K'ien,  who  placed  it  on  record 
that  "they  make  signs  on  leather,  from  side  to  side,  by  way  of  literary 
records."  It  is  accordingly  certain  that  parchment  was  utilized  in 
Iran  as  early  as  the  second  century  B.C.  There  are  also  later  references 
to  this  practice;  for  instance,  in  the  Nan  &,2  where  it  is  said  that  the 
Hu  (Iranians)  use  sheep-skin  ^  &  as  paper.  The  Chinese  have  hardly 
ever  made  use  of  parchment  for  writing-purposes,  but  they  prepare 
parchment  (from  the  skins  of  sheep,  donkeys,  or  oxen)  for  the  making 
of  shadow-play  figures.  The  only  parchment  manuscripts  ever  found 
in  China  were  the  Scriptures  of  the  Jews  of  K'ai-fon,  which  are  also 
mentioned  in  their  inscriptions.3 

26.  Most  of  the  Chinese  loan-words  in  Persian  were  imported  by 
the  Mongol  rulers  in  the  thirteenth  century  (the  so-called  Il-Khans, 
1265-1335),  being  chiefly  terms  relative  to  official  and  administrative 
institutions.  The  best  known  of  these  is  pdizah,  being  a  reproduction  of 
Chinese  p^ai-tse  ft$  •?,  an  official  warrant  or  badge  containing  imperial 
commands,  letters  of  safe-conduct,  permits  of  requisition,  according  to 
the  rank  of  the  bearer,  made  of  silver,  brass,  iron,  etc.    They  were 
taken  over  by  the  Mongols  from  the  Liao  and  Kin,4  and  are  mentioned 
by  Rubruck,  Marco  Polo,5  and  Ra§id-eddin. 

27.  Titles  like  wan  3i  ("king,  prince"),  fai  wan  :£  3:  ("great 
prince"),  kao  wan  iSi  i£  ("great  general"),  Vai  hu  :Jc  Jo  ("empress"), 
fu  Sen  (Persian  fucln)  ^  A  (title  for  women  of  rank),  and  kun  lu 
&  l£  ("princess")  were  likewise  adopted  in  Mongol  Persia.6   Persian 
jinksdnak,  title  of  a  Mongol  prefect  or  governor,  transcribes  Chinese 
Fen  sian  7$t  £9  ("minister  of  state").7 

28.  From  Turkish  tribes  the  Persians  have  adopted  the  word  toy 

1  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  481. 

2  Ch.  79,  P-  7- 

3  Cf.  J.  TOBAR,  Inscriptions  juives  de  K'ai-fong-fou,  pp.  78,  86,  96  (note  2). 

4  CHAVANNES,  Journal  asiatique,  1898,  I,  p.  396. 

5  YULE'S  edition,  Vol.  I,  p.  351,  which  consult  for  a  history  of  the  p'ai-tse;  see, 
further,  LAUFER,  Keleti  Szemle,  1907,  pp.  195-196;  ZAMTSARANO,  Paiza  among  the 
Mongols  at  the  Present  Time  (Zapiski  Oriental  Section  Russian  Archaol.  Soc., 
Vol.  XXII,  1914,  pp.  155-159). 

6  E.  BLOCHET,  Introduction  a  1'histoire  des  Mongols  de  Rashid  Ed-din,  p.  183; 
and  Djami  el-Tevarikh,  p.  473.  Regarding  the  title  wan,  see  also  J.  J.  MODI,  Asiatic 
Papers,  p.  251. 

7  Cf.  my  notes  in  Toung  Pao,  1916,  p.  528. 

i 


IRANO-SINICA — CHINESE  LOAN-WORDS  IN  PERSIAN  565 

(togti)  or  tuy,1  which  designates  the  tassels  of  horse-hair  attached  to  the 
points  of  a  standard  or  to  the  helmet  of  a  Pasha  (in  the  latter  case  a 
sign  of  rank).  Among  the  Turks  of  Central  Asia,  the  standard  of  a 
high  military  officer  is  formed  by  a  yak's  tail  fastened  at  the  top  of  a 
pole.  This  is  said  also  to  mark  the  graves  of  saintly  personages.2  In 
the  language  of  the  Uigur,  the  word  is  tuk?  As  correctly  recognized  by 
ABEL-REMUS  AT,4  who  had  recourse  only  to  Osmanli,  the  Turkish  word 
is  derived  from  Chinese  HI  tu,  anciently  *duk,  that  occurs  at  an  early 
date  in  the  Cou  li  and  Ts*ien  Han  $u.  Originally  it  denoted  a  banner 
carried  in  funeral  processions;  under  the  Han,  it  was  the  standard  of  the 
commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  which,  according  to  Ts'ai  Yun  ^  § 
(A.D.  133-192),  was  made  of  yak-tails.5  Yak-tails  (Sanskrit  cdmara, 
Anglo-Indian  chowry)  were  anciently  used  in  India  and  Central  Asia  as 
insignia  of  royalty  or  rank.6 

29.  The  Cou  $u7  states  that  in  respect  to  the  five  cereals  and  the 
fauna  Persia  agrees  with  China,  save  that  rice  and  millet  are  lacking 
in  Persia.    The  term  " millet"  is  expressed  by  the  compound  $u  $u 
3J£  l'1t;  that  is,  the  glutinous  variety  of  Panicum  miliaceum  and  the 
glutinous  variety  of  the  spiked  millet  (Setaria  italica  glutinosa).    Now, 
we  find  in  Persian  a  word  $U$M  in  the  sense  of  "millet."    It  remains 
to  study  the  history  of  this  word,  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  it  might 
be  a  Chinese  loan-word. 

ScHLiMMER8  notes  erzen  as  Persian  word  for  Panicum  miliaceum. 

30.  Persian  (also  Osmanli)  cank  ("a  harp  or  guitar,  particularly 
played  by   women")  is  probably  derived  from  Chinese  cen  ^   ("a 
harpsichord  with  twelve  brass  strings"). 

31.  One  of  the  most  interesting  Chinese  loan-words  in  Persian  is 
ooutu  (khutu),  from  Chinese  ku-tu  (written  in  various  ways),  principally 
denoting  the  ivory  tooth  of  the  walrus.    This  subject  has  been  dis- 

1  In  Sugnan,  a  Pamir  language,  it  occurs  as  tux  (SALEMANN,  in  VostoSnye  Za- 
m'atki,  p.  286). 

2  SHAW,  Turkl  Language,  Vol.  II,  p.  76. 

3  RADLOFF,  Wort,  der  Turk-Dial.,  Vol.  Ill,  col.  1425. 

4  Recherches  sur  les  langues  tatares,  p.  303. 

5  See  K'an-hi  sub  ^. 

6  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  214.    Under  the  Emirs  of  the  Khanat  Bukhara 
there  was  the  title  toksaba:  he  who  received  this  title  had  the  privilege  of  having  a 
tug  carried  before  him;  hence  the  origin  of  the  word  toksaba  (V^LIAMINOF-ZERNOF, 
Melanges  asiatiques,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  576).    Cf.  also  a  brief  note  by  PARKER  (China 
Review,  Vol.  XVII,  p.  300). 

7  Ch.  50,  p.  6. 

8  Terminologie,  p.  420. 


566  SlNO-lRANICA 

cussed  by  me  in  two  articles.1  VuLLERS2  gives  no  less  than  seven 
definitions  of  the  Persian  word:  (i)  cornu  bovis  cuiusdam  Sinensis; 
(2)  secundum  alios  cornu  rhinocerotis;  (3)  secundum  alios  cornu  avis 
cuiusdam  permagnae  in  regno  vastato,  quod  inter  Chinam  et  Aethiopiam 
situm  est,  degentis,  e  quo  conficiunt  anulos  osseos  et  manubria  cultri 
et  quo  res  venenatae  dignosci  possunt;  (4)  secundum  alios  cornu  ser- 
pentis,  quod  mille  annos  natus  profert;  (5)  secundum  alios  cornu 
viperae;  (6)  secundum  alios  cornu  piscis  annosi;  (7)  secundum  alios 
dentes  animalis  cuiusdam.  Of  these  explanations,  No.  3  is  that  of 
al-Akfanl,  and  the  bird  in  question  is  the  buceros.  No.  4  is  a  reproduc- 
tion of  the  definition  of  ku-tu-si  in  the  Liao  Annals  ("the  horn  of  a 
thousand-years-old  snake").  How  the  Persians  and  Arabs  arrived  at 
the  other  definitions  will  be  easily  understood  from  my  former  dis- 
cussion of  the  subject.  In. the  Ethiopic  version  of  the  Alexander  Ro- 
mance are  mentioned,  among  the  gifts  sent  to  Alexander  by  the  king  of 
China,  twenty  (in  the  Syriac  version,  ten)  snakes'  horns,  each  a  cubit 
long.3 

Meanwhile  I  have  succeeded  in  tracing  a  new  Chinese  definition 
of  ku-tu.  Cou  Mi  J$  $8  (1230-1320),  in  his  Ci  ya  fan  tsa  c*ao*  states, 
"According  to  Po-ki  f&  |i&,5  what  is  now  styled  ku-tu  si  if"  JS  IP  is 
a  horn  of  the  earth  (ti  kio  J&  ft,  'a  horn  found  underground'?)."  He 
refers  again  to  its  property  of  neutralizing  poison  and  to  knife-hilts 
made  of  the  substance. 

In  the  edition  of  the  Ko  ku  yao  lun,6  the  text  regarding  ku-tu-si  is 
somewhat  different  from  that  quoted  by  me  in  T'oung  Pao  (1913,  p.  325). 
Ku-tu-si  is  not  identified  there  with  pi-si,  as  appears  from  the  text  of 
the  P*ei  wen  yunfu  and  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  but  pi-si  is  a  variety  of  ku-tu-si 
of  particularly  high  value. 

1  Arabic  and  Chinese  Trade  in  Walrus  and  Narwhal  Ivory  (T'oung  Pao,  1913, 
pp.  315-364,  with  Addenda  by  P.  PELLIOT,  pp.  365-370);  and  Supplementary 
Notes  on  Walrus  and  Narwhal  Ivory  (ibid.,  1916,  pp.  348-389).  Regarding  objects 
of  walrus  ivory  in  Persia,  see  pp.  365-366. 

8  Lexicon  Persico-Latinum,  Vol.  I,  p.  659. 

8  E.  A.  W.  BUDGE,  Life  and  Exploits  of  Alexander  the  Great,  p.  180;  likewise 
his  translation  of  the  Syriac  version,  p.  112  (Syriac  edition,  p.  200).  In  the  Syriac 
occurs  another  gift  from  China,  "a  thousand  talents  of  mai-kdsi"  (literally,  "waters 
of  cups").  Budge  leaves  this  problem  unsolved.  Apparently  we  face  the  tran- 
scription of  a  Chinese  word,  which  I  presume  is  *mak,  mag  HI  (at  present  mo), 
"China  ink."  In  Mongol  and  Manchu  we  find  this  word  as  bexe,  in  Kalmuk  as  beke. 

*  Ch.  A,  p.  29  b  (ed.  of  Yue  ya  fan  ts'un  £«). 

6  Surname  of  Sien-yu  C'u  iff  ^f  fll,  calligraphist  and  poet  at  the  end  of  the 
thirteenth  century  (see  PELLIOT,  T'oung  Pao,  1913,  p.  368). 

8  Ch.  6,  p.  9  b  (ed.  of  Si  yin  Man  ts'un  $u). 


IRANO-SINICA— WALRUS  IVORY  567 

The  Chinese  Gazetteer  of  Macao1  contains  the  following  notice  of 
the  walrus  (hai  ma):  "Its  tooth  is  hard,  of  a  pure  bright  white  with 
veins  as  fine  as  silk  threads  or  hair.  It  can  be  utilized  for  the  carving  of 
ivory  beads  and  other  objects." 

Finally  I  have  found  another  document  in  which  the  fish-teeth  of 
the  Russians  are  identified  with  the  tusks  of  the  walrus  (morse).  This 
is  contained  in  the  work  of  G.  FLETCHER,  "The  Russe  Common  Wealth," 
published  in  London,  i59i,2  and  runs  as  follows:  "Besides  these  (which 
are  all  good  and  substantiall  commodities)  they  have  divers  other  of 
smaller  account,  that  are  natural  and  proper  to  that  country:  as  the 
fishe  tooth  (which  they  cal  ribazuba),  which  is  used  both  among  them- 
selves and  the  Persians  and  Bougharians,  that  fetcht  it  from  thence 
for  beads,  knives,  and  sword  hafts  of  noblemen  and  gentlemen,  and 
for  divers  other  uses.  Some  use  the  powder  of  it  against  poyson,  as 
the  unicornes  home.  The  fish  that  weareth  it  is  called  a  morse,  and  is 
caught  about  Pechora.  These  fishe  teeth,  some  of  them  are  almost  two 
foot  of  length,  and  weigh  eleven  or  twelve  pound  apiece."3 

1  Ao-men  ci  lio,  Ch.  B,  p.  37. 

2  Ed.  of  E.  A.  BOND,  p.  13  (Hakluyt  Society,  1856). 

3  The  following  case  is  interesting  as  showing  how  narwhal  ivory  could  reach 
India  straight  from  the  Arctics.  PIETRO  DELLA  VALLE  (Vol.  I,  p.  4,  Hakluyt  Soc.  ed.), 
travelling  on  a  ship  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  India  in  1623,  tells  this  story:    "On 
Monday,  the  Sea  being  calm,  the  Captain,  and  I,  were  standing  upon  the  deck  of 
our  Ship,  discoursing  of  sundry  matters,  and  he  took  occasion  to  show  me  a  piece 
of  Horn,  which  he  told  me  himself  had  found  in  the  yar  161 1  in  a  Northern  Country, 
whither  he  then  sail'd,  which  they  call  Greenland,  lying  in  the  latitude  of  seventy- 
six  degrees.  He  related  how  he  found  this  horn  in  the  earth,  being  probably  the  horn 
of  some  Animal  dead  there,  and  that,  when  it  was  intire,  it  was  between  five  and 
six  feet  long,  and  seven  inches  in  circumference  at  the  root,  where  it  was  thickest. 
The  piece  which  I  saw  (for  the  horn  was  broken,  and  sold  by  pieces  in  several  places) 
was  something  more  than  half  a  span  long,  and  little  less  than  five  inches  thick; 
the  color  of  it  was  white,  inclining  to  yellow,  like  that  of  Ivory  when  it  is  old;  it  was 
hollow  and  smooth  within,  but  wreath'd  on  the  outside.    The  Captain  saw  not  the 
Animal,  nor  knew  whether  it  were  of  the  land  or  the  sea,  for,  according  to  the  place 
where  he  found  it,  it  might  be  as  well  one  as  the  other;  but  he  believed  for  certain, 
that  it  was  of  a  Unicorn,  both  because  the  experience  of  its  being  good  against  poyson 
argu'd  so  much,  and  for  that  the  signes  attributed  by  Authors  to  the  Unicorn's 
horn  agreed  also  to  this,  as  he  conceiv'd.  But  herein  I  dissent  from  him,  inasmuch  as, 
if  I  remember  aright,  the  horn  of  the  Unicorn,  whom  the  Greeks  call'd  Monoceros, 
is,  by  Pliny,  describ'd  black,  and  not  white.  The  Captain  added  that  it  was  a  report, 
that  Unicorns  are  found  in  certain  Northern  parts  of  America,  not  far  from  that 
Country  of  Greenland;  and  so  not  unlikely  but  that  there  might  be  some  also  in 
Greenland,  a  neighbouring  Country,  and  not  yet  known  whether  it  be  Continent 
or  Island;  and  that  they  might  sometimes  come  thither  from  the  contiguous  lands 
of  America,  in  case  it  be  no  Island.  .  .  .  The  Company  of  the  Greenland  Merchants 
of  England  had  the  horn,  which  he  found,  because  Captains  of  ships  are  their  stipen- 
diaries, and,  besides  their  salary,  must  make  no  other  profit  of  their  Voyages;  but 
whatever  they  gain  or  find,  in  case  it  be  known,  and  they  conceal  it  not,  all  accrues 


568  SlNO-lRANICA 

The  term  pi-si  has  been  the  subject  of  brief  discussions  on  the  part 
of  PzLLiox1  and  myself.2  The  Ko  ku  yao  lun,  as  far  as  is  known  at 
.  present,  appears  to  be  the  earliest  work  in  which  the  expression  occurs. 
Hitherto  it  had  only  been  known  as  a  modern  colloquialism,  and  Pelliot 
urged  tracing  it  in  the  texts.  I  am  now  in  a  position  to  comply  with 
this  demand.  T'an  Ts'ui  W.  3£,  in  his  Tien  hai  yu  ken  Zi?  published  in 
1799,  gives  an  excellent  account  of  Yun-nan  Province,  its  mineral  re- 
sources, fauna,  flora,  and  aboriginal  population,  and  states  that  pi-kia-si 
^  It  3  or  pi-kia-pi  H  f{  *it  or  pi-si  H  $fe  are  all  of  the  class  of  precious 
stones  which  are  produced  in  the  Mon-mi  t'u-se  ffi  $?  i  ^  of  Yun- 
nan.4 It  is  obvious  that  these  words  are  merely  transcriptions  of  a 
non-Chinese  term;  and,  if  we  were  positive  that  it  took  its  starting- 
point  from  Yun-nan,  it  would  not  be  unreasonable  to  infer  that  it  hails 
from  one  of  the  native  T'ai  or  Shan  languages.  T'an  Ts'ui  adds  that 
the  best  pi-si  are  deep  red  in  color;  that  those  in  which  purple,  yellow, 
and  green  are  combined,  and  the  white  ones,  take  the  second  place; 
while  those  half  white  and  half  black  are  of  the  third  grade.  We  are 
accordingly  confronted  with  a  certain  class  of  precious  stones  which 
remain  to  be  determined  mineralogically. 

32.  The  Persian  name  for  China  is  Cm,  Cmistan,  or  Cinastan. 
In  Middle  Persian  we  meet  Saini  in  the  Farvardin  Yast  and  Sini  in  the 
Bundahisn,5  besides  Cen  and  Cenastan.6  The  form  with  initial  palatal 
is  confirmed,  on  the  one  hand,  by  Armenian  Cen-k',  Cenastan,  Cen- 
bakur  ("emperor  of  China"),  cenazneay  (" originating  from  China"), 
cenik  (" Chinese"),  and,  on  the  other  hand,  by  Sogdian  Cynstn  (Clna- 

to  the  Company  that  employes  them.  When  the  Horn  was  intire  it  was  sent  to 
Constantinople  to  be  sold,  where  two  thousand  pounds  sterling  was  offer'd  for  it: 
But  the  English  Company,  hoping  to  get  a  greater  rate,  sold  it  not  at  Constantinople, 
but  sent  it  into  Muscovy,  where  much  about  the  same  price  was  bidden  for  it,  which, 
being  refus'd,  it  was  carry'd  back  into  Turkey,  and  fell  of  its  value,  a  much  less  sum 
being  now  proffer'd  than  before.  Hereupon  the  Company  conceiv'd  that  it  would 
sell  more  easily  in  pieces  then  intire,  because  few  could  be  found  who  would  purchase 
it  at  so  great  a  rate.  Accordingly  they  broke  it,  and  it  was  sold  by  pieces  in  sundry 
places;  yet,  for  all  this,  the  whole  proceed  amounted  onely  to  about  twelve  hundred 
pounds  sterling.  And  of  these  pieces  they  gave  one  to  the  Captain  who  found  it, 
and  this  was  it  which  he  shew'd  me." 

1  Toung  Pao,  1913,  p.  365. 

2  Ibid.,  1916,  p.  375. 

3  Ch.  I,  p.  6  (ed.  of  Wen  yin  lou  yu  ti  ts'un  $u).    Title  and  treatment  of  the 
subject  are  in  imitation  of  the  Kwei  hai  yii  hen  ci  of  Fan  C'en-ta  of  the  twelfth  century. 

4  T'u-se  are  districts  under  the  jurisdiction  of  a  native  chieftain,  who  himself 
is  more  or  less  subject  to  the  authority  of  the  Chinese. 

5  Cf.  J.  J.  MODI,  References  to  China  in  the  Ancient  Books  of  the  Parsees, 
reprinted  in  his  Asiatic  Papers,  pp.  241  et  seq. 

6  HUBSCHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  49. 


IRANO-SINICA— THE  NAME  CHINA  569 

stan).1  The  parallelism  of  initial  c  and  5  corresponds  exactly  to  the 
Greek  doublet  Sfrai  and  Qlvon  (  =  Cmai),  and  the  Iranian  forms 
with  c  meet  their  counterpart  in  Sanskrit  Cina  (Cina).  This  state  of 
affairs  renders  probable  the  supposition  that  the  Indian,  Iranian,  and 
Greek  designations  for  China  have  issued  from  a  common  source,  and 
that  chis  prototype  may  be  sought  for  in  China  itself.  I  am  now  inclined 
to  think  that  there  is  some  degree  of  probability  in  the  old  theory  that 
the  name  "China"  should  be  traceable  to  that  of  the  dynasty  Ts'in. 
I  formerly  rejected  this  theory,  simply  for  the  reason  that  no  one  had 
as  yet  presented  a  convincing  demonstration  of  the  case;2  nor  did  I 
become  converted  by  the  demonstration  in  favor  of  Ts'in  then  attempted 
by  PELLiOT.3  Pelliot  has  cited  several  examples  from  which  it  appears 
that  even  under  the  Han  the  Chinese  were  still  designated  as  "men  of 
the  Ts'in"  in  Central  Asia.  This  fact  in  itself  is  interesting,  but  does 
not  go  to  prove  that  the  foreign  names  Cina,  Cen,  etc.,  are  based  on 
the  name  Ts'in.  It  must  be  shown  phonetically  that  such  a  derivation 
is  possible,  and  this  is  what  Pelliot  failed  to  demonstrate:  he  does 
not  even  dwell  for  a  moment  on  the  question  of  the  ancient  pronuncia- 
tion of  the  character  ts*in  ^.  If  in  ancient  times  it  should  have  had  the 
same  articulation  as  at  present,  the  alleged  phonetic  coincidence  with 
the  foreign  designations  would  amount  to  nothing.  The  ancient  pho- 
netic value  of  31  was  *din,  *dzin,  *dzin  (jin),  *dz'in,  with  initial  dental 
or  palatal  sonant;4  and  it  is  possible,  and  in  harmony  with  phonetic 

1  R.  GAUTHIOT,  T'oung  Pao,  1913,  p.  428. 
-  T'oung  Pao,  1912,  pp.  719-726. 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  727-742.    The  mention  of  the  name  Cina  in  the  Arthagastra  of 
Canakya  or  Kautilya,  and  Jacobi's  opinion  on  the  question,  did  not  at  all  prompt  me 
to  my  view,  as  represented  by  Pelliot.    I  had  held  this  view  for  at  least  ten  years 
previously,  and  Jacobi's  article  simply  offered  the  occasion  which  led  me  to  express 
my  view.    Pelliot 's  commotion  over  the  date  of  the  Sanskrit  work  was  superfluous. 
I  shall  point  only  to  the  judgment  of  V.  A.  SMITH  (Early  History  of  India,  3d  ed., 
1914,  p.  153),  who  says  that  "the  Arthacastra  is  a  genuine  ancient  work  of  Maurya 
age,  and  presumably  attributed  rightly  to  Canakya  or  Kautilya;  this  verdict,  of 
course,  does  not  exclude  the  possibility,  or  probability,  that  the  existing  text  may 
contain  minor  interpolations  of  later  date,  but  the  bulk  of  the  book  certainly  dates 
from  the  Maurya  period,"  and  to  the  statement  of  A.  B.  KEITH  (Journal  Roy. 
As.  Soc.,  1916,  p.  137),  "It  is  perfectly  possible  that  the  Arthacastra  is  an  early 
work,  and  that  it  may  be  assigned  to  the  first  century  B.C.,  while  its  matter  very 
prol;,bly  is  older  by  a  good  deal  than  that."   The  doubts  as  to  the  Ts'in  etymology 
of  the  name  "China"  came  from  many  quarters.    Thus  J.  J.  MODI  (Asiatic  Papers, 
p.  247),  on  the  supposition  that  the  Farvardin  Yast  may  have  been  written  prior 
to  the  fourth  or  fifth  century  B.C.,  argued,  "If  so,  the  fact  that  the  name  of  China 
as  Saini  occurs  in  this  old  document,  throws  a  doubt  on  the  belief  that  it  was  the 
Ts'in  dynasty  of  the  third  century  B.C.  that  gave  its  name  to  China.    It  appears, 
therefore,  that  the  name  was  older  than  the  third  century  B.C." 

4  In  the  dialect  of  Shanghai  it  is  still  pronounced  dzin. 


570  SlNO-lRANICA 

laws,  that  a  Chinese  initial  d%  was  reproduced  in  Iranian  by  the  palatal 
surd  £.  It  is  this  phonetic  agreement  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  coin- 
cidence of  the  Sanskrit,  Iranian,  and  Greek  names  for  China  on  the  other, 
which  induce  me  to  admit  the  Ts'in  etymology  as  a  possible  theory;  that 
the  derivation  has  really  been  thus,  no  one  can  assert  positively.  The 
presence  of  the  designation  Ts'in  for  Chinese  during  the  Han  is  an  histor- 
ical accessory,  but  it  does  not  form  a  fundamental  link  in  the  evidence. 

33.  The  preceding  notes  should  be  considered  only  as  an  outline 
of  a  series  of  studies  which  should  be  further  developed'  by  the  co- 
operation of  Persian  scholars  and  Arabists  familiar  with  the  Arabic 
sources  on  the  history  and  geography  of  Iran.  A  comprehensive  study 
of  all  Persian  sources  relating  to  China  would  also  be  very  welcome. 
Another  interesting  task  to  be  pursued  in  this  connection  would  be 
an  attempt  to  trace  the  development  of  the  idealized  portrait  which 
the  Persian  and  Arabic  poets  have  sketched  of  the  Chinese.  It  is  known 
that  in  the  Oriental  versions  of  the  Alexander  Romance  the  Chinese 
make  their  appearance  as  one  of  the  numerous  nations  visited  by 
Alexander  the  Great  (Iskandar).  In  Firdausl's  (935-1025)  version  he 
travels  to  China  as  his  own  ambassador,  and  is  honorably  received  by 
the  Fagfur  (Son  of  Heaven),  to  whom  he  delivers  a  letter  confirming 
his  possessions  and  dignities,  provided  he  will  acknowledge  Iskandar  as 
his  lord  and  pay  tribute  of  all  fruits  of  his  country;  to  this  the  Fagfur 
consents.  In  Nizamfs  (1141-1203)  Iskandarndme  ("Book  of  Alex- 
ander"), Iskandar  betakes  himself  from  India  by  way  of  Tibet  to  China, 
where  a  contest  between  the  Greek  and  Chinese  painters  takes  place, 
the  former  ultimately  carrying  the  day.1  In  the  Ethiopic  version  of 
the  Alexander  story,  "the  king  of  China  commanded  that  they  should 
spread  out  costly  stuffs  upon  a  couch,  and  the  couch  was  made  of  gold 
ornamented  with  jewels  and  inlaid  with  a  design  in  gold;  and  he  sat  in 
his  hall,  and  his  princes  and  nobles  were  round  about  him,  and  when 
he  spake  they  made  answer  unto  him  and  spake  submissively.  Then  he 
commanded  the  captain  to  bring  in  Alexander  the  ambassador.  Now 
when  I  Alexander  had  come  in  with  the  captain,  he  made  me  to  stand 
before  the  King,  and  the  men  stood  up  dressed  in  raiment  of  gold  and 
silver;  and  I  stood  there  a  long  time  and  none  spake  unto  me."2  The 
Kowtow  (k'o-t'ou)  question  was  evidently  not  raised.  It  is  still  more 
amusing  to  read  farther  on  that  the  king  of  China  made  the  ambassador 
sit  by  his  side  upon  the  couch, —  an  impossible  situation.  The  Fagfur 
sent  to  Alexander  garments  of  finely  woven  stuff,  one  hundred  pounds 

1  Cf.  P.  SPIEGEL,  Die  Alexandersage  bei  den  Orientalen,  pp.  31,  46. 

2  E.  A.  W.  BUDGE,  Life  and  Exploits  of  Alexander  the  Great,  p.  173. 


IRANO-SINICA — THE  CHINESE  IN  THE  ALEXANDER  ROMANCE    571 

in  weight,  two  hundred  tents,  men-servants  and  maid-servants,  two 
hundred  shields  of  elephant-hide,  as  many  Indian  swords  mounted  in 
gold  and  ornamented  with  gold  and  precious  stones  of  great  value, 
as  many  horses  suitable  for  kings,  and  one  thousand  loads  of  the  finest 
gold  and  silver,  for  in  this  country  are  situated  the  mountains  where- 
from  they  dig  gold.  The  wall  of  that  city  is  built  of  gold  ore,  and  like- 
wise the  habitations  of  the  people;  and  from  this  place  Solomon,  the 
son  of  David,  brought  the  gold  with  which  he  built  the  sanctuary,  and 
he  made  the  vessels  and  the  shields  of  the  gold  of  the  land  of  China.1 
In  the  history  of  Alexander  the  Great  contained  in  the  "Universal  His- 
tory" of  al-Makin,  who  died  at  Damascus  in  1273—74,  a  distinction  is 
made  between  the  kings  of  Nearer  China  and  Farther  China.2 

The  most  naive  version  of  Alexander's  adventures  in  China  is  con- 
tained in  the  legendary  "History  of  the  Kings  of  Persia,"  written  in 
Arabic  by  al-Ta'alibi  (96i-io38).3  Here,  the  king  of  China  is  taken 
aback,  and  loses  his  sleep  when  Alexander  with  his  army  enters  China. 
Under  cover  of  night  he  visits  Alexander,  offering  his  submission  in  order 
to  prevent  bloodshed.  Alexander  first  demands  the  revenue  of  his 
kingdom  for  five  years,  but  gradually  condescends  to  accept  one  third 
for  one  year.  The  following  day  a  huge  force  of  Chinese  troops  surrounds 
the  army  of  Alexander,  who  believes  his  end  has  come,  when  the  king 
of  China  appears,  descending  from  his  horse  and  kissing  the  soil  (!). 
Alexander  charges  him  with  perfidy,  which  the  king  of  China  denies. 
"What,  then,  does  this  army  mean? "  —  "I  wanted  to  show  thee,"  the 
king  of  China  replied,  "that  I  did  not  submit  from  weakness  or  owing 
to  the  small  number  of  my  forces.  I  had  observed  that  the  superior 
world  favored  thee  and  allowed  thee  to  triumph  over  more  powerful 
kings  than  thou.  Whoever  combats  the  superior  world  will  be  van- 
quished. For  this  reason  I  wanted  to  submit  to  the  superior  world 
by  submitting  to  thee,  and  humbly  to  obey  it  by  obeying  thee  and 
complying  with  thy  orders."  Alexander  rejoined,  "No  demand  should 
be  made  of  a  man  like  thee.  I  never  met  any  one  more  qualified  as  a 
sage.  Now  I  abandon  all  my  claims  upon  thee  and  depart."  The  king 
of  China  responded,  "Thou  wilt  lose  nothing  by  this  arrangement." 
He  then  despatched  rich  presents  to  him,  like  a  thousand  pieces  of  silk, 
painted  silk,  brocade,  silver,  sable-skins,  etc.,  and  pledged  himself  to 
pay  an  annual  tribute.  Although  the  whole  story,  of  course,  is  pure 
invention,  Chinese  methods  of  overcoming  an  enemy  by  superior 
diplomacy  are  not  badly  characterized. 

1  Ibid.,  p.  179. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  369,  394. 

8  H.  ZOTENBERG,  Histoire  des  rois  des  Perses,  pp.  436-440. 


APPENDIX  I 
IRANIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  MONGOL 

On  the  preceding  pages,  as  well  as  in  my  "Loan-Words  in  Tibetan," 
I  had  occasion  to  point  out  a  number  of  Mongol  words  traceable  to 
Iranian;  and,  as  this  subject  has  evoked  some  interest  since  the  dis- 
coveries made  in  Turkistan,  I  deem  it  useful  to  treat  it  here  in  a  coherent 
notice  and  to  sum  up  our  present  knowledge  of  the  matter. 

1.  Certain  relations  of  the  Mongol  language  to  Iranian  were  known 
about  a  century  ago  to  I.  J.  SCHMIDT/  the  real  founder  of  Mongol  phil- 
ology.  It  was  Schmidt  who,  as  far  back  as  1824,  first  recognized  in  the 
Mongol  name  Xormusda  (Khormusda)  the  Iranian  Ormuzd  or  Ahura- 
mazdah  of  the  Avesta.   Even  Schmidt's  adversary,  J.  KLAPROTH,  was 
obliged  to  admit  that  this  theory  was  justified.2   Re'musat's  objections 
were  refuted  by  SCHMIDT  himself.3  At  present  we  know  that  the  name 
in  question  was  propagated  over  Central  Asia  by  the  Sogdians  in  the 
forms  Xurmazta  (Wurmazt)  and  Oharmizd.4  What  we  are  still  ignorant 
of  is  how  the  transformation  of  the  supreme  Iranian  god  into  the 
supreme  Indian  god  was  effected;  for  in  the  Buddhist  literature  of  the 
Mongols  the  name  Xormusda  strictly  refers  to  the  god  Indra.    Also 
in   the   polyglot   Buddhist   dictionaries  the   corresponding  terms   of 
Chinese,  Tibetan,  etc.,  relate  to  Indra. 

2.  Esroa,  Esrua,  or  Esrun,  is  in  the  Buddhist  literature  of  the 
Mongols  the  designation  of  the  Indian  god  Brahma.    The  Iranian 
origin  of  this  word  has  been  advocated  by  A.  ScniEFNER.6   Although 
taken  for  a  corruption  of  Sanskrit  iguara  ("lord"),  it  seems,  according 
to  Schiefner,  to  be  in  closer  relation  to  Avestan  $raosha  (sraofa)  or 
qravanh.   Certain  it  is  that  the  Mongol  word  is  derived  from  the  Uigur 

1  Forschungen  im  Gebiete  der  Bildungsgeschichte  der  Volker  Mittel-Asiens, 
p.  148. 

2  "Cette  hypothec  me"rite  d'etre  soigneusement  examinee  et  nous  invitons 
M.  Schmidt  a  recueillir  d'autres  faits  propres  a  lui  donner  plus  de  certitude"  (Nou- 
veau  Journal  asiatigue,  Vol.  VII,  1831,  p.  180). 

3  Geschichte  der  Ost-Mongolen,  p.  353. 

4  F.  W.  K.  MILLER,  Die  "persischen"  Kalenderausdrucke,   pp.  6,  7;   Hand- 
schriftenreste,  II,  pp.  20,  94. 

6  In  his  introduction  to  W.  RADLOFF'S  Proben  der  Volkslitteratur  der  turki- 
schen  Stamme,  Vol.  II,  p.  xi.  Schiefner  derives  also  Kurbustu  of  the  Soyon  from 
Ormuzd. 

572 


IRANIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  MONGOL  573 

Azrua,  which  in  the  Manichean  texts  of  the  Uigur  appears  as  the  name 
of  an  Iranian  deity.  C.  SALEMANN1  has  promised  a  discussion  of  this 
word,  but  I  have  not  yet  seen  this  article.  Meanwhile  GAUTHiOT2  has 
solved  this  problem  on  the  basis  of  the  Sogdian  form  'zrw'  (  =  azrwa), 
which  appears  as  the  equivalent  of  Brahma  in  the  Sogdian  Buddhist 
texts.  The  Sogdian  word,  according  to  him,  is  the  equivalent  of 
Avestan  zrvan. 

3.  Mongol  suburgan,  tope,  Stupa,  is  derived  from  Uigur  supurgan. 
The  latter  may  be  of  Iranian  origin,  and,  as  suggested  by  GAUTHiox,3 
go  back  to  spur-ocan  ("house  of  perfection"). 

4.  Mongol  titim,  diadem,  crown  (corresponding  in  meaning  to  and 
rendering  Sanskrit  mukutd).   This  word  is  traceable  to  Sogdian  8i5im.* 
The  prototype  is  Greek  5tdSr?jua  (whence  our  "diadem"),  which  has 
been  preserved  in  Iran  since  Macedonian  times.5   In  New  Persian  it  is 
dakim  or  dehlm,  developed  from  an  older   *deSem.    Mongol    titim, 
accordingly,  cannot  be  derived  from  New  Persian,  but  represents  an 
older  form  of  Iranian  speech,  which  is  justly  correlated  with  the  Sogdian 
form. 

5.  Mongol  Simnus,  a  class  of  demons  (in  Buddhist  texts,  translation 
of  Sanskrit  Mara,  "the  Evil  One"),  is  doubtless  derived  from  Uigur 
$mnu,  the  latter  from  Sogdian  Smnu?    Cf.  also  Altaic  and  Teleutic 
lulumys  ("evil  spirit"). 

6.  In  view  of  the  Sogdian  loan-words  in  Mongol,  it  is  not  impossible 
that,  as  suggested  by  F.  W.  K.  MULLER/  the  termination  -ntsa  (-nZd) 
in  Sibagantsa,   cibagantsa,  or  Simnantsa   ("bhiksunl,   nun;"  Manchu 
cibahanci)  should  be  traceable  to  the  Sogdian  feminine  suffix  -nl  (pre- 
sumably from  inc,   "woman").    The  same  ending  occurs  in  Uigur 
upasanc    (Sanskrit   upasikd,    "Buddhist   lay- woman")    and   Mongol 
ubasantsa.   R.  GAUTHIOT  8  is  certainly  right  in  observing  that  it  is  im- 

1  Bull,  de  I'Acad.  de  St.-Pet.,  1909,  p.  1218. 

2  In  CHAVANNES  and  PELLIOT,  Trait<§  maniche'en,  p.  47. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  132. 

4  MULLER,  Uigurica,  p.  47. 

5  NOLDEKE,  Persische  Studien,  II,  p.  35;  cf.  also  HUBSCHMANN,  Persische 
Studien,  p.  199. 

6  P.  W.  K.  MULLER,  Uigurica,  p.  58;  Soghdische  Texte,  I,  pp.  u,  27.    In  Sog- 
dian Christian  literature,  the  word  serves  for  the  rendering  of  "Satan."    According 
to  MULLER  (SPAW,  1909,  p.  847),  also  Mongol  nisan  ("seal")  and  badman   (not 
explained)  should  be  Middle  Persian,  and  have  found  their  way  into  Mongol  through 
the  medium  of  the  Uigur. 

7  Uigurica,  p.  47. 

8  Essai  sur  le  vocalisme  du  sogdien,  p.  112. 


574  SlNO-lRANlCA 

possible  to  prove  this  interdependence;  yet  it  is  probable  to  a  high 
degree  and  seems  altogether  plausible. 

7.  Textiles  made  from  cotton  are  designated  in  Mongol  bus  (Kalmuk 
bos),  in  Jurci  Queen  or  Niuci)  busu,  in  Manchu  boso.    This  series,  first 
of  all,  is  traceable  to  Uigur  boz.1    The  entire  group  is  manifestly  con- 
nected, as  already  recognized  by  ScHOTT,2  with  Greek  pvcrvos  (byssos), 
which  itself  goes  back  to  Semitic  (Hebrew  bus,  Assyrian  busu).    But 
how  the  Semitic  word  advanced  to  Central  Asia  is  still  obscure;  its 
presence  in  Uigur  might  point  to  Iranian  mediation,  but  it  has  not  yet 
been  traced  in  any  Iranian  language.    Perhaps  it  was  transmitted  to 
the  Uigur  directly  by  Nestorian  missionaries.   The  case  would  then  be 
analogous  to  Mongol  nom  (Manchu  nomun),  from  Uigur  nom,  num 
("a  sacred  book,  law")j  which  AsEL-RfeMUSAT3  traced  through  Semitic 
to  Greek  v6nos. 

Cotton  itself  is  styled  in  Mongol  kuben  or  kubiln,  in  Manchu  kubun. 
SCHOTT  (I.e.)  was  inclined  to  derive  this  word  from  Chinese  ku-pei,  but 
this  is  impossible  in  view  of  the  labial  surd.  Nevertheless  it  may  be 
that  the  Mongol  term  is  connected  with  a  vernacular  form  based  on 
Sanskrit  karpdsa,  to  which  also  Chinese  ku-pei  is  indirectly  traceable 
(above,  p.  491).  This  form  must  be  sought  for  in  Iranian;  true  it 
is,  in  Persian  we  have  kirpds  (correspondingly  in  Armenian  kerpas) 
and  in  Arabic  kirbds.  In  Vaxi,  a  Pamir  dialect,  however,  we 
find  kubas*  which,  save  the  final  s,  agrees  with  the  Mongol  form. 
The  final  nasals  in  the  Mongol  and  Manchu  words  remain  to  be 
explained. 

8.  Mongol  anar,  pomegranate,  is  doubtless  derived  from  Persian 
andr  (above,  p.  285).    In  the  Chinese-Uigur  Dictionary  we  meet  the 
form  nara?  In  this  case,  accordingly,  Uigur  cannot  be  held  responsible 
as  the  mediator  between  Persian  and  Mongol.    In  all  probability,  the 
fruit  was  directly  transmitted  by  Iranians  to  the  Mongols,  who  thus 
adopted  also  the  name  for  it. 

9.  Mongol  turma,  radish,  is  derived  from  Persian  turma  (also  turub, 
turb,  turf).6 

1  F.  W.  K.  MULLER,  Uigurica,  II,  p.  70. 

2  Altaisches  Sprachengeschlecht,  p.  5;  and  Abh.  Berl.  Akad.t  1867,  p.  138. 

3  Recherches  stir  les  langues  tartares,  p.  137. 

4  HJULER,  The  Pamir  Languages,  p.  38. 

5  KLAPROTH,  Sprache  und  Schrift  der  Uiguren,  p.  14;  and  RADLOFF,  Turk. 
W6rt.,  Vol.  Ill,  col.  648. 

6  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  84.   The  derivation  from  Persian  escaped  MUNKACSI 
and  GOMBOCZ  (Mem.  Soc.  finno-ougrienne,  Vol.  XXX,  p.  131),  who  erroneously 
seek  the  foundation  of  the  word  in  Turkish. 


IRANIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  MONGOL  575 

10.  Mongol  xasinij  asafoetida,  from  Persian  kasni  ("product  of 
hazni").   Cf.  above,  p.  361. 

11.  Mongol  bodso,  an  alcoholic  beverage  made  from  barley-meal 
milk,  is  connected  by  KOVALEVSKI  in  his  Mongol  Dictionary  with 

Persian  boza,  a  beverage  made  from  rice,  millet,  or  barley. 

12.  Mongol  bolot,  steel,  is  derived  from  New  Persian  puldd,  whether 
lirectly  or  through  the  medium  of  Turkish  languages  is  not  certain. 
The  Persian  word  is  widely  diffused,  and  occurs  in  Tibetan,  Armenian, 
Ossetic,  Grusinian,  Turkish,  and  Russian.1 

13.  Mongol  bagdar,   coat-of-mail,  armor,  goes   back   to   Persian 
bagtar  (Jagatai  baktar,  Tibetan  beg-tse). 

14.  Mongol  sagari  and  sarisu,  shagreen.2   Prom  Persian  sagri.    In 
Tibetan  it  is  sag-ri;3  in  Manchu  sarin  (while  Manchu  $empi  is  a  tran- 
scription of  Chinese  sie-p^i  ffl  $t)  .4 

15.  Mongol  kukur,  kugur,  sulphur.    From  Persian  gugurd,  Afghan 
kokurt  (Arabic  kibrlt,  Hebrew  gafrit,  Modern  Syriac  kugurd). 

1 6.  Other  Persian  loan-words  in  Mongol  have  come  from  Tibetan, 
thus:   Mongol  nal,  spinel,  balas  ruby.    From  Tibetan  nal;  Persian  Idl 
(Notes  on  Turqois,  p.  48).   Mongol  zira,  cummin.  From  Tibetan  zi-ra; 
Persian  zlra,  Zira  (above,  p.  383). 

17.  In  some  cases  the  relation  of  Mongol  to  Persian  is  not  entirely 
clear.   In  these  instances  we  have  corresponding  words  in  Turkish,  and 
it  cannot  be  decided  with  certainty  whether  the  Mongol  word  is  trace- 
able to  Turkish  or  Persian. 

Thus  Mongol  bony  a,  trumpet  (cf.  Manchu  bur  en  and  buleri),  Turk- 
ish boru,  Uigur  bb'rgu,5  Persian  burl. 

1 8.  Mongol  dsaran   (dsagaran),  a  species  of  antelope   (Procapra 
subgutturosa)-,  Altaic  jar  an,  wild  goat  of  the  steppe;  Jagatai  jiren, 
gazelle;  Persian  jirdn,  gazelle. 

19.  Mongol  tos  (written  tagus,  logos,  to  indicate  the  length  of  the 
vowel),  peacock.  From  Persian  tdwus  (Turk!  ta'us). 

20.  Mongol  toti,  parrot.   From  Persian  toil  (Uigur  and  Turk!  tofi). 

21.  Mongol  bag,  garden.    This  word  occurs  in  a  Mongol-Chinese 
inscription  of  the  year  1314,  where  the  corresponding  Chinese  term 
signifies  "  garden,"  and,  as  recognized  by  H.  C.  v.  D.  GABELENTz,6 
doubtless  represents  Persian  bay  ("garden"). 

1  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  pp.  82,  479. 

2  K'ien-lun's  Polyglot  Dictionary,  Ch.  24,  pp.  38,  39. 

3  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  478. 

4  This  term  is  not  noted  in  the  Dictionary  of  Giles. 
6  PELLIOT,  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  p.  22. 

6  Z.  K.  d.  Morg.,  Vol.  II,  1839,  p.  12. 


576  SlNO-lRANICA 

22.  Mongol  Sikar,  &kir,  sugar.    From  Persian  Sakar. 

23.  Mongol  &tara,  Kalmuk  tatar,  chess.    From  Persian  Satranj. 
E.  Blochet's  derivation  of  Mongol  bogda  from  Persian  bokhta  is  a 

pseudo-Iranicum.  The  Mongol  term  is  not  a  loan-word,  but  indigenous.1 
BOEHTLINGK,  in  his  Yakut  Dictionary,  has  justly  compared  it  with 
Yakut  bogdo. 

1  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  495. 


APPENDIX  II 
CHINESE  ELEMENTS  IN  TURKI 

On  the  preceding  pages  I  had  occasion  to  make  reference  in  more 
than  one  instance  to  words  of  the  Turk!  language  spoken  in  Chinese 
Turkistan.  A.  v.  LE  CoQ1  has  appended  an  excellent  Turk!  vocabulary 
to  a  collection  of  texts  recorded  by  him  in  the  territory  of  Turf  an.  This 
list  contains  a  certain  percentage  of  Chinese  loan-words  which  I  wish 
briefly  to  discuss  here. 

In  general,  these  have  been  correctly  recognized  and  indicated  by 
Le  Coq,  though  not  identified  with  their  Chinese  equivalents.  But 
several  pointed  out  as  such  are  not  Chinese;  while  there  are  others 
which  are  Chinese,  but  are  not  so  designated;  and  a  certain  number 
of  words  put  down  as  Chinese  are  left  in  doubt  by  the  addition  of  an 
interrogation-mark.  To  the  first  class  belongs  jan-za  (" tobacco-pipe"), 
alleged  to  be  Chinese;  on  the  contrary,  this  is  a  thoroughly  Altaic  word, 
no  trace  of  which  is  to  be  discovered  in  Chinese.2  It  is  khamsa  or  xamsa 
in  Yakut,  already  indicated  by  BOEHTLINGK.S  It  is  gangsa  or  gantsa 
in  Mongol;4  gansa  in  the  Buryat  dialect  of  Selengin.5  The  word  has 
further  invaded  the  Ugrian  territory:  Wogul  qansa,  Ostyak  ocohsa,  and 
Samoyed  ocansa.6  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  term  has  also  found  its  way 
into  Tibetan,  where  its  status  as  a  loan-word  has  not  yet  been  recog- 
nized. It  is  written  in  the  form  gan-zag  (pronounced  gah-za;  Kovalevski 
writes  it  gan-sa,  and  Ramsay  gives  it  as  kanzak  for  West-Tibetan); 
this  spelling  is  due  to  popular  assimilation  of  the  word  with  Tibetan 
gan-zag  ("man,  person"). 

In  ju-xai  gill  ("narcissus")  I  am  unable,  as  suggested  by  the  author, 
to  recognize  a  Chinese-Turkish  formation.  The  narcissus  is  styled  in 

1  Sprichworter  und  Lieder  aus  der  Gegend  von  Turf  an,  Baessler-Archiv,  Beiheft 
I,  1910. 

2  The  Chinese  word  for  a  tobacco-pipe,  (yen-)  tai,  is  found  as  dai  in  Golde  and 
other  Tungusian  languages,  because  the  Tungusian  tribes  receive  their  pipes  from 
China. 

3  Jakutisches  Worterbuch,  p.  79. 

4  KOVALEVSKI,  Dictionnaire  mongol,  pp.  980,  982. 
6  CASTR£N,  Burjatische  Sprachlehre,  p.  130. 

6  A.  AHLQUIST  (Journal  de  la  Societe  finno-ougrienne,  Vol.  VIII,  1890,  p.  9), 
who  regards  the  Ugrian  words  as  loans  from  Turkish. 

577 


578  SlNO-lRANICA 

Chinese  $wi-hien  ^K  $1  ("water-fairy").1  Gill,  of  course,  is  Persian  gul 
("flower").  Jusai  ("garlic")  is  not  Chinese  either.  Mdjdzd  ("chair") 
is  hardly  Chinese,  as  suggested. 

To  the  second  class  belong  ton  ("cold,  frozen"),  which  is  apparently 
identical  with  Chinese  tun  5C  of  the  same  meaning,  and  tung  ("wooden 
bucket"),  which  is  the  equivalent  of  Chinese  fun  IB  ("tub,  barrel"). 
There  are,  further,  pdn  ("board"),  from  Chinese  pan  S;  yangza  ("sort, 
kind"),  from  yan-tse  It!  -?;  qdwd  ("gourd"),  from  kwa  J&. 

The  word  ton-kai  ("donkey's  knuckle-bones  employed  in  a  game") 
is  tentatively  marked  Chinese.  This  term  is  mentioned,  with  a  brief 
description  of  the  game,  in  the  Manchu  Polyglot  Dictionary2  as  Chinese 
(colloquial)  tan  cen'r  kun'r  W  Of  &  St  5i  and  Tibetan  t'e-k'ei-gan;  the 
latter  is  not  Tibetan,  and  without  any  doubt  represents  a  transcription. 
The  Chinese  term,  however,  may  be  so  likewise.  In  Manchu,  the  word 
toxai  denotes  the  smooth  side  of  the  knuckle-bone,  and  is  apparently 
related  to  Turk!  tonkai. 

The  Chinese  origin  of  Id-zd  ("red  pepper,  pimento")  is  not  to  be 
questioned.  It  is  Chinese  la-tse  J&  -?\3  Still  less  can  the  Chinese  charac- 
ter of  'irJtin  ("two  men,"  that  is,  descendant  of  a  Chinese  and  a  Turkish 
woman)  be  called  into  doubt;  this,  of  course,  is  er  Zen  ^  A. 

The  following  Chinese  words  indicated  by  Le  Coq  may  be  identified, 
only  those  of  special  interest  being  selected: 

dan,  inn,  bungalow,  from  tien  j£.   This  word  has  been  carried  by  the  Chinese 

all  over  Central  Asia.   It  has  also  been  traced  in  Sogdian  in  the  form  fim.* 
go-si,  official  placards  posted  in  a  public  place,  from  kao-U  ^  73^. 
sai-pun,  tailor,  from  ts'ai-fun  ^  jft. 
maupan,  miller,  mill,  from  mo-fan  (cu)  |§  i§  rf£. 
yan-xo,  match,  from  yan  hwo  ffi  fc. 
tunli  bdk,  interpreter;  the  first  element  from  t'un-$i  jjj  lj£  (see  Loan- Words  in 

Tibetan,  No.  310;  and  Journal  Am.  Or.  Soc.,  1917,  p.  200). 
Ian,  money,  from  Vien  ^. 

ti-za,  banknotes  issued  by  the  Governor  of  Urumc'i,  from  M-tse  JH  -J*. 
jozd,  table  (Le  Coq  erroneously  "chair"),  from  lo-tse  ^  -J*. 
Ian,  bed,  from  Zwan  jf^C. 

dd-dir,  kind  of  horse-bean,  perhaps  from  ta-tou  ~fc  S- 
dan-za,  notebook,  from  can-tse  ^^  -^. 
Sum-po,  title  of  the  Chinese  governor,  from  sun  fu  p$ 
Id-tdi,  candlestick,  from  la  t*ai  $j^  ft. 
min-ldn-zd,  door-curtain,  from  men-lin-tse  P5  ;^l  •?"• 
yan-yo,  potato,  from  yan  yao  ^  ^. 

1  See,  further,  above,  p.  427. 

2  Cf.  K.  HIMLY,  T'oung  Pao,  Vol.  VI,  1895,  p.  280. 

3  Cf.  Loan- Words  in  Tibetan,  No.  237. 

4  F.  W.  K.  MULLER,  Soghdische  Texte,  I,  p.  104. 


CHINESE  ELEMENTS  IN  TURKI  579 

In  the  Turkl  collectanea  of  G.  RAQUETTE1  I  note  the  following 
Chinese  words: 

cin-say,  celery,  from  Vin  ts'ai  J^  ^j§. 

manto,  meat-dumpling,  from  man-t'ou  fH  |H- 

lizd,  a  Chinese  foot  (measure),  from  Vi-tse  /?,  -f. 

lobo,  a  long  turnip,  from  lo-po  |j  >ffj. 

jin,  a  Chinese  pound,  from  fan  /p. 

A  few  other  remarks  on  Turkl  words  recorded  by  Le  Coq  may 
follow  here: 

ndhdl  ("ruby")  is  apparently  Persian  Idl  (above,  p.  575). 

zummurdt  ("emerald")  is  not  Arabic-Turkish,  but  Persian  (above,  p.  519). 

There  is  no  reason  to  question  the  Persian  origin  of  palas  ("cloth,  sail");  it 

is  identical  with  Persian  balds  (above,  p.  495). 
dowd  ("hill")  is  identical  with  Turkish  deve,  teve  ("camel");  cf.  Toung  Pao, 

1915,  p.  21. 

yttpis  ("snow-leopard")  is  identical  with  Mongol  irbis  ("panther"). 
1  Eastern  Turki  Grammar,  Mitt.  Sem.  Or.  Spr.,  1914,  II,  pp.  170-232. 


APPENDIX  III 

THE  INDIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  THE  PERSIAN  PHARMA- 
COLOGY OP  ABU  MANSUR  MUWAFFAQ 

On  the  preceding  pages  reference  has  repeatedly  been  made  to  the 
work  of  Abu  Mansur  as  proving  that  the  Persians  were  acquainted 
with  certain  plants  and  products,  or  as  demonstrating  the  inter- 
relations of  Persia  and  India,  or  of  Persia  and  China.  Abu  Mansur's 
"Principles  of  Pharmacology"  is  a  book  of  fundamental  importance, 
in  that  it  is  the  first  to  reveal  what  Persian- Arabic  medicine  and  pharma- 
cology owe  to  India,  and  how  Indian  drugs  were  further  conveyed  to 
Europe.  The  author  himself  informs  us  that  he  had  been  travelling 
in  India,  where  he  became  acquainted  with  her  medical  literature.  It 
therefore  seems  to  me  a  useful  task  to  collect  here  what  is  found  of 
Indian  elements  in  his  work,  and  thus  present  a  complete  summary  of 
the  influence  exerted  by  India  on  the  Persia  of  the  tenth  century.  It  is 
not  my  object  to  trace  merely  Indian  loan-words  in  Persian,  although 
several  not  hitherto  recognized  (as,  for  instance,  balddur,  turunj,  dand, 
pUpal,  etc.)  have  been  identified  by  me;  but  I  wish  to  draw  up  a  list  of 
all  Indian  drugs  or  products  occurring  in  Abu  Mansur,  regardless  of 
their  designations,  and  to  identify  them  with  their  Indian  equivalents. 
Abu  Mansur  gives  the  names  in  Arabic;  the  Persian  names  are  supplied 
from  Achundow's  commentary  or  other  sources.  The  numbers  in 
parentheses  refer  to  those  in  Achundow's  translation. 

J.  Jolly  has  added  to  the  publication  of  Achundow  a  few  observations 
on  Indian  words  occurring  in  the  work  of  Abu  Mansur;  but  the  real 
Indian  plants  and  drugs  are  not  noticed  by  him  at  all,  while  his  alleged 
identifications  are  mere  guesswork.  Thus  he  proposes  for  armdk  or 
armal  Skr.  amlaka,  amlikd,  and  dmra,  three  entirely  different  plants, 
none  of  which  corresponds  to  the  description  of  armak,  which  is  a  bark 
very  similar  to  kurfa  (Winterania  canella),  the  best  being  brought  from 
Yemen;  it  is  accordingly  an  Arabic,  not  an  Indian  plant.  Harbuwand 
(No.  576)  is  described  as  a  grain  smaller  than  pepper,  somewhat  yellow- 
ish, and  smelling  like  Aloeocylon  agallochum;  according  to  Jolly,  this 
should  be  derived  from  Skr.  kharva-mndhyd  ("small  cardamom"), 
but  the  question  is  not  of  cardamoms,  and  there  is  no  phonetic  coin- 
cidence of  the  words.  The  text  says  that  kader  (No.  500)  is  a  wholesome 
remedy  to  soften  the  pustules  of  small-pox.  Jolly  proposes  no  less 

580 


INDIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  PERSIAN  PHARMACOLOGY  581 

than  four  Sanskrit  plant-names,  —  kadara,  kadala,  kandara,  and  kandata, 
while  the  Tohfat  states  that  kader  is  called  kawi  in  India,  being  a  tree 
similar  to  the  date-palm,  the  flower  being  known  as  kaburah  (p.  197); 
kader,  accordingly,  is  an  Arabic  word,  while  kawi  is  the  supposed  Indian 
equivalent  and  may  correspond  to  Sanskrit  kapi  (Emblica  officinalis, 
Pongamia  glabra,  or  Olibanum).  These  examples  suffice:  the  twenty-one 
identifications  proposed  by  Jolly  are  not  convincing.  Many  of  these 
have  also  been  rejected  by  Achundow. 

The  Indian  loan-words  in  Persian  should  occasionally  be  made  the 
subject  of  an  exhaustive  study.  A  few  of  these  are  enumerated  by 
P.  HoRN.1  Kurkum  ("saffron"),  however,  is  not  of  Indian  origin,  as 
stated  by  him  (cf.  above,  p.  321).  Skr.  surd,  mentioned  above,  occurs  in 
Persian  as  sur  ("rice-wine").  Middle  Persian  kapik,  Persian  kabl 
("monkey"),  is  derived  from  Skr.  kapi? 

1(1).  aruz,  P.  birinj,  rice  (Oryza  sativa).  Cf.  above,  p.  373. 

2(5).  utruj,  P.  turunj,  citron  (Citrus  medico).  From  Skr.  mdtulunga 
(above,  p.  301),  also  mdtulanga,  -Idnga,  and  -linga. 

3(11).  ihlilaj,  P.  halila,  myrobalan  (Terminalia  chebula).  Skr.  harUakl 
(above,  p.  378). 

4(76).  balilaj,  P.  balila,  Terminalia  belerica,  Skr.  vibhitaka  (cf.  T'oung 
Pao,  1915,  p.  275). 

5(12).  amlaj,  P.  amlla  (amela,  amula),  Emblica  officinalis  or  Phyl- 
lanthus  emblica.  Skr.  amala  (also  dhdtri),  provided  the  botanical  identi- 
fication is  correct;  phonetically,  P.  dmila  would  rather  point  to  Skr. 
dmla  or  amlikd  (Tamarindus  indica),  Chinese  transcription  ^  5?  $1 
an-mi-lo,  *am-mi-la.  Abu  Mansur  states  that  "there  is  a  variety 
sir-amlaj;  some  physicians  erroneously  read  this  name  slr-amlaj,  be- 
lieving that  it  was  administered  in  milk  (sir)  ;  but  this  is  a  gross  error, 
for  it  is  sir,  and  this  is  an  Indian  word,  and  amlaj  signifies  'without 
stone/  I  was  there  where  amlaj  grows,  and  have  seen  it  with  my  own 
eyes."  The  etymology  given  is  fantastic,  but  may  have  been  com- 
municated to  the  author  in  India. 

6(33).  atmat,  Nelumbium  speciosum  or  Nelumbo  nucifera  (p.  205). 
"It  is  a  kernel  like  an  Indian  hazel-nut.  Its  effect  is  like  that  of  Orchis 
morio.  It  is  the  seed  of  Nymph&a  alba  indica,  and  is  as  round  as  the 
Indian  hazel-nut."  Both  the  botanical  identification  and  the  trans- 
lation appear  to  me  somewhat  questionable.  Cf.  No.  47. 

7(36).  dzddraxt,  dzddiraxt,  Melia  azadiracta.    Abu  Mansur  adds 
as  the  Arabic  name  of  the  plant.   Ibn  al-Baitar  (LECLERC,  Vol.  I, 


1  Grundr.  iran.  Philol.,  Vol.  I,  pt.  2,  p.  7. 

2  HUBSCHMANN,  Pers.  Studien,  p.  87. 


582  SlNO-lRANICA 

p.  54)  explains  the  Persian  word  as  "free  tree,"  and  Leclerc  accordingly 
derives  it  from  azdd-diraxt.  Skr.  nimba,  nimbaka,  mahdnimba. 

8(40).  usndn,  Herba  alkali,  chiefly  species  of  Salsola.  "There  are 
four  kinds  of  alkali  herb,  a  white,  yellow,  green,  and  an  Indian  kind 
which  occurs  as  Indian  hazel-nut  (funduq-i  hindl),  also  called  xurs-i 
sml  ('Chinese  xurs')  and  rutta."  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1916,  p.  93; 
above,  p.  551. 

9(54).  bitlx  ul-hindl,  P.  hindewdne,  water-melon  (above,  p.  443). 

10(73).  belddur,  balddur,  the  marking-nut  tree  (Semecarpus  anacar- 
dium).  Cf.  above,  p.  482. 

11(77).  birinj-i  kdbill,  ''rice  of  Kabul"  (Embelia  ribes).  Skr.  vidanga 
(cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  282-288;  1916,  p.  69). 

12(78).  bang,  henbane  (Hyoscyamus) ,  a  narcotic  prepared  from 
hemp-seeds.  The  seed  was  used  as  a  substitute  for  opium  (Abu  Mansur, 
No.  59).  Skr.  bhangd,  hemp  (Cannabis  saliva).  The  Persian  word  is 
also  traced  to  Avestan  banha,  "a  narcotic,"  but  it  seems  to  me  preferable 
to  assume  direct  derivation  from  Skr.  in  historical  times.  Arabic  banj, 
Portuguese  bango,  French  bangue.  P.  Sabibi,  "a  narcotic  root;  also  the 
inebriating  hemp-seed." 

13(85).  bUs,  halahil,  aconite  (Aconitum).  Hindi  bis,  Skr.  vi$a  (Aconi- 
tum  ferox),  from  visa,  "poison;"  Skr.  hdldhala,  a  species  of  aconite  and 
a  strong  poison  prepared  from  it.  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1915,  pp.  319-320, 
note. 

14(87).  tut,  mulberry  (Morus  alba),  a  native  of  China.  The  opinion 
of  NOLDEKE  (Pers.  Studien,  II,  p.  43),  that  the  Persian  word  is  traceable 
to  Semitic,  is  entirely  erroneous,  as  this  species  spread  from  the  far 
east  and  India  to  Iran  and  Europe,  and  began  to  be  cultivated  in  the 
Mediterranean  area  only  from  the  twelfth  century.  Skr.  tuda  and  tula, 
Bengali  and  Hindustani  tul,  tut,  Morus  alba  or  indica  (ROXBURGH,  Flora 
Indica,  p.  658);  cf.  SCHRADER  in  Hehn,  Kulturpflanzen,  p.  393.  Morus 
nigra,  the  black  mulberry,  is  a  native  of  Persia. 

15(90).  tamr  ul-hindl,  P.  tamar-i  hindl,  tamarind  (Tamarindus 
indica),  cultivated  throughout  India  and  Burma.  Skr.  tintida,  tintidlka, 
tintilikd,  etc.,  jhdbuka,  amllkd. 

16(94).  tanbul,  P.  pan,  barge-tanbol,  betel  (Piper  betle).  Skr.  tdmbula, 
ndgavallikd. 

17(111).  juz-i  buwwd,  P.  juz-i  buy  a,  nutmeg  (Myristica  moschata, 
officinalis,  or  fragrans) .  Skr.  jdti,  jdtikoqa,  jdtisdra,  jdtiphala. 

18(112).  juz-i  mdtil,  P.  tdtura,  datura,  Datura  metel.  Skr.  mdtula, 
dhatura.  Cf.  T'oung  Pao,  1917,  p.  23. 

19(142).  habb  ul-qilqil  (qulqul),  seeds  of  Cassia  tor  a  (the  foetid  cassia). 
Skr.  prapundda,  prapundta,  prapumndla,  tubariqimba;  Singhalese  peti- 


INDIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  PERSIAN  PHARMACOLOGY  583 

tora  (also  cultivated  in  Indo-China,  China,  and  Japan:    PERROT  and 
HURRIER,  p.  146;  STUART,  p.  96;  Japanese  ebisu-gusa) . 

20(248).  duhn  ul-amlaj,  oil  of  myrobalan  (oleum  emblicae).     Cf. 

No.  5. 

21(251).  duhn  ul-sunbul,  Indian  nard-oil  (oleum  Valerianae  jata- 

mansi).   Cf.  No.  32. 

22(253).  ddr-sml,  P.  dar-fini,  cinnamon  (Laurus  cinnamomum,  Cin- 
namomum  tamala) .  Arabic  also  saddj.  Skr.  tvaca. 

23(254).  ddr-filfil,  P.  pipal,  pilpil,  long  pepper  (Piper  longum). 
Skr.  pippati. 

24(260).  dandy  dend,  dund,  Croton  tiglium.  From  Skr.  dantl,  Croton 
polyandrus  (also  called  Baliospermum  montanum).  Abu  Mansur  adds 
that  this  plant  is  called  in  Indian  ceipal.  This  is  Skr.  jayapdla,  Croton 
jamalgota  (the  latter  from  Hindustani  jamalgota),  styled  also  sdraka. 
Arabic  also  dend  smi  (Low,  Aram.  Pflanzennamen,  p.  170).  Cf.  above, 
p.  448.  In  Tibetan  we  have  dan-da  and  dan-rog. 

25(261).  P.  divddr,  devddr,  Pinus  or  Cedrus  devdara,  deodar  a,  or 
deodora.  Skr.  devaddru  ("tree  of  the  gods")-  In  Persian  also  sanobar-i 
Hindi,  nastar;  Arabic  Sajratud-devddr ,  sanobarul-hind. 

26(272).  zarira,  sweet  flag  (Acorus  calamus).  Achundow  (p.  192) 
identifies  Arabic  zarira  with  an  alleged  Indian  word  dksarirah,  indicated 
by  Berendes;  I  cannot  trace  such  an  Indian  word.  Zarira  appears  to 
be  identical  with  Arabic  dirira  (GARCIA)  or  darira  ("aroma");  cf.  also 
Low,  I.e.,  p.  342.  Skr.  vacd,  conveyed  to  Persian  and  Arabic  as  vdj 
(GARCIA:  Guzerat  vaz,  Deccan  bache,  Malabar  vazabu,  Concan  vaicam, 
employed  by  Abu  Mansur  in  No.  564,  where  Achundow  identifies  it 
with  Iris  pseudacorus,  and  on  p.  272  also  with  Acorus  calamus'),  ugra- 
gandha,  and  sadgranthd. 

27(281).  ratta,  P.  bunduq-i  hindl  ("Indian  hazel-nut"),  Sapindus 
mukorossi  and  trifoliatus  (not  in  Watt);  Achundow's  identification  is 
apparently  erroneous.  The  question  evidently  is  of  Guilandina  bonduc 
(cf.  LECLERC,  Vol.  I,  p.  276),  also  called  C&salpinia  bonducella,  the 
fever-nut  or  physic-nut,  Skr.  kuberdksl  ("eye  of  Kubera"),  latdkaranja; 
P.  xdyahe-i  iblls;  Arabic  akitmakit,  kitmakit. 

28(288).  Sangatil  (Middle  Persian  sangamr),  Arabic-Persian  zanjabil, 
ginger  (Zingiber  officinale) .  Three  kinds — Chinese,  Zanzibar,  and 
Melinawi  or  zurunbdj — are  distinguished.  The  word  is  based  on  an 
Indian  vernacular  form  *s(s)angavira,  corresponding  to  Pali  singivera, 
Skr.  qrngavera;  drdraka  (the  fresh  root). 

29(292).  zurunbdd,  P.  zarambad,  Curcuma  zedoaria.  Cf.  YULE, 
Hobson-Jobson,  p.  979. 

30(304).  zarwdr,  Curcuma  aromatica  or  zedoaria.   "This  is  an  Indian 


584  SlNO-lRANICA 

remedy."    Achtmdow  (p.   193)   suspects  a  clerical  error  for  zadwdr 
(also  jadwdr).  Skr.  nirvisa,  vanaharidrd.  Cf.  above,  p.  544. 

31(311).  sukkar,  P.  Sakar,  Sakkar,  sugar-cane,  sugar  (Saccharum 
officinarum).  Prakrit  and  Pali  sakkhard,  Skr.  qarkard. 

32(315).  sunbul,  P.  sunbul-i  hindi,  Valeriana  jatamansi.  Skr. 
jatdmdmsl. 

33(316).  satixa,  Laurus  cassia.  Skr.  tvaca    Cf.  No.  22. 

34(324).  saqmuniyd,  Convolvulus  scammonia.  "There  are  three 
kinds,  an  Indian,  that  from  Carmgan,  and  that  from  Antiochia;  the 
latter  being  the  best,  the  Indian  ranking  next.  The  Indian  kind  is  the 
gum  of  Convolvulus  (or  Ipomcea)  turpethum"  The  latter  is  Skr.  tripufa, 
or  trivft;  hence  Hindustani  tarbud,  P.  turbid,  Arabic  turbund.  C.  scam- 
monia is  a  native  of  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  and  Greece,  and  is  cultivated  in 
some  parts  of  India. 

35(333).  sdtil.  "It  is  an  Indian  remedy  which  resembles  a  Tuber 
terrae  (fungus),  and  purges  the  corrupted  humours."  It  is  also  called 
Sdtil  and  in  Persian  rolanak. 

36(361).  M  (M),  "Indian  quince  (Cydonia  indica)"  In  the  com- 
mentary (p.  245),  Achundow  cites  also  a  Persian  bih-i  hindi  ("Indian 
quince"),  and  adds  that  Schlimmer  mentions  merely  a  Cydonia  vulgaris. 
What  this  Cydonia  indica  is  supposed  to  be  is  a  mystery:  neither  Rox- 
burgh nor  Watt  knows  such  an  Indian  species.  A.  de  Candolle  already 
knew  that  there  is  no  Sanskrit  name  for  the  quince.  The  Persian  quince 
is  mentioned  by  Abu  Mansur  (No.  309)  as  safarjal  (P.  bih  or  beh,  and  obi). 

37(368).  sandal  (Arabic),  £andan,  Zandal  (Persian),  sandal-wood 
(Lignum  santalinum).  Red  (from  Pterocarpus  santalinus)  and  white 
(from  Santalum  album)  are  distinguished.  Skr.  candana. 

38(386).  tdllsfar,  alleged  to  be  Myristica  moschata;  on  p.  247,  how- 
ever, Achundow  withdraws  this  interpretation.  According  to  Daud,  it 
is  the  bark  of  the  mulberry  coming  from  the  Dekkan.  The  word,  at  all 
events,  appears  to  be  Indian:  cf.  Skr.  tdUqapattra,  "leaf  of  Flacourtia 
cataphracta." 

$9(422).  julful,  sAsofilfil,  black  pepper  (Piper  nigrum).  Skr.  pippali, 
marica. 

40(434).  fufal,  P.  pupal,  areca-nut  palm  (Areca  catechu).  Skr. 
pugaphala;  Singhalese  puvak. 

41(450).  qust,  P.  kustj  Costus  amarus  or  speciosus  (cf.  also  p.  254). 
Skr.  kutfha,  idem  and  Saussurea  lappa. 

42(456).  qdqula,  P.  hll-i  buzurg,  grains  of  paradise  seeds,  greater  seeds 
of  cardamom  (Amomum  granum  paradisi,  or  melegueta). 

43(457).  qaranful,  P.  mexak,  cloves  (Caryophyllus  aromaticus).  Skr. 
lavanga. 


INDIAN  ELEMENTS  IN  PERSIAN  PHARMACOLOGY  585 

44(459).  quldni,  a  kind  of  barley  brought  from  India.  JOLLY  (p.  196) , 
without  giving  an  Indian  name,  regards  this  as  Glycine  labialis  (ROX- 
BURGH, Flora  Indica,  p.  565) ;  Watt  does  not  give  this  species  for  India. 
Cf.  No.  572,  where  it  is  described  under  the  name  hdl. 

45(480).  kundur,  incense  (Boswellia  thuriferd).  Skr.  kunduru, 
kundura,  kundu,  kunduruka.  Achundow  does  not  mention  a  Persian 
form  kunduru,  as  asserted  by  HUBSCHMANN  (Armen.  Gram.,  p.  172). 
Pahlavi  *kunduruk  and  Armenian  kndruk  are  directly  traceable  to  Skr. 
kunduruka. 

46(483).  kafur  (Arabic  and  Persian),  camphor  (Laurus  camphor  a). 
The  same  word  appears  already  in  Middle  Persian.  Skr.  karpura. 

47(512).  Idk,  rangldk,  lac  (Gummi  laccae).   Cf.  above,  p.  476. 

48(517).  md$,  mungo  bean  (Phaseolus  mungo).  Skr.  md$a  (Phaseolus 
radiatus).  This  Indian  word  is  widely  diffused  over  Asia:  Tibetan 
ma-$a,  Mongol  ma$a,  Turk!  ma's  ("a  small  kind  of  bean")j  Taran& 
mas  ("bean"),  Sart  mat  ("lentil"),  Osmanli  maS. 

49(525).  musktirdmu&r ,  musktirdmsl,  Origanum  dictamnus.  "The 
best  is  that  of  India."  The  name  is  said  to  come  from  the  Syriac  (p.  267), 
AINSLEE  (Materia  Indica,  Vol.  I,  p.  112)  calls  it  dittany  of  Crete,  and 
says  that  he  has  never  seen  it  in  India.  Indeed  it  does  not  occur  there, 
hence  the  Indian  variety  of  Abu  Mansur  must  be  0.  marjorana,  the 
sweet  marjoran,  Skr.  phanijjhaka,  Arabic  mardakus  or  mizunjus. 

50(550).  nargll  (Arabic  ndrjil),  coco-nut  (Cocos  nucifera).  Avicenna: 
juz  hindl  ("Indian  nut").  Skr.  ndrikela,  ndrikera,  etc. 

51(552).  nllufar,  P.  nilupar,  Nymph&a  alba,  N.  lotus,  etc.  Skr. 
mlotpala  (Nymph&a  lotus)',  also  kumuda,  kamala,  etc.  Cf.  LOEW,  I.e., 

P-  3i3. 

52(557).  ml,  Ilia,  indigo  (Indigofera  tinctoria).    Skr.  nlla  (above, 

P-  37o). 

53(572).  hdl,  P.  hll-i  xurde,  lesser  cardamom  (Cardamomum  minus  or 
malabaricum,  or  Elettaria  cardamomum).  Skr.  eld. 

54(583).  yabruh,  mandrake  (Atropa  mandragora).  "Two  kinds  are 
distinguished,  an  Indian,  called  yabruh  ul-sanam,  and  a  Nabathsean." 
As  the  genus  Atropa  does  not  occur  in  India,  with  the  exception  of 
A.  belladonna,  which,  however,  is  restricted  to  the  territory  stretching 
from  Simla  to  Kashmir,  it  is  obvious  that  a  species  of  Datura  is  to  be 
understood  by  the  Indian  mandrake  of  Abu  Mansur.  This  case  is 
interesting,  in  that  it  shows  again  the  identical  employment  of  the 
mandrake  and  the  datura  (cf.  LAUFER,  La  Mandragore,  T'oung  Pao, 
1917,  pp.  1-30). 


APPENDIX  IV 
THE  BASIL 

I  propose  to  treat  here  briefly  of  the  history  of  a  genus  of  plants 
which  has  not  yet  been  discussed  by  historians, —  Ocimum,  an  extensive 
genus  of  the  order  Labiatae.  I  do  not  share  the  common  opinion  of 
most  commentators  of  Theophrastus  and  Pliny,  that  their  &KWOV  or 
ocimum  is  identical  with  the  Ocimum  basilicum  of  Linne*.  Theophrastus 
touches  on  okimon  in  several  passages;  but  what  he  describes  is  a  shrub, 
not  an  herb,  nor  does  he  emphasize  any  of  the  characteristic  properties 
of  Ocimum  basilicum.  FEE  justly  comments  on  Pliny  (xx,  48)  that 
this  species  is  not  understood  by  him,  it  being  originally  from  India 
(or  rather,  as  will  be  seen,  from  Iran),  and  never  found  in  a  wild  state. 
From  what  Varro  says,  he  infers  that  Pliny's  ocimum  must  be  sought 
among  the  leguminous  plants,  the  genus  Hedysarum,  Lathyrus,  or 
Medicago.1  Positive  evidence  of  this  conclusion  comes  from  Ibn  al- 
Baitar,  whose  vast  compilation  is  principally  based  on  the  work  of 
Dioscorides,  with  the  addition  of  annotations  of  Arabic  authors.  Ibn 
al-Baitar,  in  his  discussion  of  the  plant  which  we  call  Ocimum,  does 
not  fall  back  on  the  okimon  of  Dioscorides  (n,  171),  and,  in  fact,  does 
not  cite  him  at  all.2  He  merely  reproduces  the  data  of  Arabic  writers: 
this  is  decisive,  and  leads  us  to  reject  any  connection  between  the 
ocimum  of  the  ancients  and  the  species  coming  from  the  Orient  and 
known  to  our  science  of  botany  as  Ocimum.3 

There  is  good  reason  to  assume  that  at  least  one  species,  if  not 
several,  is  a  native  of  Persia,  and  was  diffused  from  there  to  India 
and  China,  probably  also  to  the  West.  This  is  Ocimum  basilicum,  the 
sweet  or  common  basil.  The  name  paaCKiKov  ("royal")  as  the  designa- 
tion of  an  Ocimum  first  occurs  in  Byzantine  literature,  in  Aetius  (sixth 
century)  and  Symeon  Seth;  and,  since  the  king  of  Persia  was  known  to 
the  Greeks  simply  as  "the  king"  (/Sao-tXcus),  it  is  more  than  probable 
that  the  Greek  term  is  reproduced  after  the  model  of  Persian  Sdh- 
siparam  (spram)  or  $ah-i  sfaram,  which  means  as  much  as  "fragrant 

1  Cf .  BOSTOCK  and  RILEY,  Natural  History  of  Pliny,  Vol.  IV,  p.  249. 

2  Cf.  LECLERC,  Traits  des  simples,  Vol.  II,  p.  186;  Vol.  Ill,  p.  191. 

8  Leclerc  upholds  the  opposite  opinion,  although  Sprengel,  Fe"e,  and  Littr6  argue 
in  the  same  manner  as  here  proposed. 

586 


THE  BASIL  587 

leaf  of  the  king,"  and  denotes  the  basil.1  The  plant  is  esteemed  for  its 
leaves,  which  serve  for  culinary  purposes  to  season  soups  or  other  dishes, 
and  which  have  a  flavor  somewhat  like  cloves.  The  juice  of  the  leaves 
is  employed  medicinally. 

Indeed,  as  shown  by  our  word  "basil,"  it  was  under  this  Middle- 
Greek  name,  which  did  not  exist  in  the  period  of  classical  antiquity, 
that  the  plant  became  known  to  the  herbalists  of  Europe.  Thus  the 
celebrated  JOHN  GERARDE2  says,  "The  latter  Grecians  have  called  it 
basilikon:  in  shops  likewise  Basilicum,  and  Regium:  in  Spanish  Alba- 
haca:B  in  French  Basilic:  in  English  Basill,  Garden  Basill,  the  greater 
Basill  royall,  the  lesser  Basill  gentle,  and  Bush  Basill."  D.  REMBERT 
DoDOENS4  speaks  of  the  basill  royall  or  great  basill,  and  says,  "In  this 
countrey  the  Herboristes  do  plante  it  in  their  gardens."  There  is  much 
in  favor  of  Sickenberger's  supposition  that  the  introduction  of  the  basil 
into  Europe  may  be  due  to  the  returning  crusaders,5  while  the  Arabic 
name  adopted  in  Spain  and  Portugal  suggests  a  Moorish  transplantation 
into  western  Europe. 

Two  varieties  are  common  throughout  Persia  and  Russian  Turkistan, 
—  one  with  green  and  another  with  dark-red  leaves.6  According  to 
Avicenna,  it  grows  in  the  mountains  of  Ispahan.7  Abu  Mansur  sets 
forth  its  medicinal  properties.8  It  is  further  cultivated  throughout 
India,  Malaya,  and  China.9 

W.  ROXBURGH10  states  that  Ocimum  basilicum  is  a  native  of  Persia, 
and  was  thence  sent  to  the  Botanic  Garden  at  Calcutta  under  the 
Persian  names  deban-$dh  and  deban-macwassi.  According  to  W. 


,  Z.  f.  K.  Morg.,  Vol.  VII,  1850,  p.  145.  Osmanli  fesligen  or  fesliyen  is 
likewise  based  on  the  Greek  word.  According  to  the  Century  Dictionary,  the  word 
basil  is  of  unknown  origin.  The  Oxford  Dictionary  cites  from  Prior,  "perhaps 
because  the  herb  was  used  in  some  royal  unguent,  bath,  or  medicine,"  —  a  baseless 
speculation,  as  in  fact  it  was  never  used  in  this  way. 

2  The  Herball  or  Generall  Historic  of  Plantes,  p.  547  (London,  1597). 

3  Also  alfabega,  alhabega,  alabega,  Portuguese  alf  abaca  (French  fabregue)  ,  from 
Arabic  al-habak  (rixani)  ;  the  latter  occurs  in  LECLERC,  Trait6  des  simples,  Vol.  I, 
p.  404. 

4  Niewe  Herball,  translation  of  HENRY  LYTE,  p.  239  (London,  1578). 

5  Cited  in  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  p.  211. 

6  KORZINSKI,  Ocerki  rastitelnosti  Turkestana,  p.  51.   SCHLIMMER  mentions  the 
two  species  Ocimum  album  and  basilicum  as  occurring  in  Persia. 

7  LECLERC,  Traite"  des  simples,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  191. 

8  ACHUNDOW,  Abu  Mansur,  pp.  66,  90,  103. 

9  FORBES  and  HEMSLEY,  Journ.  Linn.  Soc.,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  266;    KING  and 
GAMBLE,  Materials  for  a  Flora  of  the  Malayan  Peninsula,  p.  702  (Perak,  Penang, 
Malacca,  perhaps  only  cultivated). 

10  Flora  Indica,  p.  464. 


588  SlNO-lRANICA 

AiNSLiE,1  the  plant  was  brought  to  India  from  Persia,  where  it  is 
common,  by  Sir  John  Malcolm.  This  is  quite  possible;  but  the  fact 
cannot  be  doubted  that  the  basil  was  known  in  India  at  a  much  earlier 
date,  for  we  have  a  variety  of  Sanskrit  names  for  it.  Also  G.  WATT* 
holds  that  the  herb  is  indigenous  in  Persia  and  Sind.  It  is  now  culti- 
vated throughout  tropical  India  from  the  Panjab  to  Burma. 

The  Chinese  name  of  Ocimum  basilicum  is  lo-lo  $146  (*la-lak). 
It  is  first  described  in  the  Ts'i  min  yao  lu  of  the  sixth  century,  where  it 
is  said  that  Si  Lo  (273-333)  tabooed  the  name  (on  account  of  the 
identity  of  the  second  character  with  that  in  his  own  name,  cf .  above, 
p.  298)  and  changed  it  into  Ian  hian  SB  §•;  but  T'ao  Hun-kin  (451-536) 
mentions  it  again  as  lo-lo,  and  gives  as  popular  designation  Si-wah-mu 
ts*ai  S3:-W?£  ("vegetable  of  the  goddess  Si-wan-mu").  The  Ts'i 
min  yao  $u  cites  an  older  work  Wei  hunfu  su  ^  §1  BR  /$,  ("Preface  to 
the  Poems  of  Wei  Hun")  to  the  effect  that  the  plant  lo-lo  grows  on  the 
hills  of  the  K'un-lun  and  comes  from  the  primitive  culture  of  the 
Western  Barbarians  ( tt!  It  i£  H  f§>) .  This  appears  to  be  an  allusion  to 
foreign  origin;  nevertheless  an  introduction  from  abroad  is  not  hinted 
at  in  any  of  the  subsequent  herbals.  Of  these,  the  Pen  ts'ao  of  theKia-yu 
period  (1056-64)  is  the  first  which  speaks  of  the  basil  as  introduced 
into  the  materia  medica.  The  name  lo-lo  has  no  meaning  in  Chinese, 
and  at  first  sight  conveys  the  impression  of  a  foreign  word.  Each  of  the 
two  elements  is  most  frequent  in  transcriptions  from  the  Sanskrit.  In 
fact,  one  of  the  Sanskrit  names  of  the  basil  is  kardlaka  (or  kardla),  and 
Chinese  *la-lak  (*ra-lak)  corresponds  exactly;  the  first  syllable  ka-  is 
sometimes  dropped  in  the  Indian  vernaculars.3  If  this  coincidence  is 
fortuitous,  the  accident  is  extraordinary;  but  it  is  hardly  possible  to 
believe  in  an  accident  of  this  kind. 

There  is,  further,  a  plant  &  ffll  it  ^Jfou-lan-lo-lo,  *fu  (bu)-lan-la-lak, 
solely  mentioned  by  C'en  Ts'an-k'i  of  the  eighth  century  as  growing  in 
Sogdiana  (K'afi)  and  resembling  the  hou-p'o  J3I  ft  (Magnolia  hypoleuca), 
Japanese  ho-no-ki*  The  Pen  ts*ao  kan  mu  has  therefore  placed  this 
notice  as  an  appendix  to  hou-p'o.  This  Sogdian  plant  and  its  name 
remain  unidentified.  At  the  outset  it  is  most  improbable  that  a  Mag- 
nolia is  involved;  this  is  a  typical  genus  of  the  far  east,  which  to  my 
knowledge  has  not  yet  been  traced  in  any  Iranian  region.  BOISSIER'S 

1  Materia  Indica,  Vol.  II,  p.  424. 

2  Dictionary,  Vol.  V,  p.  441. 

1  Cf.  for  instance  kakinduka  (" Diospyros  tomentosa") —  Uriya  kendhu,  Bengal, 
kend. 

4  Gen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  Ch.  12,  p.  56  b;  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  Ch.  35  A,  p.  4;  STUART! 
Chinese  Materia  Medica,  p.  255. 


THE  BASIL  589 

"Flora  Orientalis"  does  not  contain  any  Magnolia.  The  foreign  name 
is  apparently  a  compound,  the  second  element  of  which,  lo-lo,  is  iden- 
tical with  the  Indian-Chinese  name  of  the  basil,  so  that  it  is  justifiable 
to  suppose  that  the  entire  name  denotes  an  Iranian  variety  of  the  basil 
or  another  member  of  the  genus  Ocimum. 

The  basil  is  styled  in  Middle  Persian  palangamutk,  in  New  Persian 
palanmifk,  Arabic-Persian  fakmjmufk,  faranjmu$k,  Abu  Mansur: 
faranjamuSk  (Armenian  p*alangamu$k},1  the  second  element  mu$k  or 
mi$k  meaning  "musk,"  and  the  first  component  denoting  anything  of 
a  motley  color,  like  a  panther  or  giraffe.  The  significance  of  the  word, 
accordingly,  is  "spotted  and  musky."  This  definition  is  quite  plausible, 
for  the  leaves  of  some  basils  are  spotted.  JOHN  PARKINSON,2  discussing 
the  various  names  of  the  basil,  remarks,  "The  first  is  usually  called 
Ocimum  vulgar e,  or  vulgatius,  and  Ocimum  Citratum.  In  English,  Com- 
mon or  Garden  Basill.  The  other  is  called  Ocimum  minimum,  or  Gario- 
phyllatum,  Clove  Basill,  or  Bush  Basill.  The  last  eyther  of  his  place,  or 
forme  of  his  leaves,  being  spotted  and  curled,  or  all,  is  called  Ocimum 
Indicum  maculatum,  latifolium  and  crispum.  In  English  according  to  the 
Latine,  Indian  Basill,  broade  leafed  Basill,  spotted  or  curled  Basill, 
which  you  please."3  The  Arabic  forms  are  phonetically  developed  from 
Persian  palan;  and  it  is  somewhat  surprising  that  R.  DozY4  explains 
Arabic  faranjmufk  as  "musk  of  the  Franks,"  although  he  refers  to  the 
variants  baranj  and  falanj. 

While  there  is  a  certain  resemblance  between  the  Middle-Persian 
name  and  our  Chinese  transcription,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  two 
can  be  identified.  The  Chinese  calls  for  an  initial  sonant  and  a  u- vowel; 
whereas  the  Iranian  form,  as  positively  corroborated  by  the  Armenian 
loan-word,  is  possessed  of  an  initial  surd  with  following  a.  I  am  rather 
inclined  to  regard  *bu-lan  as  a  Sogdian  word,  and  to  derive  it  from 
Sogdian  boba,  bodan  ("perfume").5  The  name  *bu-lan  ra-lak  would 
accordingly  signify  "aromatic  basil"  (corresponding  to  our  "sweet 
basil"),  the  peculiar  aroma  being  the  prominent  characteristic  of  the 

1HuBscHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  254.  According  to  others,  this  word  would 
refer  to  Ocimum  gratissimum,  the  shrubby  basil,  but  practically  this  makes  no 
difference,  as  the  properties  and  employment  of  the  herbs  are  the  same. 

2  Paradisi  in  sole  paradisus  terrestris,  p.  450  (London,  1629).    The  technical 
term  of  the  botanists  in  describing  the  leaves  is  subtus  punctata  (G.  BENTHAM, 
Labiatarum  genera,  p.  5;  DE  CANDOLLE,  Prodromus,  pars  XII,  p.  32). 

3  LINNE  (Species  plantarum,  Vol.  I,  p.  597,  Holmiae,  1753)  has  Ocymum  latifo- 
lium  maculatum  sive  crispum. 

4  Supplement  aux  dictionnaires  arabes,  Vol.  II,  p.  262. 

6  R.  GAUTHIOT,  Essai  sur  le  vocalisme  du  sogdien,  pp.  45,  101,  102;  F.  W.  K. 
MULLER,  Handschriften-Reste  in  Estrangelo-Schrift,  II,  p.  35. 


590 


SlNO-lRANICA 


herb.  As  it  is  localized  in  Sogdiana,  it  is  perfectly  justifiable  to  regard 
the  term  as  Sogdian;  it  may  be,  however,  that  the  second  component  did 
not  form  part  of  the  Sogdian  word,  and  is  an  addition  of  C'en  Ts'aii-k'i; 
it  is  also  possible  that  the  term  applies  to  another  species  of  Ocimum  or 
to  a  peculiar  variety  of  Ocimum  basilicum,  differentiated  by  cultiva- 
tion. It  is  well  known  that  the  New-Persian  word  boi,  bo  ("  scent,  per- 
fume") enters  into  composition  with  a  number  of  aromatics;1  and 
Persian  naz-bo  is  indeed  a  designation  of  the  basil,  and  means  "having 
an  agreeable  odor."  In  the  same  manner  we  have  Sanskrit  gandhapatra 
("fragrant  leaf,  basil"). 

From  India  one  or  more  species  of  Ocimum  (basilicum,  sanctum, 
and  gratissimum)  spread  into  the  Malayan  Archipelago.  The  Sanskrit 
term  surasi  or  surasd  has  been  adopted  by  Malayan  sulasi,  Javanese 
selasih  or  sulasih,  Sunda  salasih.  Javanese  has  likewise  received  tulasih 
or  telasih  from  Sanskrit  tulasi?  The  two  surasd,  the  white  and  black 
varieties  of  the  Tulsi-plant,  appear  in  the  Bower  Manuscript.3  In  the 
folk-lore  of  India  the  plant  plays  an  extensive  role.4  ODORIC  OF  POR- 
DENONE  relates,  "In  this  country  every  man  hath  before  his  house  a 
plant  of  twigs  as  thick  as  a  pillar  would  be  here,  and  this  never  withers 
as  long  as  it  gets  water."  YULES  justly  comments  that  this  plant  is  the 
sacred  tulasi  (Ocimum  sanctum) .  It  is  widely  employed  in  the  pharma- 
copoeia of  the  Persians  and  Arabs.6  Arabic  terms  are:  badruj,  xauk, 
rixdn,  keblr,  aqm,  xamdxim. 

1  HUBSCHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.   123.    Cf.  also  above,  p.  462;  and  HORN, 
Neupers.  Etymol.,  No.  240. 

2  Cf.  H.  KERN,  Bijdragen  tot  de  taal-,  land-  en  volkenkunde,  1880,  p.  564. 

3  HOERNLE'S  edition,  p.  22.    There  are  also  the  forms  suravalH,  surasdgrarn, 
and  surasagraja,  the  two  last-named  relating  to  the  white  variety. 

4  YULE,  Hobson-Jobson,  p.  931. 

5  Cathay,  new  ed.  by  Cordier,  Vol.  II,  p.  116. 

6  LECLERC,  Traite  des  simples,  Vol.  I,  pp.  92,  367,  403,  404,  456,  474;  Vol.  II, 
pp.  100,  104,  191,  375,  390. 


APPENDIX  V 
ADDITIONAL   NOTES   ON   LOAN-WORDS   IN   TIBETAN 

In  my  "Loan- Words  in  Tibetan"  (Toung  Pao,  1916,  pp.  403-552) 
I  was  obliged  to  deal  succinctly  with  some  of  the  problems  which  are 
discussed  at  greater  1  ength  in  this  volume.  The  brief  notes  given  there 
on  saffron,  cummin,  almond,  alfalfa,  coriander,  etc.,  are  now  super- 
seded by  the  contributions  here  inserted.  A  detailed  history  of  Guinea 
pepper  (No.  237)  is  now  ready  in  manuscript,  and  will  appear  as  a  chapter 
in  my  "History  of  the  Cultivated  Plants  of  America."  The  numbers 
of  the  following  additions  refer  to  those  of  the  former  article. 

Note  the  termination  -e  in  the  loan-words  derived  from  the  Indian 
vernaculars:  bram-ze,  neu-le,  ma-he,  sen-ge,  ban-de,  bhan-ge.  This  -e 
appears  to  be  identical  with  the  nominative  -e  of  Magadhi. 

49.  ga-bur,  camphor.  Sir  GEORGE  A.  GRIERSON  (see  below)  observes, 
"The  softening  of  initial  k  to  g  is,  I  think,  certainly  not  Indian."  The 
Tibetan  form  has  always  been  a  mystery  to  me :  it  is  not  only  the  initial 
g,  but  also  the  labial  sonant  b,  which  are  striking  as  compared  with  the 
surds  in  Skr.  karpura.  As  is  well  known,  this  word  has  migrated  west- 
ward, the  initial  k  being  retained  everywhere:  Persian-Arabic  kdfur 
(GARCIA:  capur  and  cafur),  Spanish  alcanfor  (ACOSTA:  canfora).  These 
forms  share  the  loss  of  the  medial  r  with  Tibetan.  This  phenomenon 
pre-existed  in  Indian;  for  in  Hindustani  we  have  kapur,  in  Singhalese 
kapuru,  in  Javanese  and  Malayan  kdpur.  The  Mongols  have  adopted 
from  the  Tibetans  the  same  word  as  gabur;  but,  according  to  KOVALEV- 
SKI  (p.  2431),  there  is  also  a  Tibeto-Mongol  spelling  gad-pu-ra:  this 
can  only  be  a  transcription  of  the  Chinese  type  PS  ^  H  kie-pu-lo, 
anciently  *g'ia5-bu-la,  based  on  an  Indian  original  *garpura,  or 
*garbura.  Tibetan  ga-bur,  of  course,  cannot  be  based  on  the  Chinese 
form;  but  the  latter  doubtless  demonstrates  that,  within  the  sphere  of 
Indian  speech,  there  must  have  been  a  dialectic  variant  of  the  word  with 
initial  sonant. 

54.  The  Pol.  D.  (27,  p.  31)  gives  naliSam  (printed  aliSam)  as  a 
Mongol  word;  assuredly  it  is  not  Tibetan.  The  corresponding  Manchu 
word  is  ocalxdri. 

58.   Regarding  Sin-kun,  see  above,  p.  362. 

60.  With  respect  to  the  Chinese  transcription  su-ki-mi-lo-si,  PELLIOT 
(Toung  Pao,  1912,  p.  455)  had  pointed  out  that  the  last  element  si 

591 


5Q2  SlNO-lRANICA 

does  not  form  part  of  the  transcription.    This  is  most  likely,  but  the 
Sino-Indian  word  is  thus  recorded  in  the  Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu. 

64.  Add:    Skr.  also  bildla,  birdla. 

65.  Sikkim  noile,  Dhimal  nyul,  Bodo  nyulai  ("ichneumon"). 

74.  ban-de,  as  suggested  by  my  friend  W.  E.  Clark  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Chicago,  is  connected  with  Pali  and  Jaina  Prakrit  bhante,  Skr. 
bhadanta  ("reverend"). 

79.  I  have  traced  Tibetan  sendha-pa  to  Sanskrit  sindhuja.  This,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  is  correct,  but  from  a  philological  viewpoint  the  Tibetan 
form  is  based  on  Sanskrit  saindhava  with  the  same  meaning  ("relating 
to  the  sea,  relating  to  or  coming  from  the  Indus,  a  horse  from  the  Indus 
country,  rock-salt  from  the  Indus  region").  The  same  word  we  find  in 
Chinese  garb  as  3fc  K  §c  sien-t'o-p'o,  *sian-da-bwa,  explained  as  "rock- 
salt"  (Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  section  25).  Tokharian  has  adopted  it  in  the 
form  sindhdp  orsintdp  (S.  LEVI,  Journal  asiatique,  1911,  II,  pp.  124, 139). 

158.  The  recent  discussion  opened  in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society  (1917,  p.  834)  by  Mr.  H.  BEVERIDGE  in  regard  to  the 
title  tarxan  (tarkhan,  originally  tarkan),  then  taken  up  by  Dr.  F.  W. 
THOMAS  (ibid.,  1918,  p.  122 ),  and  resumed  by  BEVERIDGE  (1918,  p.  314), 
induces  me  to  enlarge  my  previous  notes  on  this  subject,  and  to  trace 
the  early  history  of  this  curious  term  as  accurately  as  in  the  present  state 
of  science  is  possible. 

The  word  tarkan  is  of  Old-Turkish,  not  of  Mongol,  origin.  It  is  first 
recorded  during  the  T'ang  dynasty  (A.D.  618-906)  as  the  designation  of 
a  dignity,  usually  preceded  by  a  proper  name,  both  in  the  Old-Turkish 
inscriptions  of  the  Orkhon  (for  instance,  Apa  Tarkan)  and  in  the  Chinese 
Annals  of  the  T'ang  (cf.  THOMSEN,  Inscriptions  de  1'Orkhon,  pp.  59, 
131,  185;  RADLOFF,  Altturk.  Inschriften,  p.  369,  and  Wdrterb.  Turk- 
Dialecte,  Vol.  Ill,  col.  851;  MARQUART,  Chronologic  d.  altturk.  In- 
schriften, p.  43;  HIRTH,  Nachworte  zur  Inschrift  des  Tonjukuk, 
pp.  55-56).  An  old  Chinese  gloss  relative  to  the  significance  of  the 
title  does  not  seem  to  exist,  or  has  not  yet  been  traced.  According  to 
Hirth,  the  title  was  connected  with  the  high  command  over  the  troops. 
The  modern  Chinese  interpretation  is  "ennobled:"  the  title  is  be- 
stowed only  on  those  who  have  gained  merit  in  war  (WATTERS,  Essays, 
p.  372).  The  Tibetan  gloss  indicated  by  me,  "endowed  with  great 
power,  or  empowered  with  authority,"  inspires  confidence.  The  subse- 
quent explanation,  "exempt  from  taxes,"  seems  to  be  a  mere  make- 
shift and  to  take  too  narrow  a  view  of  the  matter.  A  lengthy  disserta- 
tion on  the  meaning  of  the  title  is  inserted  in  the  Ain-i  Akbari  of  1597 
(translation  of  BLOCHMANN,  p.  364) ;  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that 
what  holds  good  for  the  Mongol  and  Mogul  periods  is  not  necessarily 


LOAN-WORDS  IN  TIBETAN  593 

valid  for  the  Turkish  epoch  under  the  T'ang.  According  to  the  T'ang 
Annals  (Tan  $u,  Ch.  217  B,  p.  8),  the  officials  of  the  Kirgiz  were  divided 
into  six  classes,  the  sixth  being  called  tarkan.  The  other  offices  are 
designated  by  purely  Chinese  names,  and  refer  to  civil  and  military 
grades.  Among  the  Kirgiz,  therefore,  tarkan  denoted  a  high  military 
rank  and  function. 

The  title  has  been  traced  by  E.  CHAVANNES  and  SYLVAIN  LEVI  in 
the  Itinerary  of  Wu  K'ufi  (751-790).  The  Chinese  author  relates  that 
the  kingdom  of  Ki-pin  (Gandhara  and  territory  adjoining  in  the  west) 
sent  in  750,  as  envoy  to  the  court  of  China,  the  great  director  Sa-po  ta-kan 
H  $£  31  &  (or  T ),  anciently  *Sat  or  Sar-pa  dar-kan  (cf.  Journal 
asiatique,  1895,  II,  p.  345).  Chavannes  and  LeVi  have  recognized  a 
Turkish  dynasty  in  the  then  reigning  house  of  Ki-pin,  and  have  regarded 
the  title  ta-kan  also  as  Turkish,  without,  however,  identifying  it  (ibid., 
p.  379).  In  1903  Chavannes  noted  the  identity  of  the  Chinese  tran- 
scription with  Turkish  tarkan  (Documents  sur  les  Tou-kiue  occidentaux, 
p.  239).  The  Chinese  transcription  *dar-kan  does  not  allow  us  to  pre- 
suppose a  Turkish  model  darkan;  but  the  Old-Turkish  form  was  indeed 
tarkan,  as  is  also  confirmed  by  New  Persian  tarxan  and  Armenian 
t'arxan  (HUBSCHMANN,  Armen.  Gram.,  p.  266).  Tarsa,  the  Persian 
designation  of  the  Christians,  is  transcribed  in  Chinese  by  the  same 
character,  *§  l£  ta-sOj  anciently  *dar-sa.  The  complex  phonetic  phe- 
nomenon which  is  here  involved  will  be  discussed  by  me  in  another 
place.  Wherever  the  Chinese  mention  the  title,  it  regularly  refers  to 
Turkish  personages :  thus  the  pilgrim  Hiian  Tsan  is  accompanied  by  an 
officer  Mo-tu  tarkan,  assigned  to  him  by  the  Turkish  Kagan  (WATTERS, 
On  Yuan  Chwang's  Travels,  Vol.  I,  pp.  75,  77);  for  examples  in  the 
Chinese  Annals,  see  HIRTH,  I.e. 

In  the  Vita  S  Clementis  (XVI),  a  Bori-tarkdnos  appears  as  com- 
mander of  Belgrad;  this  may  be  Turkish  bilri  ("wolf")-  Among  the 
Bulgars,  Bulias  tarkanos  (Old  Turkish  boila  tarkan)  was  one  of  the 
titles  of  the  oldest  two  princes  (cf.  MARQUART,  I.e.,  pp.  41,  42).  As  a 
Hunnic  title,  tarxan  occurs  in  the  Armenian  History  of  Albania  by  Moses 
Kalankatvaci  (HUBSCHMANN,  I.e.,  p.  516).  The  word  has  survived  in 
the  name  of  the  Russian  city  Astrakhan,  originally  Haj  or  Hajji  Tar- 
khan,  as  it  was  still  called  by  Ibn  Batuta  (ed.  DEFREMERY,  Vol.  II, 
pp.  410,  458),  who  adds  that  tarkhan  among  the  Turks  designates  a 
place  exempt  from  any  taxation.  PEGOLETTI  calls  the  city  Gintarchan 
(YULE,  Cathay,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  146).  Our  word  does  not  occur  in  Marco 
Polo,  as  supposed  by  H.  Beveridge,  nor  do  the  Mongols  know  it  in  the 
form  tarkan,  but  they  have  only  darkan  or  darxan  (KOVALEVSKI, 
p.  1676),  which  has  two  different  meanings, — " workman,  artist,"  and 


594  SlNO-lRANICA 

"exempt  from  taxes."  GOLSTUNSKI,  in  his  Mongol-Russian  Dictionary 
(Vol.  Ill,  p.  63),  defines  it  as  " smith,  master;  exempt  from  taxes  and 
obligations."  There  is  no  association  between  these  two  meanings,  as 
wrongly  deduced  by  E.  BLOCHET  (Djami  el-TeVarikh,  Vol.  II,  p.  58). 
In  Karakirgiz  we  have  darkan  in  the  sense  of  "smith,  artist,"  while  the 
same  word  in  Kirgiz  means  "favorite  of  the  Khan"  and  "liberty." 
Perhaps  darkan  was  an  independent  Mongol-Turkish  word,  which  was 
subsequently  amalgamated  with  Old  Turkish  tarkan. 

The  Tibetan  forms  dar-k'a-c'e  and  dar-rgan  lead  to  Uigur  darkati 
(-&*  being  a  suffix)  and  dargan  or  darkan.  Tibetan  tradition  itself  assigns 
these  words  to  the  Uigur  language;  thus  it  is  legitimate  to  conclude  that 
Mongol,  on  its  part,  derived  the  words  from  the  Uigur,  and  that  the 
initial  dental  sonant  is  peculiar  or  due  to  the  latter.  The  Tibetan 
transcriptions,  further,  are  decisive  in  reconstructing  the  Uigur  forms; 
for  an  Uigur  (or  Mongol)  tarkan  would  have  been  transcribed  by  the 
Tibetans  only  t*ar-k*an.  Among  the  Mongols,  the  title  never  had  an 
extensive  application;  it  does  not  occur  in  the  chronicle  of  Sanafi 
Setsen.  Also  the  fact  that  the  Manchu  and  other  Tungusian  languages 
did  not  adopt  it  from  the  Mongols  is  apt  to  show  that  it  is  of  com- 
paratively recent  date  among  the  Mongols.  Neither  was  it  the  Mongols 
who  conveyed  the  word  to  Persia,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  Persian  form 
tarxan.  The  form  dargan  paves  the  way  to  daruga,  which,  although  a 
different  word,  that  has  assumed  a  development  of  its  own,  in  its  founda- 
tion is  doubtless  related  to  darkan,  tarkan.  Both  words  start  with  the 
common  significance  "official,  governor,  commander,  high  authority," 
and  gradually  depreciate  in  value,  daruga  simply  becoming  a  chief, 
mayor,  superintendent,  manager,  and  tarkan  a  favorite  of  the  Khan. 

There  is  no  evidence  of  the  existence  of  the  title  on  Asiatic  soil 
prior  to  the  seventh  or  eighth  century  A.D.  The  Chinese  do  not  ascribe 
it  to  the  Hiun-nu  or  any  of  the  numerous  early  Turkish  tribes  with 
which  they  came  in  contact,  while  they  have  preserved  many  titles  and 
offices  in  their  languages.  We  have  no  right  to  assume  an  unlimited 
antiquity  for  any  historical  or  linguistic  phenomenon;  nor  can  it  be 
argued  with  Mr.  Beveridge  that  "the  antiquity  of  the  name  is  evidenced 
by  the  fact  that  its  etymology  is  unknown,  and  that  Oriental  writers  are 
obliged  to  make  absurd  guesses  on  the  subject."  There  are  a  great  many 
ancient  words  the  etymology  of  which  is  perfectly  known,  and  there  are 
many  words  of  recent  origin  the  etymology  of  which  is  shrouded  in 
mystery  or  dubious.  I  have  no  judgment  on  the  point  raised  by  Mr. 
Beveridge,  that  the  names  Tarchon,  Tarquin,  and  Tarkhan  may  be 
identical ;  but  for  chronological  and  ethnographical  reasons  this  theory 
does  not  seem  very  probable.  At  any  rate,  both  detailed  phonetic  and 


LOAN-WORDS  IN  TIBETAN  595 

historical  investigations  are  necessary  in  order  to  establish  such  an  iden- 
tity;  a  merely  apparent  coincidence  of  words  proves  little  or  nothing. 

170.  The  Turkish  origin  of  tupak  is  also  maintained  by  W.  GEIGER 
(Lautlehre  des  BaluSi,  p.  66) :  Baluci  tupak,  tupan,  tufan,  topak;  Yidga 
tufuk. 

171.  The  word  cdku  occurs  also  in  Kurd  caku,  caxo,  etc.     (J.  DE 
MORGAN,  Mission  en  Perse,  Vol.  V,  p.  140). 

183.  The  word  se-mo-do  occurs  in  the  Tibetan  translation  of  the 
Amarakosa  (p.  166). 

198.  pir-t'i  (" quick-match")  is  also  connected  with  Turk!  pilta 
(LE  COQ,  p.  86  b). 

207.  Another  Sanskrit  term  for  Panicum  miliaceum  is  cmaka 
("Chinese")  and  cinna. 

279.  k'ra-rtse,  pronounced  t*ar-tse,  is  perhaps  merely  a  bad  spelling 
of  Persian  tardzu  (No.  128). 

299.  t'ai  rje  is  possibly  connected  with  Mongol  taiji  (cf.  O.  FRANKS, 
Jehol,  p.  30). 

On  p.  421  it  is  stated  that  the  animal  kun-ta  is  not  yet  traced  to  its 
Sanskrit  original.  Boehtlingk's  Dictionary,  however,  has  Sanskrit 
kunta  with  the  meaning  "a  small  animal,  a  worm";  but  this  entry 
may  be  simply  based  on  the  Tibetan  mDzans-blun.  The  Chinese  tran- 
scription calls  for  a  prototype  *kunda. 

To  the  Persian  loan-words  add  $o-ra  (above,  p.  503). 

To  the  Arabic  loan-words  add  $eg  ("  chief  tain,  elder"),  from  Arabic 
Saix. 

To  the  Turkl  loan-words  add  gan-zag  (above,  p.  577). 

Sir  GEORGE  A.  GRIERSON,  editor  of  the  "Linguistic  Survey  of  India/' 
has  done  me  the  honor  to  look  over  my  Loan- Words  in  Tibetan,  and  to 
favor  me  with  the  following  observations,  which  are  herewith  published 
with  his  kind  permission: 

The  Kashmiri  for  "egg"  (p.  405)  is  t'ul. 

15.  I  cannot  think  that  *andanil  is  a  possible  Apabhramga  (using 
the  word  in  its  technical  sense)  word.  The  presence  of  n  seems  to 
point  to  Kashmiri,  in  which  ni  has  a  tendency  to  change  to  ni.  The 
Ksh.  equivalent  of  Skr.  mla-  is  nilu,  pronounced  nyul,  and  it  is  a  com- 
mon-place that  ny  and  n  in  that  language  have  the  same  sound.  In  fact, 
original  medial  ny  is  written  n  (e.g.  dana,  from  Skr.  dhdnya-,  "paddy"), 
in  this  following  Paigaci  Prakrit. 

17.  'Arya-pa-lo.  This  is  typical  Pigaca,  which  changes  ry  to 
r(i}y  and  v(b)  to  p.  In  all  Indian  Prakrits,  dry  a  would  become  ajja-9 
with  short  initial  a. 


596  SlNO-lRANICA 

1 8.  pot'l  is  the  common  word  for  "book"  all  over  North  India. 
The  Ksh.  form  is  put'i. 

21.   sendura-  is  the  regular  Prakrit  form  of  Skr.  sindura-. 

28.  I  do  not  see  how  ba-dan  can  represent  patdka.    The  change 
of  initial  p  to  b  is,   I    think,  impossible  in  any  Prakrit  or  modern 
Indian   language.    Of  course,    the   change  might  have  occurred  in 
Tibetan.1 

29.  saccha,  with  a  long  a,  is  impossible  in  Prakrit.   Compare  Hindo- 
stani  saca  ("a  mould"). 

30.  In  true  Apabhramca,  medial  k  often  becomes  g  (Hemacandra, 
iv»  396) •    This  accounts  for  the  g  in  mu-tig.   But  the  Ap.  form  would 
be  *mu(6)ttiga-,  not  mukt-  or  mut-. 

45.  Is  not  Tibetan  &'a-ra  =  HindostanI  khar,  "coarse  sugar?"  I 
should  be  inclined  to  derive  the  Tibetan  word  $a-ka-ra  from  the  Persian 
word  lokar,  not  from  Skr.  Sarkara.  If  the  Tibetan  word  came  from 
India,  it  would  be  sa-ka-ra.  In  regular  Prakrit,  and  in  all  the  modern 
Indo-Aryan  vernaculars  except  Bengali,  Sanskrit  £(f)  becomes  5.  The 
Persian  word  is  in  regular  use  in  Kashmiri  $akart  and  could  thus  have 
got  into  Tibet. 

68.  The  regular  Prakrit  form  is  vidduma-,  which  is  quite  common. 
See,  e.g.,  the  index  to  the  Setubandha.  I  have  never  met  any  form  such 
as  *viruma-,  or  the  like. 

113.  Although  dar-cmi  is  the  dictionary  word,  dal-cini  is  universal 
all  over  North  India. 

1 1 8.  T  have  not  come  across  cob-cml  in  Kashmiri,  but  in  that 
language  other  compounds  with  cob  are  common,  to  indicate  the  roots  of 
various  plants.  This  leads  me  to  think  that  the  word  probably  got  into 
Tibetan  through  Kashmir. 

122.  The  word  tsddar,  a  shawl,  is  pure  Kashmiri.  It  came  into  that 
language  from  India. 

143.  Araq  is,  of  course,  common  all  over  North  India.  It  is  even 
used  by  Hindus,  and  appears  in  Hindi.  In  Kashmiri,  arak  means ' 'sweat." 
It  is  the  same  word. 

143-156.  I  think  it  is  certain  that  all  these  Arabic  words  came  via 
India.  They  are  all  in  common  use  in  North  India  and  Kashmir.  The 
only  exception  is  No.  148.  I  do  not  remember  coming  across  this  cor- 
ruption of  masjid  anywhere  in  India  proper.  But,  curiously  enough, 


1  It  '•hould  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  derivation  of  ba-dan  from  patdka  is  proposed 
by  tb^xfibetan  grammarians;  whether  this  is  objectively  correct,  is  another  ques- 
tion. At  any  rate,  ba-dan  is  not  a  Tibetan  word,  and  the  object  which  it  denotes 
came  from  India  with  Buddhism. — [B.L.] 


LOAN-WORDS  IN  TIBETAN  597 

maslt  occurs  in  the  Ormuri  language  spoken  in  Afghanistan.  Of  course, 
the  form  bagSis  with  g  (No.  145)  does  not  occur  in  India.1 
173.   Argon  occurs  in  Kashmiri  in  the  same  sense. 

1  The  final  g  (pronounced  k}  is  a  purely  graphic,  not  a  phonetic  phenomenon; 
Tibetan  writing  has  no  final  k. — [B.L.] 


GENERAL  INDEX 

The  Index  contains  also  additional  information. 


A-lo-yi-lo,  378  note  2,  511. 

Abel-Re"musat,  see  Re"musat. 

Abu  Dulaf,  351. 

Abu  Mansur,  194,  209,  298,  301,  306, 
307,  315,  320,  332,  350,  354,  364,  366, 
369,  370,  373,  38o,  383,  396,  399,  405, 
425,  443,  446,  449,  453,  455,  459,  481, 

483,  507,  509,  544-547,  549,  55i,  553, 
587,  589;  Indian  elements  in  pharma- 
cology of,  580-585. 

Abulfeda,  351. 

Achundow,  A.  C.,  194,  209,  253,  298, 
301,  304,  306,  307,  315,  320,  327,  332, 
350,  354,  364,  366,  367,  370,  373,  380, 
383,  396,  399,  402,  405,  425,  443,  446, 
449,  453-455,  459,  478,  483,  507,  509, 
544-547,  551,  580,  583-585,  587. 

Aconite,  582. 

Acorn,  in  Persia,  246. 

Acosta,  C.,  356,  528,  550,  556,  591. 

Aden,  almonds  of,  405. 

Aeschylus,  320. 

Aetius,  586. 

Africa,  aloes  of,  480;  date-palm  intro- 
duced into  eastern,  389  note  I ;  ebony 
from,  485,  486;  home  of  Ricinus,  404; 
home  of  sesame  cultivation,  290; 
home  of  water-melon,  438;  myrrh 
from  East,  461. 

Ahlquist,  A.,  577. 

Ahmed  Sibab  Eddin,  561. 

Ai-lao,  489. 

Ain-i  Akbari,  222,  282,  319,  502,  592. 

Ainslie,  W.,  241,  254,  266,  364,  367,  453, 

484,  514,  585,  588. 
Aitchison,  343. 

Akbar,  promoter  of  viticulture,  240. 

al-Akfani,  566. 

Albertus  Magnus,  395  note  6,  411. 

Alcohol,  Chinese  allusion  to,  237. 

Aleni,  Giulio,  S.  J.,  433,  527. 

Alexander  Romance,  Chinese  in,  570- 
571;  Ethiopic  version  of,  566. 

Alexandria,  550. 

Alfalfa,  cultivation  of,  in  Fergana,  210; 
history  of,  208-219;  wild  species  of,  in 
China,  217-218. —  Alfalfa  is  culti- 
vated in  Arabia,  being  styled  gadhub 
on  the  South- Arabian  coast.  The 
Arabs  also  received  the  plant  from 
Persia.  In  Egypt  it  became  only 
known  during  the  nineteenth  century 
under  the  name  "Arabian  clover" 


(bersim  hegi&si)\  cf.  G.  Schweinfurth, 

Z.  Ethn.,  1891,  p.  658. 
Almeria,  492,  497. 
Almond,  193,  405-409. 
Altabas,    altobas,    term   for   brocades, 

derivation  of,  492. 
Alum,  336,  474-475- 
Amber,  521-523;  of  Samarkand,  251. 
Ammianus  Marcellinus,  355,  548. 
Amomum,  481-482. 
An-si,  Chinese  name  of  the  dynasty  of 

the  Arsacides  or  Parthia,   187,  221, 

457;  cotton  stuffs  of,  488. 
Anabasis,  223,  224. 
Andamans,  Memecylon  on,  315. 
Anderson,  J.,  266,  286. 
Andreas,  529. 
Anglo-Saxons,  cultivation  of  carrot  by, 

451,  452;  cultivation  of  coriander  by, 

299. 
Annam,  pepper  of,  375;  Psoralea  of,  484; 

styled  Yavana,  212;  Styrax  benjoin 

of,  465. 

Antimony,  509. 
Ao-men  &  Ho,  434,  501. 
Apricot,  in  India,  240,  408;  transmitted 

from  China  to  the  west,  539. 
Arabia,  alleged  home  of  fig-culture,  411; 

amber   from,    522;    costus    of,    463; 

manna  of,  346  note  3;  myrrh  from, 

461;  saffron  from,  310;  turmeric  ex- 
ported from  India  to,  314. 
Arabs,    activity   in    sugar-industry   of, 

377;  date  of,  390;  gold-dust  of,  510; 

grapes  of,  223;  grape- wine  of,  239; 

importers  of  asbestos  into  China,  500; 

nux-vomica  of,  449;   rape-turnip  of, 

381;      symbolism     of     pomegranate 

among,   287;   trading  brocades  with 

Kirgiz,  488-489;  viticulture  of,  241; 

yue  no  textiles  of,  494. 
Areca  palm,  584. 
Argentine,  alfalfa  in,  219. 
Aristobulus,  239,  372. 
Aristophanes,  208. 
Aristotle,  411,  512. 
Armenia,  alfalfa  in,  218;  grape- wine  in, 

220;  peach  and  apricot  in,  539;  rhu- 
barb of,  547. 
Armenian  apple,  Greek  term  for  apricot, 

203,  209. 

Aromatics,  455-467. 
Arrian,  455. 


599 


6oo 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Arsak,  Chinese  transcription  of,  284. 

Arthac,astra,  569. 

Asafoetida,  353-362. 

Asbestos,  498-501. 

Assyria,  fig  in,  411. 

Atharva  Veda,  290,  455. 

Athenaeus,  223,  224. 

Attalic  textures,  488. 

Aurousseau,  L.,  263,  330. 

Avesta,  185,  187,  277,  372,  488,  563,  572. 

Avicenna,  383,  587. 

al-Awwam,  395. 

Aymonier,  E.,  286,  473,  476,  486. 

Baber,  452. 

Babylonia,  ebony  of,  486;  figs  of,  412. 

Babylonians,  ebony  used  by,  486;  se- 
same oil  used  by,  290. 

Backgammon,  a  Persian  game  (nard), 
known  in  China  in  the  sixth  century 

A.  D.,  335. 

Bactria,  bamboo  of  Se-6'wan  traded  to, 
535;  pistachio  of,  246;  visited  by 
Can  K'ien,  211. 

BadaxSan,  asbestos  of,  499. 

Bagdad,  yue  no  of,  494. 

Bailey,  T.  G.,  260. 

al-Bai^ar,  Ibn,  298,  314,  316,  332,  351, 
360,  396,  422,  432,  443,  448,  483,  522, 
545,  546,  549,  550-553,  58i,  586. 

Baku,  saffron  exported  from,  320. 

Balas  nlby,  575. 

Bali,  camphor  of,  479. 

Balm  of  Gilead,  429-434. 

Balsam-poplar,  339-342. 

Baltistan,  saffron  of,  318. 

Baluchistan,  alfalfa  in,  209,  216;  Bal- 
samodendron  of,  467;  caraway  of, 
383  note  ii ;  date  of,  390;  fig  of,  412; 
Lawsonia  alba  in,  337;  olive  of,  415; 
pistachio  in,  246;  pomegranate  in, 
276;  rhubarb  of,  547. 

Bamboo,  the  square,  535-537. 

Bang,  W.,  496. 

Barberry,  314. 

Bartholomae,  C.,  461. 

Basil,  193,  194,  586-590. 

Batata,  Ibn,  282,  418,  442,  496,  546, 

Bauer,  M.,  521. 

Seal,  S.,  282,  304,  512. 

Beccari,  527. 

Becker,  C.  H.,  489. 

Beckmann,  J.,  321,  512,  514. 

Bellew,  H.  W.,  397,  444. 

Belon  du  Mons,  P.,  346,  433. 

Bentham,  G.,  589. 

Be"guinot,  A.,  218. 

Berbera  coast,  myrrh  from,  461. 

Berezin,  502. 

Bergaigne,  A.,  212. 

Bernier,  547. 

Berosus,  290. 


Betel,  582. 

Beveridge,  A.  S.,  278,  452. 

Beveridge,  H.,  592-594. 

Bezoar,  525-528.  To  the  bibliography 
on  p.  528  add  the  new  edition  of 
Barbosa  by  M.  L.  Dames,  Vol.  I, 
p.  235  (Hakluyt  Society,  1918). 

Bhoja,  see  Fu-§i. 

Biddulph,  D.,  254. 

Billiard,  R.,  220. 

Biot,  E.,  322. 

Birch,  552-553- 

Birdwood,  G.,  451. 

Blagden,  C.  O.,  474. 

Blanco,  M.,  482. 

Blasdale,  W.  C.,  408,  418. 

Blochet,  E.,  564,  576,  594. 

Blochmann,  H.,  222,  282,  319,  502,  592. 

Blumner,  H.,  294,  367. 

Bod,  Chinese  transcription  of,  198  note  6. 

Boehtlingk,  O.,  452,  527,  576,  577,  595. 

Boissier,  E.,  547,  549,  588. 

Bokhara,  Bukhara,  rugs  from,  493;  salt 
of,  511;  seedless  grape  of,  231. 

Bonavia,  E.,  390,  411. 

Bontius,  J.,  361. 

Borax,  503. 

Borneo,  469;  bezoar  of,  527;  tabashir  of, 
352. 

Borooah,  A.,  397,  425. 

Borszczow,  E.,  353,  354,  362,  364-366. 

Bostock,  586. 

Bouchal,  L.,  527. 

Bouvet,  J.,  S.  J.,  238. 

Bower  Manuscript,  248,  254,  283,  314, 
404  482. 

Brandstetter,  R.,  443. 

Brass,  511-515- 

Brassica,  380-382. 

Bretschneider,  E.,  190,  191,  195,  201, 
204,  206,  207,  213,  214,  216,  226,  230, 
236,  238,  252,  254,  257-260,  263-265, 
268,  278-280,  284-286,  288,  289,  293, 
295,  297,  300,  302,  305-308,  311,  313- 
315,  324-326,  329,  330,  332,  335,  341, 
346,  348,  351,  355,  358,  371,  385,  387- 
389,  392,  395,  400,  401,  403,  406-408, 
413,  421,  436,  437,  439,  440,  442,  446, 
458,  459,  465,  466,  473,  494,  496,  497, 
508,  515,  520,  525,  543,  554,  557,  560. 

Bretzl,  H.,  355. 

Briancon,  manna  of,  346. 

Brocades,  Chinese,  in  Persia,  537;  Per- 
sian, 488-492. 

Brown,  E.,  211. 

Browne,  E.  G.,  194. 

Budge,  E.  A.  W.,  566,  570. 

Buhler,  G.,  558. 

Bandahisji,  disquisition  on  plants,  con- 
tained in  the,  192-194. 

Burma,  Alpinia  galganga  in,  546;  lac 
employed  in,  478;  mentioned  in  the 
Man  £u,  468,  494;  mentioned  in  the 


GENERAL  INDEX 


601 


T'ang  Annals,  469;  nux-vomica  of, 
449;  trade  of,  with  Yun-nan,  471; 
transit-mart  in  the  trade  of  asafcetida 
from  Siam  to  Yun-nan,  360  note  2. 

Buschan,  G.,  276,  277,  451. 

Bushell,  S.  W.,  560. 

Buxtorf,  J.,  429. 

Cabaton,  A.,  286,  473,  476,  486. 
Cahen,  G.,  550. 

Cairo,  balsam  of,  433;  men  from,  teach- 
ing sugar-refining  in  China,  377. 
Camboja,   477;   gold  of,   509  note   10; 
mango  in,  552;  pomegranate  of,  282; 
saffron  exported  from  India  to,  318. 

Cambyses,  224,  372. 

Camphor,  478-479,  585,  591. 

Canakya,  569. 

Candolle,  A.  de,  190,  205-208,  214,  216, 
219,  220,  246,  257,  258,  276,  279,  288, 
290,  294,  300,  301,  304,  307,  320,  324, 
387,  39i ,  395,  397.  400,  401,  404,  407, 
413,  416,  425,  438-440,  445,  447,  452, 
453,  539,  54i,  584,  589- 

Cange,  Du,  353,  395,  498. 

Canton,  former  cultivation  of  date  in, 
386. 

Caraway,  383. 

Cardamom,  in  Pahlavi  literature,  193. 

Carmania,  223. 

Carob,  424-425. 

Carrot,  451-454- 

Cassia  pods,  420-426. 

Castre"n,     577. 

Celery,  402. 

Chalybonian  wine,  224. 

Chardin,  320. 

Chavannes,  E.,  186,  195,  202,  211,  221, 
222,  262,  264,  303,  318,  341,  344,  357, 
379,  438,  439,  456,  462,  470,  488-490, 
493-495,  499,  509,  512,  520,  521,  529, 
53i,  549,  563,  564,  573,  593- 

Chess,  576. 

Chestnut,  in  Pahlavi  literature,  193. 

China,  etymology  of  the  name,  568-570. 

China  Root,  556-557. 

Chive,  302. 

Chloride  of  sodium,  505. 

Chowry,  565. 

Christensen,  A.,  529,  530,  533. 

Chrysanthemum,  in  Pahlavi  literature, 
193. 

Cinnamon,  541-543,  583. 

Citron,  581. 

Clark,  W.  E.,  592. 

Clement-Mullet,  395. 

Coccus  lacca,  478. 

Coccus  mannifer,  348. 

Cockscomb,  193. 

Coco-nut,  Arabic-Persian  designation  of, 
derived  from  Indian,  585;  mentioned 
in  Pahlavi  literature,  193;  wine,  240. 

Collas,  M.,  505,  508. 


Copper,  green,  attributed  to  Persia,  515. 

Copper-oxide,  510. 

Coral,  523-525;  of  Samarkand,  251. 

Cordier,  H.,  206,  236,  252,  346^352,  496, 
560. 

Coriander,  192,  205,  297-299.  To  the 
Persian  names  add  sauniz;  Persian 
karinj,  kiranj,  or  kurinj,  and  juljul&n, 
mean  ' '  coriander-seed ' '  (juljul&n 
means  also  "sesame-seed"). 

Cosmas,  240. 

Cosmetic,  of  white  lead,  201. 

da  Costa,  see  Acosta. 

Costus  root,  462-464. 

Cotton,  490,  491,  574. 

Couling,  S.,  293. 

Courteille,  Pavet  de,  370. 

Crab-apple,  in  India,  240. 

Crawfurd,  J.,  269,  278,  283,  404,  443. 

Croton,  583. 

Cucumber,  300-301. 

Cucurbitaceous  plants,  history  of,  440 
note  2. 

Cummin,  383-384,  575- 

Curtel,  G.,  220. 

Cynips  quercus  folii,  367. 

Cyropaedia,  223,  224. 

Cyrus,  223,  412. 

Can-pei,  or  Can-pi,  a  Malayan  country, 
268. 

Can  Cu,  527  note  2. 

Can  Cun-kin,  or  Can  Ki,  205,  262. 

Can  Hun-mao,  232. 

Can  Hwa,  258,  259,  278,  310,  324. 

Can  K'ien,  Chinese  general  of  the  second 
ceiitury  B.  c.,  introduced  alfalfa  and 
grape-vine  into  China,  190,  210,  221; 
chive  not  introduced  by,  302;  cori- 
ander not  introduced  by,  297;  cucum- 
ber not  introduced  by,  300;  fig  not 
introduced  by,  413;  introduction  of 
safflower  wrongly  connected  with,  310, 
324;  introduction  of  sesame  wrongly 
ascribed  to,  288-289;  Memoirs  of  his 
journey,  242;  pomegranate  not  due 
to,  278-279;  walnut  not  introduced 
by,  257-259;  see,  further,  372,  535, 
536,  539,  564. 

Can  K'ien  £'u  kwan  £i,  242. 

Can  Yi,  285, 306. 

Can  Yu-si,  446. 

Can  Yue,  233,  344. 

Cao  Hio-min,  229,  252. 

Cao  £u-kwa,  344,  355,  360,  368,  459, 
461,  463,  465,  472,  480,  493,  541,  549. 

^553- 

Cen  cu  S'wan,  442. 

Cen  Kwan,  464. 

Cen  Ho,  390. 

Cen  Kan-cun,  336. 


602 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Cen  K'ien,  268,  326. 

Cen  lei  pen  ts'ao,  201,  204,  211,  233,  250, 
258,  279,  280,  288,  302,  340,  351,  367, 
380,  384,  392,  399,  420,  422-424,  448, 
458-460,  462,  475,  483,  500,  504,  508, 
510,  524,  588. 

Cen  su  wen,  399,  409. 

Cen  §en  tsi,  536. 

Cen  Tsiao,  196,  289,  323,  328,  348,  392. 

Ci  fan  wai  ki,  433,  527. 

Ci  p'u,  561. 

Ci  wu  min  §i  t'u  k'ao,  196,  197,  204,  218, 
247,  258,  264,  267,  279,  296,  300, 
306-308,  312,  340,  368,  388,  393,  394, 
410,  411,  413,  443,  463,  482,  484. 

Ci  ya  fan  tsa  c"'ao,  447,  500,  566. 

Co  ken  lu,  386,  388,  448,  519. 

Cou  Kin  §i  Lu  §an  ki,  281. 

Cou  K'u-fei,  270,  344,  472,  494,  553. 

Cou  li,  314,  322,  565. 

Cou  Lian-kun,  536. 

Cou  Mi,  336,  447,  500,  566. 

Cou  §u,  201,  320,  372,  374,  375,  378,  379, 

_  457.  510,  515,  5i6,  525,  532,  533,  565. 

Cou  Ta-kwan,  282,  478. 

Cu  fan  £i,  480. 

Cu  Mu,  491. 

Cu  p'u  sian  lu,  537. 

Cu  Yi-&in,  234. 

Cun  hwa  ku  kin  6u,  327. 

Cun  Su  Su,  392,  440. 

C'an  Te,  332,  515,  520. 

C'an  wu  &,  496,  497. 

C'en  C'en,  358,  359,  470. 

C'en  Hao-tse,  259,  267,  279. 

C'en  Ki-zu,  442. 

C'en  Lin-ku,  281. 

C'en  Si-lian,  198. 

C'en  Ts'an-k'i,  195-198,  200,  228,  233, 
247,  297,  306,  307,  313,  318,  343,  345, 
365,  380,  384,  386,  402,  420,  423,  424, 
458,  472,  553,  588,  590. 

C'en  fu  fun  hwi,  429. 

C'en-ts'an,  walnuts  of,  264,  274. 

C'u  hu  kwo  fan,  204. 

C'un  ts'ao  fan  tsi,  409,  427. 

Dal',  502. 

Dalgado,  S.  R.,  465. 

Dallet,  C.,  563. 

Damascus,  wine  of,  224. 

Darius,  208,  223,  320. 

Darwin,  C.,  261,  267. 

Date,  in  Pahlavi  literature,  193. 

Date-palm,  385-391. 

Datura,  582,  585. 

Daud,  369,  546,  584. 


Daur,  Tungusian  tribe,  cultivators  of 
walnuts,  267. 

Dautremer,  J.,  244. 

Davis,  J.  F.,  232. 

Defre"mery,  282,  492. 

Department  of  Agriculture,  Washing- 
ton, 208,  219. 

Deva,  a  Buddhist  monk  from  Magadha, 
359- 

Dev<§ria,  G.,  471,  489,  529,  533. 

Diamond,  518,  521. 

Diels,  HM  350. 

Dilock,  Prince  of  Siam,  242. 

Dimagql,  555. 

Diodorus,  372,  563. 

Dioscorides,  208,  246,  252,  255,  286,  364, 
366,  367,  427,  428,  432,  447,  453,  463, 
464,  546,  548,  586. 

Diratzsuyan,  P.  N.,  218. 

Distillation,  practised  by  Chinese  from 
the  Mongol  period,  238. 

Dodoens,  D.  R.,  396,  587. 

Dog-rose,  193. 

Dore",  H.,  287. 

Doughty,  C.  M.,  287. 

Dozy,  R.,  389,  465,  547,  555,  589. 

Dragendorff,  546. 

Drouin,  E.,  559. 

Drugget,  501-502. 

Dudgeon,  J.,  236,  238. 

Dujardin-Beaumetz,  415. 

Dziatzko,  K.,  563. 

Ebony,  485-486. 

Eden,  261  note  8. 

Edkins,  J.,  211,  238. 

Edrtsl,  320,  354,  389,  549. 

Egasse,  415. 

Egypt,  balsam  in,  432,  433;  carrot  in, 
4535  Cassia  fistula  in,  422;  coriander 
of,  299;  cucumber  of,  301;  cummin 
from  Iran  to,  383;  ebony  of,  486; 
grape-vine  in,  220;  manna  of,  346 
note  3;  pomegranate  of,  278;  safflower 
of,  324;  tabashir  shipped  from  India 
to,  35O;  vetch  in,  307;  water-melon 
in,  438. 

Egyptians,  ricinus-oil  used  by,  403. 

Eisen,  G.,  412,  413. 

Eitel,  E.  J.,  291,  309,  335. 

Elderkin,  G.  W.,  223. 

Elephants,  white,  sent  from  Burma, 
Po-se,  and  K'un-lun  to  Yun-nan,  471. 

Elias,  278. 

Elliott,  H.  M.,  278,  319. 

Emblic  myrobalan,  551,  581. 

Emerald,  518-519. 

Engler,  A.,  206,  207,  255,  258,  272,  276, 
290,  300,  311,  355,  389,  415,  416,  418, 
438,  539- 

Ephthalites,  Persian  brocades  sent  to 
China  by,  488. 

Er  ya  i,  212,  326,  436,  442. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


603 


Erdmann,  F.  v.,  527. 
Esposito,  M.,  433. 
Ezekiel,  486. 

Fa  Hien,  282. 

Fadlan,  553. 

Falaha  naba^Iya,  396. 

Falconer,  362. 

Fan  C'en-ta,  197,  328,  408,  426. 

Fan  Co,  468,  469,  494. 

Fan  I-6i,  260. 

Fan  yi  min  yi  tsi,  215,  216,  254,  283,  290, 
308,  318,  323,  404,  411,  455,  457,  458, 
466,  518,  551,  592. 

Fanyu  &,  413,  491. 

al-Faqlh,  Ibn,  500,  507,  512,  515,  556. 

Farvardin  Ya§t,  569. 

F6e,  543,  586. 

Fei  sue  hi,  197. 

Feldhaus,  513. 

Fenugreek,  446-447. 

Fergana,  carrot  in,  454;  centre  from 
which  viticulture  spread  to  China, 
221;  Chinese  words  from  language  of, 
212-213,  225;  coriander  in,  298;  indigo 
in,  370;  Iranian  language  spoken  in, 
212;  mango  in,  552;  rice  in,  372;  se- 
same attributed  by  Chinese  to,  288; 
sesame  cultivated  in,  291;  visited  by 
Can  K'ien,  210;  walnut  in,  255. 

Ferrand,  G.,  320,  351,  378,  419,  469, 
474,  478,  512,  524,  541,  545,  549,  552, 

^.553- 

Fig,  410^414. 

Filbert,  in  Pahlavi  literature,  193. 

Firdausl,  532,  570. 

Fish-teeth  =  walrus  ivory,  567. 

Flax,  293-296. 

Fletcher,  G.,  567. 

Fluckiger,  F.  A.,  299,  311,  316,  320,  346, 
347,  349,  357,  364,  366,  405,  447,  449, 
480,  542,  548,  549,  556. 

Forbes,  F.  B.,  217,  266,  289,  296,  311, 
341,  408,  426,  439,  535,  547,  587. 

Ford,  C.,  196,  449. 

Forke,  A.,  523. 

Formosa,  pea  of,  306. 

Fossey,  C.,  519. 

Fraenkel,  S.,  415,  559. 

France,  manna  of,  346;  walnut  oil  manu- 
factured in,  266  note  4. 

Francisque-Michel,  489,  492,  496,  498, 
501. 

Franke,  O.,  231,  284,  409,  553,  595. 

Frankincense,  in  Pahlavi  literature,  193. 

Fryer,  John,  253,  347,  357,  447,  454. 

Fu  Hou,  302,  327. 

Fu-kien,  square  bamboo  of,  536. 

Fu  K'ien,  381. 

Fu  kwo  ki,  282. 

Fu-li  Palace,  263. 

Fu-lin  (Syria),  balm  of  Gilead  of,  429; 
cassia  pods  of,  420;  fig  of,  411,  412; 


galbanum  of,  363;  grape- wine  in,  223; 
jasmine  of,  330;  language  of,  408,  411, 
415,  420,  423,  427,  429,  435-437,  479; 
olive  of,  415;  se-se  of,  516;  transcrip- 
tion of  the  name  in  Chinese,  436-437 ; 
words  from,  transmitted  to  China  in 
latter  half  of  the  ninth  century,  424. 

Fu-lu-ni,  amber  and  coral  of,  521  note  9. 

Fu-nan  (Camboja),  pomegranate  of, 
282;  Pterocarpus  of,  459  note  i; 
saffron  from,  318;  storax  from,  457. 

Fu-si,  on  Sumatra,  cassia  pods  of,  420; 
cummin  of,  384. 

Fu-tse,  379. 

Fuhner,  H.,  525. 

Fukuba,  Y.,  244. 

Fun  §i  wen  kien  ki,  232,  279,  304,  379, 

393- 
Fun  Yen,  279. 

Gabelentz,  H.  C.  v.  d.,  416,  439,  575. 

Galangal,  name  not  derived  from  Chi- 
nese, 545. 

Galbanum,  363-366. 

Galenus,  246,  366,  369. 

Gandhara,  vegetable  from,  402. 

Garcia  da  Orta,  314,  346,  347,  351,  353, 
355,  356,  360,  361,  370,  421,  422,  443, 
458,  464-466,  476,  481,  482,  542,  544, 
546,  550,  556,  583,  591. 

Gardthausen,  V.,  563. 

Garver,  218. 

Gauthiot,  R.,  186,  212,  285,  529,  530, 

531,  563,  569,  573,  589. 

Gazna,  asafcetida  of,  359,  361. 

Gedrosia,  Balsamodendron  of,  467; 
myrrh  of,  462;  nard  of,  455. 

Geerts,  A.  J.  C.,  201,  340,  508,  510,  512, 
514,  516,  519- 

Geiger,  W.,  462,  595. 

Gerarde,  John,  393,  396,  477,  551,  587. 

Gerini,  G.  E.,  269,  473,  474. 

Gesar  romance,  235,  236,  437  note  I. 

Gilyak,  acquainted  with  wild  walnut, 
266. 

Ginger,  dried,  201,  583. 

Goeje  de,  389,  495. 

Gold,  in  Tibet,  516;  of  Persia,  509; 
traded  in  Yun-nan,  469. 

"Gold  Peach,"  379. 

Golde,  on  the  Amur,  acquainted  with 
wild  walnut,  266. 

Golstunski,  361,  594. 

Gombocz,  Z.,  294,  574. 

Gourd,  native  of  China,  197. 

Grape-vine,  220-245. 

Grape-wine,  at  the  court  of  the  Mongols, 
234;  in  Fergana  and  Sogdiana,  221; 
in  KuSa,  222;  in  Persia,  223-225;  in 
Syria,  223,  224;  introduced  into  China, 
231;  method  of  making,  introduced 
into  China,  232;  of  India,  239-242;  of 
Qara-Khoja,  236;  of  Tibet,  236;  pro- 


604 


GENERAL  INDEX 


duced  in  T'ai-yuan  fu,  236;  recipe  for 
making,  234. 

Grapes,  introduced  into  China  in  128 
B.C.,  221;  method  of  preserving  and 
storing,  230;  rare  in  southern  China, 
232;  varieties  of,  in  China,  228-230. 

Gray,  A.,  338,  440. 

Greek,  alleged  loan-words  from  the,  in 
Chinese,  225,  445;  Iranian  loan-words 
in,  285,  427  note  8;  not  known  in 
Fergana,  226. 

Greeks,  influence  of,  on  Orient  in  tech- 
nical culture  superficial,  294;  water- 
melon unknown  to  ancient,  445. 

Grierson,  Sir  George  A.,  591,  595. 

Groeneveldt,    W.    P.,    269,    390,    472, 

497- 

Groot  de,  303. 
Grube,  W.,  266,  512. 
Grum-Gr2imailo,  266,  439. 
Gruppy,  H.  B.,  238. 
Guibourt,  523,  528. 
Guillon,  J.  M.,  220. 
GundeSapQr,  377. 

Hadramaut,  myrrh  from,  461. 

Hai-nan,  286,  375,  470,  485. 

Hai  yao  pen  ts'ao,  247,  248,  359,  384, 

460,  465,  470,  471,  475,  479,  483,  510. 
Hajji  Mahomed,  546. 
Halde  Du,  425,  426. 
Haleyy,  J.,  208. 
Hami,  balsam-poplar  of,  341;  raisins  of, 

231;    varieties    of    grape    introduced 

from,  229. 

Han  Pao-§en,  340,  380. 
Han  Wu  ti  nei  6wan,  232. 
Hanbury,  D.,  198,  299,  316,  321,  343, 

346,   347,   349,   357,   364,   366,   405, 

447,  449,  458,  464,  48o,  503,  505,  508, 

542,  545,  548,  549,  556. 
Handcock,  P.  S.  P.,  415,  486. 
Hanlfa,  Abu,  316,  354. 
Hansen,  N.  E.,  219. 
HanzO  Murakami,  501. 
Hardiman,  J.  P.,  563. 
Hauer,  409. 

Haukal,  Ibn,  255,  374,  377,  507,  5H. 
Hehn,  V.,  206,  208,  220,  243,  247,  258, 

272,  276,  277,  300,  320,  321,  369,  373, 

386,  438  539- 
Hei  Ta  &  ho,  234. 
Heldreich,  Th.  v.,  267,  299. 
Hemp,  brought  to  Europe  by  Scythians, 

294;  mentioned  in  Pahlavi  literature, 

I93I   typical   textile   of   the   ancient 

Chinese,  293. 
Hemsley,  W.  B.,  218,  266,  289,  296,  311, 

341,  408,  426,  439,  535,  548,  587. 
Henna,  332,  334~338. 
Henry,  A.,  295,  328,  375. 
Herat,    almonds    exported    from,    409; 

almonds  of,  406  note  4;  amber  from, 


522;  asafoetida  of,  354;  Chinese  and 
Iranian  names  of,  187;  manna  of,  347 
note  4. 

Herbelot  d',  277,  361,  430,  433. 

Herodotus,  223,  224,  290,  291,  348,  372, 
390,  403,  412,  456,  486,  488. 

Hervey  St.-Denys  d',  499. 

Herzfeld,  563. 

Heyd,  W.,  321,  496,  544,  549. 

Hi,  country  and  tribe  of  Korea,  198. 

Hian  p'u,  459,  470. 

Hian  tsu  pi  ki,  409. 

Hickory,  discovered  in  China  by  F.  N. 
Meyer,  271. 

Hien  lu  ki,  438,  441. 

Hien  Yuan-gu,  515. 

Himly,  K.,  578. 

Kin-nan  fu  &,  520. 

Hio  pu  tsa  §u,  308. 

Hippocrates,  447. 

Hirth,  F.,  186,  187,  190,  191,  202,  21 1, 
213,  223,  226,  227,  230,  239,  242,  257, 
269,  279,  282,  283,  286,  288,  297,  302, 
319,  321,  324,  329,  330,  334,  344,  355, 
359,  36o,  363,  368,  369,  371,  373,  374, 
385,  389,  408,  410,  411,  415,  424,  428, 
429,  435-437,  445,  457,  459,  461,  462, 
465,  466,  470,  472,  475,  479-481,  485. 
487,  490-495,  513,  523-525,  529,  535, 
537,  538,  545,  546,  550,  558,  559,  592, 
593- 

Hjuler,  A.,  574. 

Ho  K'iao-yuan,  394. 

Ho-lo-tan,  on  Java,  491. 

Ho-nan,  pomegranates  of,  280;  walnuts 
of,  265. 

Ho  Se-hwi,  236,  252,  406. 

Ho  Yi-hin,  399,  409. 

Hoang,  P.,  325. 

Hoernle,  A.  F.  R.,  248, 254,  335,  558, 559, 
590. 


Hollyhock,  551. 
Hommel,  W.,  514. 


Hone's  Sokukan,  244. 

HonzO  komoku  keimO,  204,  243,  250 

260,  273,  293. 
HonzO-wamyO,  243. 
Hooker,  J.  D.,  260,  261. 
Hooper,  D.,  338,  343,  348,  528. 
Hoops,  J.,  221,  255,  451,  452. 
Hori,  K.,  530,  531. 
Horn,  P.,  225,  321,  343,  373,  493,  495, 

506,  53i,  538,  557,  563,  58i,  590. 
Horses,  of  Iran,  conveyed  to  China,  210. 
Hort,  A.,  355,  364,  431. 
Hou  Han  Su,  187,  221,  374,  456,  489,  492, 

521,  525- 

Houtum-Schindler,  A.,  496,  497. 

Hu,  alluding  to  India,  374;  iron  of  the, 
202;  language  of  the,  508;  meaning  of 
term,  194  (cf.  also  the  discussion  of 
S.  Le>i,  Bull,  de  I'Ecole  fr.,  Vol.  IV, 
PP'  559-563) ;  prefixed  to  plant-names, 


GENERAL  INDEX 


605 


194-202;  salt  of  the,  201;  with  refer- 
ence to  Mongolia,  381. 

Hu  Hia,  381. 

Hu  Kiao,  438-442. 

Hu-nan,  pomegranates  of,  280. 

Hu-pei,  flax  in,  295. 

Hu  pen  ts'ao,  204,  268,  282,  326,  327. 

Hu-pi-lie,  252. 

Hu-se-mi,  amber  and  coral  of,  521  note 

9- 

Ht  -suan,  dancing-girls  of,  494. 

Hu.m  Tsari,  240,  282,  304,  317,  359,  361, 

TT457'^40' 
Huan  Ym,  240. 

Hubschmann,  CM  248,  256,  301,  321, 
331,  36i,  373,  385,  415,  427,  429,  436, 
506,  508,  513,  515,  525,  531,  533,  537, 
538,  541,  568,  573,  58i,  585,  589,  590, 
593- 

Hui  k'ian  Ci,  230,  299,  341,  442,  443,  506, 
5.62. 

Hui  tsui,  536. 

Hujler,  A.,  261. 

Hultzsch,  E.,  545. 

Hun  C'u,  Jj9,  470. 

Hun  Hao,  watermelon  introduced  into 
China  by,  440,  441. 

Hurrier,  P.,  312,  319,  328,  361,  404,  407, 
417,  449,  482,  484,  583. 

Hwa  i  hwa  mu  k'ao,  429. 

Hwa  kin,  259,  267,  279,  324,  330,  336. 

Hwa-lin  Park,  263. 

Hwa  mu  siao  &,  409,  427.. 

Hwa  p'u,  204. 

Hwa  yo  £i,  523. 

Hwai-nan-tse,  292. 

Hwan^Sin-ts'en,  563. 

HweiZi,  359. 

Hwi  Cao,  373,  470. 

Hyaena,  transcription  of  word,  in  Chi- 
nese, 436. 

Hi,  20 1. 

Imbault-Huart,  C.,  268. 

Incense,  585;  produced  in  the  Malayan 
Po-se,  470. 

.  idia,  alfalfa  cultivation  of  recent  date 
in,  209;  black  salt  of,  511;  brass  of, 
511;  Brassica  rapa  in,  381;  consump- 
tion of  asafcetida  in,  354,  359;  cori- 
ander in,  298;  costus  of,  464;  cucum- 
ber in,  301;  Curcuma  in,  314;  ebony 
from,  485,  486;  fenugreek  in,  447;  fig 
of,  412 ;  flax  introduced  from  Iran  into, 
294;  ginger  of,  201;  grape  and  grape- 
wine  of,  239-242;  Lawsonia  alba  in, 
338;  manna  in,  346  note  3,  349~35o; 
nux-vomica  of,  449;  pepper  of,  201, 
374;  pomegranate  of,  282;  rugs  of, 
493?  sesame  of,  290;  textiles  of,  491; 
walnuts  of,  254. 

Indigo,  370-371,  585- 

Indo-China,  nux-vomica  of,  449. 


Indo-Europeans,  relation  of,  to  viticul- 
ture, 220^-221. 

Indo-Scythians,  see  Yue-c"i. 

Ingalls,  W.  R.,  514. 

Inostrantsev,  K.,  492,  501,  502. 

Interpolations,  in  the  Kin  kwei  yao  Ho, 
205;  in  the  Ku  kin  &i,  485;  in  the  Nan 
fan  ts'ao  mu  Swan,  263,  330,  331,  334; 
in  the  Ts'i  min  yao  §u,  191. 

Iranian,  geographical  and  tribal  names 
in  Chinese  transcription,  186. 

Irano-Sinica,  535-571. 

Iron,  of  the  Hu,  202. 

Iskandarname,  570. 

Ispahan,  wine  of,  241. 

Istaxrl,  255,  320,  332,  354,  511. 

I2ak  Ibn  Amran,  316,  442,  552. 

'aba,  A.,  250. 

ack-fruit,  479. 

ackson,  A.  V.  W.,  225,  277. 

acob,  G.,  239,  316,  337,  492,  513,  522, 

523,  553,  556. 
Jacobi,  569. 
al-Jafiki,  546. 
Jaguda,  aconite  of,  379;  black  salt  of, 

511;  indigo  of,  370;  myrrh  in,  460; 

rice   in,    372;    saffron   of,    317,    318; 

styrax  benjoin  of,  467;  sugar  in,  376. 
Jahanglr,  on  saffron  cultivation,  319. 
Japan,  alfalfa  in,  218;  fig  introduced 

into,  414;  wild  vine  in,  226. 
Jaschke,  H.  A.,  235,  260,  509. 
Jasmine,  192,  193,  329-333. 
Jastrow,    M.,  533. 
Jaubert,  A.,  320. 
Java,     469;    aloes    from,    480;    a-wei 

ascribed  to,   360  note  2;   Canarium 

in,  270;  textiles  of,  489. 
Jawbarl,  512. 


Jehol,  grapes  of,  231. 
Jews,     Chinese    desij 


lesignation    of,     533; 

parchment   manuscripts   of   Chinese, 

564- 

Jolly,  J-,  556,  580,  581,  585- 
Joly,  H.  L.,  392. 
Joret,  C.,  206,  208,  223,  239,  246,  255, 

277,  290,  291,  295,  301,  337,  338,  349, 

360,  383,  390,  404,  405,  412,  444,  453, 

455,  462,  467,  539,  541. 
Josephus,  Flavius,  430. 
Joshi,  T.  R.,  260. 
Julien,  S.,  240,  254,  304,  317,  359,  418, 

511,  514,561. 
Justi,  F.,  495,  530,  532. 

Kabul,  jasmine  of,  332;  myrobalan  of, 

378. 
Kaempfer,  E.,  249,  250,  285,  353,  354, 

360,  414,  488,  528. 
Kafiristan,  pomegranate  of,  278. 
Kaibara  Ekken,  204,  272. 
Kalila  wa  Dimna,  370. 


6o6 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Kan-su,  vine  growing  in,  226. 
Kao-S'an,  grape  of,  232;  manna  of,  343, 

344^ 

Kao  C'en,  279,  292,  441. 
Kao  Se-sun,  332,  517. 
Kao  Si-ki,  411. 
Kao  Tsun,  498. 
Kaolin,  known  in  Persia,  556. 
Karabacek,  J.,  558,  559. 
KaraSar,  copper-oxide  of,  510;  wine  in, 

222. 

Kashgar,  asbestos  garment  from,  498; 
rice  in,  372;  sugar-cane  of,  376  note  2. 

Kashmir,  alfalfa  found  in,  209,  216; 
amber  of,  521 ;  carrot  of,  452;  coral  of, 
525;  famed  for  grapes,  222  note  6; 
fenugreek  of,  447;  grape- wine  of,  240; 
jasmine  of,  332;  saffron  of,  310,  315- 
321;  vine  of,  222. 

Keith,  A.  B.,  240,  308,  391,  455,  569. 

Ken  sin  yu  ts'e,  526. 

Kermanshah,  kaolin  of,  556. 

Kern,  H.,  212,  590. 

Khojand,  pomegranate  of,  286. 

Khonsar,  manna  of,  348. 

Khorasan,  manna  of,  347  note  4;  pis- 
tachio in,  246;  rhubarb  of,  547;  saf- 
fron of,  320. 

Khordadzbeh,  541,  545. 

Khosrau  I,  209,  370,  372  note  4,  391. 

Khosrau  II,  532. 

Khotan,  amber  from,  522;  asafcetida  of, 
359;  borax  and  sal  ammoniac  from, 
506;  rice  of,  372. 

Ki  fu  t'un  c'i,  501. 

Ki  Han,  263,  329,  330,  332. 

Kia-p'i,  in  India,  317. 

Kia  Se-niu,  247,  263,  278. 

Kia  Tan,  466. 

Kia  yu  lu,  393. 

Kia  yu  pen  ts'ao,  394. 

Kia  yu  pu  £u  pen  ts'ao,  392. 

Kiao-6i,  375,  376,  485. 

Kiao  £ou  ki,  263. 

Kidney  bean,  307. 

Kie-li-pie,  name  of  a  pass  in  Persia,  187. 

Kien-c'en,  Buddhist  priest,  469. 

Kin  kwei  yao  lio,  205,  262,  279,  297, 
302. 

Kin  lou  tse,  222,  417. 

Kin  6'u  swi  si  ki,  511,  512. 

Kin  k'ou  ki,  281. 

Kin  Si,  281. 

Kin  si  hwi  yuan,  494. 

King,  F.  H.f  230,  445. 

Kingsmill,  T.  W.,  213,  225,  226. 

Kirgiz,  recipients  of  Parthian  textiles, 
488;  trading  with  Arabs,  489. 

Kirkpatrick,  261. 

Kirman,  antimony  in,  509;  asbestos  in, 
500;  cummin  of,  383;  sal  ammoniac 
of,  5O7;  turquois  of,  519;  zinc-mines 
of,  512. 


Kitab  el-falaha,  395. 

Kitan,  water-melon  obtained  from  the 

Uigur  by,  438,  441;  words  from  the 

language  of,  in  Chinese  transcription, 

439  note  2. 
Kiu  c'i  ki,  217. 

Kiu  hwan  pen  ts'ao,  197,  307,  335. 
Kiu  T'an  su,  318,  469,  488,  491,  516. 
Kiu  Wu  tai  §i,  439,  488,  506. 
Kiu  yii  c'i,  471. 
Kiu  Yun-nan  t'un  c'i,  308. 
Klaproth,  236,  503,  523,  538,  540,  560, 

562,  572,  574. 

Ko  &  kin  yuan,  259,  264,  265,  270,  561. 
Ko  Hun,  279. 
Ko  ku  yao  lun,  485,  491,  497,  500,  510, 

512,  515,  516,  536,  553,  566,  568. 
Kobert,  R.,  194. 
Kodans'o',  472. 
Kojiki,  243. 
Korea,  Corydalis  of,  198;  mint  of,  198; 

variety  of  walnut  from,   introduced 

into  Japan,   273;  walnut  introduced 

from  China  into,  275. 
Korzinski,  S.,  211,  246,  255,  291,  294, 

298,  344,  454,  587. 
K'ou  Tsun-§i,  204,  217,  265,  313,  402, 

460,  470. 
Kovalevski,  O.,  235,  295,  361,  509,  575, 

577,  59i,  593- 
Krauss,  S.,  415,  429,  435. 
Kremer,  A.  v.,  337,  527. 
Ku  kin  cu,  242,  280,  283,  302,  303,  305, 

324-327,  459,  485,  486. 
Ku-lan,  370. 
Ku-§i,  341,  343. 
Ku  yu  t'u  p'u,  517. 
Ku£a,  cosmetic  of,  201;  grape-wine  in, 

222;  rice  in,  372;  sal  ammoniac  of,  504, 

506;  styrax  ben  join  in,  467;  yen-lu  of, 

510. 

Kumarajlva,  303. 
Kuner,  N.  V.,  262. 
Kunos,  I.,  214. 
Kunz,  G.  F.,  350,  528. 
Kurdistan,  almond  in,  405;  pomegranate 

in,  276. 

Kuropatkin,  A.  N.,  506. 
Kurz,  S.,  261. 
Kwa,  alleged  name  of  a  country,  401, 

402. 

Kwa  su  su,  394. 
Kwan  c'i,  228,  250,  264,  268,  281,  305, 

358,  359,  456-458,  464,  470,  471,  536. 
Kwan  &>u  ki,  384,  475. 
Kwari  Sou  t'u  kin,  333. 
Kwan  k'un  fan  p'u,  204,  259,  270,  305, 

307,  330,  331,  394,  440,  443,  448,  451. 
Kwan-sii  Sun  t'ien  fu  c'i,  410. 
Kwan-tun,  fenugreek  in,  446;  myrrh  of, 

460,  475. 

Kwan  wu  hin  ki,  264. 
Kwan  ya,  285,  306. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


607 


Kwan  yu  ki,  201,  251,  341,  345,  489,  492, 

SIS- 
Kwei  hai  yu  hen  ft,  197,  328,  408,  426, 

568. 

Kwei  ki  san  fu  c"u,  199. 
Kwei  sin  tsa  si,  335,  447. 
Kwo  P'o,  212,  536. 
Kwo  su,  256,  265. 
Kwo  Yi-kun,  264,  281. 
Kwo  Yun-t'ao,  468. 

K'ai-pao  pen  ts'ao,  258,  265,  303,  350, 
351,  384,  417,  418,  460,  462,  481,  483. 

K'ai  yuan  t'ien  pao  i  si,  527. 

K'an  miu  cen  su,  227. 

K'an-hi,  the  Emperor,  new  varieties  of 
grape  introduced  by,  228,  229;  pre- 
sented with  foreign  wine,  238. 

K'ao  ku  t'u,  517. 

K'i-lien  Mountain,  326. 

K'ian,  forefathers  of  Tibetans,  connected 
with  plant-names,  199;  salt  of  the, 
201 ;  walnut  named  for,  257,  259. 

K'ien  su,  537. 

K'u  Yuan,  195. 

K'un  fan  p'u,  336. 

K'un-lun,  a  Malayan  country,  alum 
from,  475;  a-wei  (kind  of  asafcetida) 
in,  358-360;  costus  root  of,  464;  lac 
from,  477;  storax  from,  458;  trade  of, 
with  Yiin-nan,  469—471. 

Lac,  475-478. 

Lacaze-Duthiers,  523. 

Lamarck,  523. 

Land-tax,  of  Khosrau  I,  209,  391. 

Lao-p'o-sa,  389. 

Lapis  lazuli,  518,  520. 

Laufer,  H.,  463. 

Leclerc,  L.,  209,  298,  304,  314,  316,  321, 
332,  333,  337,  347,  351,  354,  355,  360, 
363,  367,  370,  383,  390,  395,  396,  399, 
402,  404,  422,  425,  427,  428,  430,  432, 
445,  446,  448,  449,  453,  461,  463,  478, 
483,  512,  520,  522,  541,  544,  545,  546, 
549,  55i,  552,  554,  556,  581-583,  586, 
587,  590. 

LeCoq,  A.  v.,  214,  230,  345,  577-579, 


595- 
Lei  Hiao,  197,  292. 


Lei  Kun,  548. 

Leitner,  W.,  284. 

Lentil,  193. 

Lenz,  H.  O.,  518. 

Lettuce,  400—402. 

Levesque,  E.,  411,  430,  459. 

LeVi,  Sylvain,  222,  317,  358,  359,  398, 

404,  464,  544,  545,  592,  593. 
Levy,  J.,  429,  430. 
Li  Cun,  311. 
Li  Hiao-po,  201. 
Li  ki,  216. 
Li  K'an,  537. 


Li  Po,  232. 

Li  Sao,  195. 

Li  sao  ts'ao  mu  su,  195. 

Li  Sun,  248,  327,  358,  359,  384,  465, 
470,  471,  478-483,  5io. 

Li  San-kiao,  494. 

Li  Si,  401. 

Li  Si-cen,  198-200,  204,  214,  215,  217, 
225,  226,  228,  231,  237,  238,  242,  252, 
279,  284,  289,  293,  297,  300,  302,  305- 
307,  310-313,  317,  318,  323,  327,  328, 
33i,  336,  341,  345,  358,  360,  365,  371, 
374,  375,  38o,  381,  384-388,  392, 
399-401,  403,  406,  407,  409-411,  413, 
417,  418,  420,  426,  427,  441,  442,  451, 
459-461,  465,  467,  472,  478,  480,  482 
484,  485,  491,  510,  512,  515,  526,  527 
557,  558. 

Li  Tao,  191. 

Li  Tao-yiian,  264,  322. 

Li  Te-yu,  282,  527. 

Li  wei  kun  pie  tsi,  282. 

Li-yi,  production  of  grapes  in,  221. 

Li  Yu,  279 

Li  Yuan,  279. 

Lian  se  kun  tse  ki,  233,  344. 

Liari  §u,  286,  316,  412,  457,  488,  490, 
525- 

Lily,  193- 

Lin  hai  £i,  351. 

Lin  piao  lu  i,  196,  268-270,  340,  386, 

417,  479- 
Lin  wai  tai  ta,  269,  270,  319,  344,  472, 

T  -4;tf '  5°?' 
Lmdley,  J.,  412. 

Linne",  586,  589. 

Linschoten,  550,  556. 

Lippmann,  E.  O.  v.,  238,  376,  377. 

Litharge,  508-509. 

Littre",  353. 

Liu  Hi,  201. 

Liu  Hin-k'i,  263. 

Liu  Sun,  268,  386,  387,  417,  479. 

Liu  Si-lun,  268. 

Liu  Tsi,  197. 

Liu  Yii-si,  393. 

Lo-fou  san  ki,  536. 

Lo  yan  k'ie  Ian  ki,  217. 

Lo  Yuan,  212,  326. 

Localities,    plant-names   derived   from, 

381,  401,  402,  456,  457. 
Lockhart,  508. 
Lo-lo,    of    Yun-nan,    acquainted    with 

pomegranate,  286  note  i;  acquainted 

with     tree-cotton,     491,     492     note; 

acquainted   with    wild   walnut,    267; 

familiar   with   almond,    407   note   3; 

familiar  with  Ricinus,  404. 
Loan-words,   Arabic,   in   Tibetan,   596; 

Chinese,  in  Persian,  557,  564,  565,  568; 

Chinese,    in    Turkl,    577-579;    from 

ancient  languages  of  Indo-China,  in 


6o8 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Chinese,  268  note  2,  376  note  5,  486, 
491;  Greek,  in  Syriac,  436;  Indian,  in 
Arabic,  545;  Indian,  in  Malayan,  283; 
Indian,  in  Persian,  332;  Iranian,  in 
Greek,  427  note  8;  Iranian,  in  Mongol, 
572-576;  Iranian,  in  Sanskrit,  240, 
283  note  3,  286,  367,  407,  411,  503; 
Malayan-Pose  (Pasa),  in  Chinese,  471 ; 

„  Man,  in  Chinese,  197;  Persian  in 
Hindi,  452;  Persian,  in  Hindustani, 
505;  Persian,  in  Tibetan,  503;  Slavic, 
in  West-European,  501. 

Loew,  I.,  365,  390,  423,  428,  429,  583, 

585. 

Lorenzetti,  I.  B.,  219. 
Loret,  V.,  220,  277,  285,  286,  290,  299, 

301,  #>7,  337,  386,  403,  422,  453,  461. 
Lotus,  585. 
Loureiro,  J.  de,  265,  266,  313,  401,  407, 

482. 

Lu  5'an  kun  §i  k'i,  346,  498,  527. 
Lu  Hui,  280. 
Lu  Ki,  278,  297. 
Lu  Kia,  330. 

Lu  Kwan,  conqueror  of  Ku5a,  222. 
Lu  Mountain,  281. 
Lu-nan  &,  266. 
Lu  Sin-yuan,  460. 
Lu  Sanki,  281. 
Lu  §an  siao  6i,  281. 
Lu  Tien,  323. 
Lu  Yin-yan,  251. 
Lun-kan,  pomegranate  of,  281. 
Lyte,  H.,  396,  587. 

Ma  Ci,  265,  313,  328,  370,  378,  417,  418, 
482,  483,  485,  526. 

Ma-k'o-se-li,  345,  510. 

Ma-ku  Mountains,  271. 

Ma-ku  San  &,  271. 

Ma  Twan-lin,  389,  436. 

Macao,  501,  567. 

MacCrindle,  309. 

Macdonell,  A.  A.,  240,  308,  391,  455. 

Macgowan,  J.,  237,  535. 

MadLyantika,  321. 

Magadha,  pepper  of,  374;  sugar-indus- 
try of,  377. 

Magadhl,  influence  of,  on  Tibetan,  591. 

Magnolia,  588. 

Maimargh,  512. 

Main  waring,  G.f  261. 

Maitre,  H.,  450. 

al-Makln,  571. 

Makkari,  492. 

Malayan  Po-se,  see  Po-se. 

Malindi,  389. 

Man  §u,  420,  463,  466,  468,  469,  474, 
494  517. 

Manchuria,  asbestos  in,  501;  se-se  in, 
518;  wild  walnut  in,  266. 

Mandelslo,  J.  A.  de,  352,  357,  499,  554. 

Mandrake,  447,  585. 


Mango,  552. 

Manna,  343-35°- 

Manna-ash,    343. 

Manu,  Institutes  of,  290,  404. 

Margiana,  223. 

Marigold,  193. 

Marjoran,  585. 

Markham,  C.,  314,  346,  352,  353,  355, 
360,  370,  444,  458,  464,  465,  476,  478, 
542,  544,  546,  550,  556. 

Marking-nut  tree,  482-483. 

Marquart,  J.,  537,  592,  593. 

Marsden,  W.,  404. 

Maspero,  H.,  186,  417,  476,  499,  538. 

Massagetae,  224. 

Masudi,  370,  506. 

Matsuda,  S.,  216. 

Matsumura,  196,  218,  243,  244,  250,  251, 
269,  273,  274,  295,  296,  314,  328,  342, 
406,  417,  422,  426,  459,  462. 

Mayers,  W.  P.,  491,  515,  516. 

Media,  products  of,  208. 

Medic  apple,  Greek  term  for  citron,  202, 
209. 

Medike,  the  Medic  grass,  Greek  term 
for  alfalfa,  202,  208. 

Megasthenes,  290. 

Megenberg,  K.  v.,  364,  433. 

Meillet,  A.,  186,  187,  437,  530,  532. 

Melinawi,  ginger  of,  583. 

M61yt  F.  de,  340,  475,  504,  508,  510,  514, 

526. 

Merw,  Chinese  names  of,  187. 
Mesopotamia,  early  cultivation  of  grape- 
vine in,  220;  fenugreek  in,  447;  olive 
in,  415. 

Methodology,  in  the  history  of  culti- 
vated plants,  242-243,  271-272,  422. 
Meyer,  F.  N.,  267,  271,  408,  410. 
Meynard,  Barbier  de,  320,  370,  373,  425, 
,  506,  507,  509,  547,  559-   1 
Miao  tribes,  familiar  with  Ricinus,  404. 
Migeon,  G.,  492. 
Miklosich,  F.,  501. 
Miller,  W.,  256,  415. 
Millet,  in  Persia  and  China,  565. 
Min  siao  ki,  536. 
Min  §u,  394,  396. 
Min  hian  p'u,  363. 
Min  hwan  tsa  lu,  517. 
Min  &,  264,  390,  562. 
Min  wu  Si,  256  note  6. 
Mint,  193,  194,  198. 

Mirrors,  with  grape-designs,  226  note  I. 
Mo  k'o  hui  si,  401. 
Mo-lin,  389. 

Mo-lu,  country  in  Arabia,  381,  399,  402. 
Modi,  J.  J.,  372,  437,  532,  537,  564,  568, 

569- 

Mohammedan  bean,  197. 
Moldenke,  Ch.  E.,  277. 
Mon  K'an,  339. 
Mon  k'i  pi  fan,  289,  459. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


609 


Mon-ku  &,  295. 

Mon  lian  lu,  229,  282. 

Mon  Sen,  233,  238,  265,  292,  297,  303, 

376. 

Mon-tse,  216. 
Monardes,  N.  de,  342. 
Mongol  dynasty,  cultivation  of  alfalfa, 

encouraged  by,  217. 

Mongol,  Iranian  Elements  in,  572-576. 
Mongolia,  Brassica  rapa  in,  381;  flax 

in,  295. 

Morange,  M.,  449,  450. 
Morbus  americanus,  556. 
Morga,  A.  de,  283. 

Morgan,  J.  de,  343,  369,  435,  444,  595- 
Morse,  H.  B.,  560. 
Moses  of  Khorene,  Armenian  historian, 

310  note  i,  369,  377. 
Mosul,  manna  of,  344. 
Mu-ku-lan^  Mekran,  355. 
Mu-lu,  Chinese  name  of  a  city  on  the 

eastern  frontier  of  Parthia,  187. 
Mukerji,  N.  G.,  261,  397,  452. 
Mulberry,  339,  582. 
Miiller,  F.  W.  K.,  267,  290,  417,  461,  490 

530,  572-574,  578,  589- 
Mun  ts'uan  tsa  yen,  227,  229. 
Mungo  bean,  585. 
Munkacsi,  B.,  345,  574. 
Muqaddasl,  255,  377,  425. 
Musil,  A.,  287. 
Musk,  of  China,  310  note  i;  traded  in 

Yun-nan,  469. 
Musk  flower,  193. 
Muss-Arnolt,  226,  285,  459,  519,  542, 

543- 

Myrobalan,  378,  583. 
Myrrh,  460-462. 
Myrtle,  461. 

Nagasaki,  figs  introduced  into,  414.. 
Nan-£ao,  469;  cotton  in,  491;  peculiar 

variety  of  pomegranate  in,  286;  se-se 

in,  517;  wild  walnut  in,  270. 
Nan  £ao  ye  Si,  413,  471. 
Nan  £ou  i  wu  &,  317,  417,  464. 
Nan  6ou  ki,  247,  248,  250,  460-462,  480, 

482,  483. 
Nan   Fan,    Southern   Barbarians,    358, 

375,  49i- 
Nan  fan  ts'ao  mu  cwan,  263,  329,  330- 

332,  334,  375,  376,  388,  417,  464,  486, 

543- 

Nan  hai  yao  p'u,  327. 
Nan  i  £i,  469. 
Nan  Man,  se-se  among  women  of  the, 

517. 

Nan  §i,  490,  491,  493,  521,  523,  564. 
Nan-tou,  vine  m,  222. 
Nan  Ts'i  su,  282,  376. 
Nan  Yue  &,  491,  510. 
Nan  yue  hin  ki,  330. 
Nanjio,  Bunyiu,  254,  303,  457. 


Narcissus,  427-428;  mentioned  in  Pah- 

lavi  literature,  192. 
Needham,  J.  F.,  492. 
Needles,  of  gold,  silver,  and  brass,  512. 
Nepal,  spinach  introduced  into  China 

from,  393. 

Nicolaus  of  Damaskus,  247. 
NizamI,  570. 
Noldeke,  T.,  209,  390,  391,  427,  461,  493, 

495,  530-533,  573,  582. 
Nonsuch,  218. 
Numerals     of     Malayan-Pose      (Pasa) 

language,  472-473- 
Nun  cen  ts'uan  §u,  336. 
Nun  §u,  307. 
Nux-vomica,  448-450. 

Oak-galls,  367-369. 

Oak  manna,  349. 

Oakley,  218. 

Odoric  of  Pordenone,  346,  352,  549, 
590. 

Oil,  from  walnuts,  266. 

Okada,  K.,  501. 

Olearius,  A.,  277,  337. 

Olive,  415-419;  absent  in  Bactria,  223; 
in  India,  239;  in  Pahlavi  literature, 
193. —  No  other  text  regarding  the 
olive  is  known  than  that  of  the  Yu  yan 
tsa  tsu.  Li  Si-£en  (Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu, 
Ch.  31,  p.  lob)  cites  this  single  text 
only,  and  is  at  a  loss  as  to  what  to 
make  of  this  plant.  He  has  added  this 
note  as  an  appendix  to  the  article  on 
mo-£'u  (*mwa-dzu),  saying  that  the 
ts'i-tun  fruit  is  of  the  same  kind. 
G.  Ferrand  (Journal  asiatique,  1916, 
II,  p  523)  has  identified  the  term 
mo-Vu  with  Javanese  maja,  the  fruit 
of  the  Aegle  marmelos. 

Ono  Ranzan,  204,  250,  260,  273,  293. 

Onyx,  554. 

Oppert,  G.,  527. 

Oranges,  method  of  storing,  231. 

Ormuz,  346. 

Osbeck,  P.,  238. 

Ouseley,  W.,  372,  374,  479,  485,  507- 

Pa-lai,  locality  in  southern  India,  240. 

Pai  pin  fan,  381. 

Palaka,  Palakka,  name  of  country,  397, 

398. 
Palembang,  470;  p'o-so  stone  of,  526; 

storax-oil  of,  459. 
Palestine,  coriander  in,  299. 
Palladius,  315,  436,  509,  511. 
Pallas,  P.  S.,  523,  527. 
Pallegoix,  299,  323,  332,  443,  476. 
Pandanus,  192. 
Panto; a,  S.  J.,  433,  527. 
Pao  6i  lun,  197. 
Pao  p'u  tse,  279. 
Pao  ts'an  lun,  509,  515. 


6io 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Paper,  557-559.  To  the  series  of  Indian 
words  (p.  558)  add  Kagmlrl  kakaz. 
The  Uigur-Persian  word  has  further 
migrated  into  some  Indo-Chinese  (or, 
as  I  now  prefer  to  say,  Sinic)  lan- 
guages,—  Siamese  kadat  and  Kanaurl 
kagll.  All  Sinic  palatals  are  evolved 
from  dentals:  thus  Chinese  £i 
("paper")  is  evolved  from  an  older 
*di.  The  ancient  dental  sonant  is  still 
preserved  in  Miao  ndou  ("paper") 
and  in  Pa-ten  (a  T'ai  dialect)  do;  it 
is  changed  into  the  dental  surd  or 
aspirate  in  the  Lo-lo  dialects  (Lo-lo- 
p'o  ta-vi,  Nyi  t'o-i,  A-hi  t'u-yi,  P'u-p'a 
Vo-zo)  and  in  T'ai  (White  T'o  *'*,  Man 
Ta-pan  t'oi,  White  Meo  tad}.  All  these 
forms  represent  ancient  loan-words 
based  on  Old  Chinese  *di,  while  Ahom 
li  was  apparently  derived  from  Chi- 
nese ci  at  a  more  recent  date. 

Paper  money,  559^563. 

Parchment,  as  writing-material  in  Persia, 
563-564. 

Parker,  E.  H.,  187,  204,  456,  469,  471, 

565- 

Parkinson,  John,  353,  396,  589. 
Parrenin,  D.,  S.  J.,  238. 
Parthia,  187,  210,  284,  372,  457,  488, 

564- 

Patkanov,  K.  P.,  525. 

Pauthier,  G.,  218. 

Pea,  305-307- 

Peach,  in  India,  240,  540;  variety  of, 
introduced  into  China  from  Sogdiana, 
379;  transmitted  from  China  to  the 
west,  539. 

Pear,  in  India,  240;  wild,  in  Persia,  246. 

Pegoletti,  252,  496,  509,  593. 

Pei  hu  lu,  196,  264,  268-270,  282,  324- 
327,  330,  334,  335,  385,  393,  400,  479, 
§11,  526,536,537. 

Pei  pien  pei  tui,  326. 

Pei  Ian  tsiu  kin,  234. 

Pei  si,  286,  322,  343,  345,  460,  506,  516. 

Pei-t'in,  488. 

Pelliot,  P.,  185,  186,  191,  195,  198,  211, 
214,  222,  230,  235,  236,  248,  264,  268, 
269,  282,  303,  306,  318,  322,  330,  344, 
357,  376,  423,  428,  436,  437,  443,  456, 
457,  462,  464,  466-471,  478,  479,  489, 
491,  494,  495,  526,  527,  529,  531,  538, 
540,  543,  566,  568,  569,  575,  591. 

Pemberton,  261. 

Pen  kin,  401,  548. 

Pen  kin  fun  yuan,  229. 

Pen  ts'ao  hui  pien,  557. 

Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu,  196,  198,  200,  201, 
204,  206,  214,  217,  226,  228,  229,  233, 
236,  237,  242,  254,  256-258,  265,  270, 
273,  288,  295,  297,  298,  300,  302,  303, 
305,  3io,  312,  317,  330,  335,  336,  341, 
344,  348,  351,  358,  359,  36i,  363,  365, 


371,  374,  378,  380,  381,  385,  387,  392, 

393,  399,  400,  402,  403,  407,  410,  420, 

422,  423,  426,  427,  433,  439-441,  448, 

459-461,  470,  471,  475,  482,  485,  491, 

504,  508,  509,  512,  515,  516,  519,  526, 

527,  551,  553,  557,  558,  566,  588,  592. 
Pen  ts'ao  kan  mu  si  i,  229,  236,  242,  252, 

263,  311,  312,  394,  429,  434. 
Pen  ts'ao  kin,  307. 
Pen  ts'ao  pie  §wo,  359,  360,  470. 
Pen  ts'ao  si  i,  197,  233,  247,  248,  280,  297, 

298,  300,  306,  386,  402,  420,  423. 
Pen  ts'ao  yen  i,  204,  217,  223,  232,  233, 

265,  280,  288,  313,  351,  402,  446,  460, 

470,  478,  505,  509,  524,  526. 
Pepper,  201,  374~375,  435,  479,  583,  584- 
Periplus,  486,  524. 
Perrot,  E.,  312,  319,  328,  361,  404,  407, 

417,  449,  482,  583. 
Persepolis,  inscription  of,  210,  383. 
Persian  Pharmacology,  Indian  elements 

in,  580-585. 
P6tillon,  C.,  216. 
Peyssonel,  523. 

Philippines,  Semecarpus  in,  482. 
Phillott,  D.  C.,  253. 
Philostratus,  390. 
Pi  e'en,  229. 
Pie  lu,  196,  201,  211,  227,  279,  291,  335, 

381,  401,  463,  526,  548. 
Pie  pen  6u,  504  note  3. 
Pien  tse  lei  pien,  439,  458,  459. 
Pierlot,  M.  L.,  492. 
Pilau,  372. 

Pistachio,  193,  246-253. 
Pliny,  208,  246,  281,  290,  294,  299,  309, 

317,  339,  353,  355,  364,  366,  367,  376, 

403,  404,  411,  416,  424,  432,  447,  453, 

455,  46i,  475,  486,  488,  522-525,  541, 

548,  586. 
Po-ki,  566. 

Po  ku  t'u  lu,  226,  517. 
Po-lin,  name  of  a  country,  393. 
Po-se,  Chinese  name  of  Parsa,  Persia, 

203. 
Po-se,  Pa-sa,  a  Malayan  country  and 

people,  203,  269,  375,  384,  424,  460, 

462,  465,  466,  468-487. 
Po  wu  &,  258,  259,  263,  278,  282,  284, 

297,  302,  310,  324. 
Pognon,  H.,  529,  530,  542. 
Polo,  Marco,  236,  247,  319,  380,  455, 

474,  496,  521,  543,  549,  560,  563,  564, 

593 ;  new  identification  of  his  saffron  of 

Fu-kien,  311. 
Polyaenus,  247. 

Pomegranate,  193,  205,  276-287,  574. 
Pompey,  432,  486. 

Pondicherry,  French  viticulture  at,  241. 
Portuguese,    asbestos    of    Macao,    501; 

fig  introduced  into  Japan  by,  414. 
Posidonius,  224,  246. 
Potanin,  527. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


611 


Pott,  F.  A.,  249,  370,  421,  503,  545,  587. 

Powder,  of  white  lead,  201. 

Poyarkov,  267. 

Procopius,  224. 

Przyluski,  J.,  321,  512. 

Psoralea,  483-485. 

Ptolemy,  473. 

Putchuck,  462-464. 

Pyrard,  F.,  338,  370,  421,  465,  556. 

P'an  §an,  271. 
P'an  san  ci,  259,  271. 
P'an  Yo,  280,  285. 
P'ei  wen  cai  kwari  k'un  fan  p'u,  259. 
P'ei  wen  yiin  fu,  475,  512,  566. 
P'en  C'en,  401. 
P'i  ya,  323. 

P'in  ts'uan  san  ku  ts'ao  mu  ki,  527. 
P'o-lo-men,  country  along  the  frontier 
of  Burma,  46  8-470,  494. 

Qara-Khoja,  asafcetida  of,  358;  manna 
of,  346;  wine  of,  236. 

eazwlnl,  552,  554. 
uatremere,  556. 

Rabelais,  203. 

Radloff,  W.,  256,  565,  572,  574,  592. 

Raisins,  231. 

Ramsay,  H.,  362,  577. 

Rape- turnip,  381. 

Raquette,  G.,  579. 

RaSid-eddin,  564. 

Rauwolf,  L.,  546,  550. 

Ray,  P.  C.,  513- 

Reil,  T.,  428,  495. 

Reinach,  L.  de,  408. 

Reinaud,  M.,  232,  248,  282,  407,  413, 

506,  553. 
Re"musat,  Abel,  499,  508,  526,  531,  538, 

565,  572,  574- 
Rhubarb,  547-551. 
Rice,  372-373. 
Ricinus,  403-404 1482. 
Richthofen,  F.  v.,  190,  535,  538. 
Riley,  586. 

Risley,  H.  H.,  235,  261. 
Ritter,  C.,  377. 
Rock-crystal,  cups  of,  from  Sogdiana, 

494- 
Rockhill,  W.  W.,  202,  260,  262,  269,  317, 

345,  355,  390,  405,  487»  493.  497,  5™, 
519,  527,  562. 


Roediger,  R.,  249,  370,  421,  503,  545. 
Rom,  Rim,  transcription  of,  in  Chinese, 

437- 
Rose,   in  the  Lo-yu  gardens,   217;   in 

Pahlavi  literature,   194. 
"Rose  of  China,"  551. 
Ross,  Sir  E.  D.,  199,  278,  497,  498. 
Rosteh,  Ibn,  492. 
Roxburgh,  W.,  261,  381,  397,  405,  421, 

452,  484,  544,  582,  584,  585,  587. 


Rubruck,  496,  564. 

Rugs,  with  gold  threads,  488;  woollen, 

492-493- 

Rum,  in  plant-names,  384,  497,  498. 
Rumphius,  290. 

Ruska,  J.,  511-513,  527,  528,  554,  555- 
Russia,  alfalfa  in,  219. 
Russian   Turkistan,   pistachio   in,    246; 

sesame  in,  291. 

Sa-la,  Lo-lo  word  for  tree-cotton,  re- 
corded by  Chinese  in  the  fifth  century, 
491. 

Saba,  Queen  of,  430,  431. 

Saburo,  S.,  560. 

Sachau,  E.,  530. 

Sacy,  Silvestre  de,  432. 

Safflower,  324-328;  confounded  by  Chi- 
nese with  saffron,  310;  saffron  adul- 
terated with,  309. 

Saffron,  193,  309-323. 

Sainson,  C.,  413,  471. 

Sakharov,  416. 

Sal  ammoniac,  503-508. 

Salamander,  500,  501. 

Salemann,  C.,  496,  530,  532,  565,  573. 

Saltpetre,  503,  555. 

Salts,  of  various  colors,  511. 

Samarkand,  amber  from,  522;  jasmine 
of,  332;  manna  of,  345,  rhubarb  of, 
550. 

San  fu  hwan  t'u,  263,  334,  417. 

San  kwo  &,  313. 

San  ts'ai  t'u  hui,  507. 

San  K'in,  322. 

"Sand-pot,"  peculiar  kind  of  pottery, 

234- 

Sandal- wood,  exported  from  India,  318, 
374»  SS2,  584.  See  the  recent  discus- 
sion of  S.  Le"vi,  Journal  asiatique,  1918, 
I,  pp.  104-111. 

Sanguinetti,  282,  552. 

Sanskrit,  no  word  for  "alfalfa"  known 
in,  214;  method  of  treating  plant- 
names  in  Chinese  dictionaries  of 
215-216. 

Sapan-wood,  in  Pahlavi  literature,  193. 

Sargent,  C.  S.,  266,  271. 

Sarkar,  B.  K.,  240. 

Sasanian  Government,  titles  of,  529-534. 

Satow,  E.,  535. 

Savel'ev,  492. 

Savina,  F.  M.,  404. 

Scarlet,  498. 

Schefer,  Ch.,  547,  561. 

Scherzer,  K.  v.,  408. 

Schiefner,  A.,  260,  321,  572. 

Schiltberger,  J.,  373. 

Schlegel,  G.,  199,  408. 

Schlimmer,  J.  L.,  200,  206,  209,  249,  251, 
298,  304,  306,  308,  320,  337,  344,  347- 
349,  363,  365,  369,  370,  381,  383,  391, 
402,  405,  416,  425,  428,  447,  449,  454, 


6l2 


GENERAL  INDEX 


455,  460,  479,  48i,  525,  544,  556,  565, 

587- 

Schmidt,  I.  J.,  235,  572. 
Schmidt,  P.,  473. 
Schmidt,  P.,  538. 
Schmidt,  R.,  352. 
Schoff,  W.  H.,  524,  541. 
Schott,  W.,  251,  252,  257,  341,  344,  491, 

508,  574. 
Schrader,  O.,  208,  220,  240,  249,  274, 

285,  369,  386,  395,  411,  461,  513,  538, 

542,  548,  582. 
Schrenck,  L.  v.,  267. 
Schumann,  C.,  542,  543. 
Schwarz,  P.,  255,  332,  377,  425,  500,  507, 

511,  512. 

Schweinfurth,  G.,  337,  453. 
Scott,  J.  G.,  563. 
Scythians,  hemp  brought  from  Asia  to 

Europe  by,  294. 
Se-2'wan,  aconite  of,  379;  brassica  of, 

380;  flax  in,  295;  kidney  bean  in,  308; 

Psoralea  in,  484;  species  of  Curcuma 

in,  313;  square  bamboo  of,  536;  sugar 

imported  into,  376;  walnut  in,  266; 

wild  pepper  of,  375. 
Se  S'wan  t'un  &,  501. 
Seals,  made  from  walnut  shells,  268. 
Seidel,  E.,  320,  347,  349,  368,  369,  402, 

443,  446,  522,  551. 
Seligmann,  R.,  194. 
Seres,    name    not    connected    with    a 

Chinese  word  for  "silk,"  538.    I  have 

meanwhile  found  what  I  believe  is 

the  correct  derivation  of  the  word,  on 

which  I  hope  to  report  in  the  near 

future. 
Sesame,  in  Chinese  records,  288-293;  *n 

Pahlavi  literature,  193. 
Seth,  Symeon,  586. 
Shagreen,  575. 
Shah,  acorn  of,  369;  basil  named  for,  586; 

cummin  of,  384. 
Shahrokia,  355,  358. 
Shallot,  303-304. 

Shaw,  R.  B.,  213,  214,  256,  261,  565. 
Shiratori,  326. 
Shiraz,  galbanum  of,  366;  fenugreek  of, 

447;  jasmine  oil  of,  332;  wine  of,  241. 
Si-fan,  200,  20 1,  310. 
Si  Fan,  Western  Barbarians  (not  Tibe- 
tans), 341,  344. 
Si  ho  kiu  §i,  326. 
Si  kin  tsa  ki,  217,  262. 
Si  Si  ki,  520. 
Si  Ts'o-S'i,  325,  326. 
Si  Wan  Mu,  232. 
Si  yan  S'ao  kun  tien  lu,  563. 
Si  yu  ki,  355. 
Si  yu  lu,  286. 
Si  ^u  wen  kien  lu,  341. 
Si-zun,    in    names    of    Iranian    plants, 

synonymous  with  Hu,  203. 


Si  2un,  313,  339,  367,  374~376,  380,  465, 
481,  482,  504,  509  note  10.    See  also 


Siam,   a-wei  ascribed  to,   360  note  2; 

coriander  in,  299;  dye-stuff  of,  316; 

nux-vomica  of,  449;  Psoralea  in,  484 

note  5;  wine  from  sugar  in,  376  note 

5- 

Sian  kwo  ki,  281. 
Siao  Tse-hien,  282. 
Siberia,  alfalfa  in,  219;  Conioselinum  in, 

200. 

Sickenberger,  587. 
Sie  Lin-ft,  216. 
Sie  lo  yu  yuan,  268. 
Silk,  537-539- 
Silphion,  208,  355. 
Sin-ra,  in  Korea,  mint  of,  198;  pine  of, 

269;  silver  of,  510. 
Sin  Wu  Tai  §i,  516. 
Sina,  Ibn,  551. 
Slraf,  374,  377  note  2. 
Skattschkoff,  C.  de,  218. 
Smith,  A.  H.,  234. 
Smith,  F.  P.,  201,  279,  304,  310,  336,  365, 

395,  426,  436,  474,  484,  505. 
Smith,  V.  A.,  540,  569. 
Socotra,  Punica  protopunica  of,  277. 
Sogdiana,  494;  basil  of,  588;  peach  of, 

379;  pistachio  in,  246;  sal  ammoniac 

of,  504,  506;  se-se  of,  516;  visited  by 

Can  K'ien,  211;  viticulture  in,  221. 
Soleiman,  231,  232,  282,  407,  413,  553. 
Solinus,  486,  525. 
Soltania,  Archbishop  of,  419. 
Soubeiran,  J.  L.,  475. 
Soulie",  G.,  491,  520. 
Spain,  basil  brought  by  Arabs  to,  587; 

spinach     cultivated     from     end    of 

eleventh  century  in,  395. 
Spelter,  555. 
Spiegel,  F.,  240,  254,  277,  416,  443,  537, 

570- 

Spinach,  392-398. 
Spinden,  H.  J.,  440. 
Spinel,  575. 
Sprengling,  M.,  435. 
Square  bamboo,  535~537. 
Stachelberg,  R.  v.,  209. 
Stalactites,  21. 
Stapleton,  H.  E.,  505. 
Steel,  515,  575. 

Stein,  Sir  M.  A.,  214,  230,  255,  549,  562. 
Steingass,  F.,  249,  299,  490,  495,  525, 

53i,  545,  55i,  552,  555- 
Storax,  456-460. 
Storbeck,  389. 
Strabo,  208,  212,  222-225,  239,  246,  290, 

355,  372,  390,  405,  412,  431,  462,  541- 
Strange,  G.  le,  277,  294,  332,  374,  390, 

428,  479. 
Strychnine  tree,  448. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Stuart,  G.  A.,  195-197,  200,  216,  236, 
251,  258,  260,  269,  279,  288,  292,  298, 
300,  303-305,  3io,  312-314,  324,  328, 
331,  334-336,  343,  344,  348,  35i,  358, 
360,  361,  365,  379,  382-384,  388,  393, 
394,  399-401,  403,  406,  410,  418,  421, 
426,  428,  439,  446,  448,  456,  458,  464, 

478,  482,  484,  485,  491,  544,  551,  583, 
588. 

Stuhlmann,  F.,  353. 
Stummer,  A.,  220. 
Stumpf,  B.  K.,  S.  J.,  238. 
Sty-rax  benjoin,  464-467. 
Su  &>u  fu  ft,  228. 
Su  Han  Su,  456. 

Su  Kun,  200,  201,  228,  313,  340,  358,  359, 
374-376,  380,  400,  403,  464,  465,  478, 

479,  504,  508,  510,  524. 
Su  K'ien  Su,  527,  537. 
Su  Kwan-k'i,  336. 
Su-le,  376  note  2,  498. 

Su  Piao,  247,  460,  482,  483. 

Su  po  wu  £i,  242,  401. 

Su  Sun,  195-198,  200,  228,  257-259,  264, 
265,  280,  288,  313,  341,  358,  359,  384, 
403,  446,  460,  464,  480,  482,  483,  504, 
505,  508. 

Su  Tin,  234. 

Su  Yi-kien,  561. 

Suarez,  J.,  S.  J.,  238. 

Sugar,  376-377,  576,  584,  596. 

Sugar  beet,  399-400. 

Sui  §u,  1 86,  201,  221,  306,  320,  343,  370, 
372,  374,  376,  378,  379,  385,  455-457, 
460,  462,  467,  470,  485,  487-490,  493, 
496,  503,  505,  5io,  511,  515,  5i6,  521, 
525,  529,  530,  552. 

Sulphur,  575. 

Sumatra,  aloes  from,  480;  cassia  pods  of, 
420;  p'o-so  stone  of,  526;  Styrax 
benjoin  of,  465. 

Sun  Mien,  297. 

Sun  Se-miao,  198,  303,  306. 

Sun  mo  ki  wen,  440. 

Sun  §i,  311,  360,  408,  471,  494. 

Sun  §u,  280,  281,  491,  499. 

Swallow  of  the  Hu,  199. 

Swingle,  W.  T.,  195,  620. 

Syria,  wine  of,  224.   See  Fu-lin. 

Sa-li-Sen,  envoy  from  the  Malayan  Po-se, 

x  477- 
Sahnameh,  224. 

San  hai  kin,  536. 

San  hwa  hien  &,  410,  451. 

San  ku  sin  hwa,  515. 

San-si,  flax  of,  295;  grape- wine  of,  236- 
237;  raisins  produced  in,  231. 

San- tun,  square  bamboo  in,  537;  wal- 
nuts of,  266,  267. 

San  tun  fun  &,  266,  537. 

San  cou  tsun  G,  266. 


San-se  £ou,  grapes  of,  232  note  2. 

San-se  £ou  ci,  409,  418. 

Sen  Hwai-yiian,  491. 

Sen  Kwa,  289. 

Sen  Nun,  548. 

Sen-si,  alfalfa  abundant  in,  217;  walnuts 

of,  265. 

Sen-si  t'un  ci,  484. 
Si  Hu,  280,  306. 
Si  i  lu,  300. 

Si  ki,  191,  194,  221,  231,  326,  537. 
Si  kin,  216. 

Si  leu  kwo  6'un  ts'iu,  232. 
Si  liao  pen  ts'ao,  233,  265,  273,  292,  297, 

303,376. 
Si  Lo,  taboo  placed  on  plant-names  by, 

298,  588. 

Si  min,  201,  493,  558. 
Si  sin  pen  ts'ao,  198. 
Si  wu  ki  yuan,  279,  292,  298,  300,  441. 
Si  yao  er  ya,  504,  507. 
Su  i  ki,  217. 
Su  kien,  468. 
Su  pen  ts'ao,  340. 

Swi  kin  cu,  264,  322,  323,  341,  509. 
Swo  wen,  322,  323,  376. 

al-Ta'alibl,  571. 

Ta-ho,  explanation  of  name,  186. 

Ta  Min,  201,  313,  340,  483,  484. 

Ta  Min  i  t'un  &,  201,  251,  275,  323,  345, 

368,  406,  480,  520,  522. 
Ta  Tail  leu  tien,  512,  521. 
Ta  Tan  si  yu  ki,  240,  282,  304,  412,  488, 

Ta  Ts'in,  the  Hellenistic  Orient,  alum 
from,  475;  amber  of,  521;  coral  of, 
524;  costus  of,  464;  jasmine  and  henna 
from,  329-330,  334;  musicians  and 
jugglers  from,  489;  rugs  of,  492; 
storax  of,  456;  yu-kin,  growing  in,  318. 

Ta  ye  §i  i  lu,  300. 

Ta  Yue-&,  see  Yue-ci. 

Tabashir,  350-352. 

Taboo,  in  the  word  hu-p'o  (amber),  521 
note  9;  plant-names  changed  in  con- 
sequence of,  198,  298,  300,  306,  588. 

Tacitus,  432. 

Takakusu,  317,  359,  379.  382,  469, 
470. 

Tamarind,  582. 

Tamarisk,  339,  348,  367. 

Tamarisk  manna,  348. 

Tan  k'ien  tsun  lu,  331,  441. 

Tanaka,  T.,  207;  note  on  fei  zan  by,  260 
note  2;  notice  on  grape-vine  trans- 
lated from  Japanese  by,  243-245; 
notice  on  walnut  translated  from  Japa- 
nese by,  272-275. 

Tao  i  &  Ho,  344,  510,  519. 


6i4 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Tashkend,  pulse  of,  306;  rice  in,  372; 
wine  in,  221. 

Tavernier,  241,  242,  406,  477,  478. 

Tea,  553-554- —  The  request  of  an  envoy 
from  Arabia  for  tea-leaves  (p.  554) 
meets  its  counterpart  in  a  similar  docu- 
ment recently  translated  by  Sir  E.  D. 
Ross  (New  China  Review,  Vol.  I,  p.  40), 
who  observes,  "It  is  curious  to  note 
from  these  memorials  that  tea,  which 
was  first  brought  to  Europe  toward  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  appears 
to  have  been  in  demand  in  Arabia 
long  before  that  period."  The  ancient 
Chinese  form  of  the  word  for  "tea" 
was  *da,  which,  like  all  initial  dental 
sonants,  could  pass  into  the  palatal 
series  (hence  mediaeval  Chinese  *dza 
and  dialect  of  Wu  dzo),  or  could  be 
changed  into  the  dental  surd  (hence 
dialect  of  Fu-kien  ta,  the  source  of 
our  word  "tea";  Korean  ta,  An- 
namese  tra). 

Tenasserim,  Memecylon  of,  315;  wine 
of,  286. 

Terebinthus,  246,  431. 

Textiles,  Persian,  488-502. 

Theophrastus,  208,  239,  246,  281,  355, 
364,  367,  390,  403,  427,  428,  430-432, 
447,  453,  455,  462,  486,  518,  539,  54', 
542,  548,  586. 

Theophylactus  Simocatta,  532. 

Thiers,  438. 

Thomas,  F.  W.,  545,  592. 

Thomsen,  V.,  592. 

Ti  li  fun  su  ki,  322. 

Tibet,  alfalfa  unknown  in,  218;  almond 
in,  405;  borax  and  tincal  of,  503; 
Brassica  of,  381;  rhubarb  of,  549; 
saffron  imported  into  China  from,  310; 
saffron  not  cultivated  in,  312;  sal 
ammoniac  of,  506;  salt  of,  201 ;  se-se  of, 
516;  woollen  stuffs  of,  497. 

Tien  hai  yu  hen  &,  228,  266,  315,  360, 
463,  466,  512,  520,  568. 

Tien  hi,  491. 

Tigris,  1 86. 

Tincal,  503. 

Tobar,  J    S.  J.,  533,  564. 

Tomaschek,  W.,  212-214,  225,  226,  248, 
261,  495,  496,  540. 

Tonking,  ebony  of,  485. 

Tootnague,  555. 

Tou  Kin,  378. 

Trigonella,  in  Pahlavi  literature,  194. 

Tse  yuan,  298  note  I. 

Tsen  tin  kwan  yu  ki,  251. 

Tsi  yun,  199. 

Tsin  kun  ko  min,  263. 

Tsin  Lun  nan  k'i  ku  cu,  280. 

Tsin  su,  221,  259,  260. 

Tsiu-mo,  vine  in,  222. 

Tsiu  p'u,  378. 


Tso  Se,  280. 

Tsuboi,  K.,  472,  474,  495. 

Tsufi  kin  yin  nie  lun,  291. 

Tu  i  ft,  279. 

Tu  Pao,  300. 

Tu  yan  tsa  pien,  517. 

Tu  Yu,  339. 

Tulip,  192. 

Tun-hwan,    grape- wine    of,    232;    vine 

growing  in,  226. 
Tun  si  yan  k'ao,  360,  526. 
Tun-sun,  286. 

Turf  an,  232,  511 ;  co^on-stuffs  of,  492. 
Turkistan,  grapes  of,  229-230;  originally 

inhabited  by  Iranian  tribes,  from  the 

end  of  the  fourth  '.  entury  settled  by 

Turks,  233. 
Turmeric,  309-323.    • 
Turner,  W.,  261,  396^ 
Turquois,  519-520. 
Twan  C'en-Si,  247,  3;' 15,  364,  407,  423, 

424,  430,  478,  479.  » 
Twan  Kun-lu,  264,  334,  335,  479. 

T'ai  p'in  hwan  yu  ki,  187,  222,  223,  265, 
269,  306,  339,  343,  358,  370,  372,  376, 
378,  379,  38i,  389,  390,  399,  402,  438, 
455,  459,  46o,  468,  475,  489,  493,  496, 
503,  5".  515,  517,  530,  S3',  552. 

T'ai  p'in  yu  Ian,  195,  217,  222,  228,  231- 
233,  258-260,  264,  270,  280,  281,  292, 
305,  307,  393-  457,  46?',  469,  536. 

T'ai  Tsun,  emperor,  instrumental  in  the 
introduction  of  foreign  vegetables  into 
China,  303,  394,  400;  method  of  mak- 
ing grape- wine  introduced  under  reign 
of,  232;  promoting  sugar-industry, 
377;  spinach  introduced  from  Nepal 
under  reign  of,  393;  variety  of 
peach  introduced  under  reign  of,  379. 

T'ai-yuan  fu,  production  of  wine  in,  236. 

T'an,  country,  489. 

T'an  hui  yao,  232,  304,  317,  377,  379, 
393,400,402,478,499. 

T'an  lei  han,  285. 

T'an  pen  cu,  367,  458. 

T'an  pen  ts'ao,  227,  233,  29,  340,  367, 
375,  376,  403,  508.  ' 

T'an  Sen-wei,  204,  250,  258^380,  392. 

T'an  §i,  306. 

T'an  su,  221,  222,  318,  38. ,  393,  402, 
489,  494,  499,  511,  516,  5x7,  525,  593. 

T'an  su  §i  yin,  489.  , 

T'an  Sun  pai  k'un  leu  fie,  250,  260,  265. 

T'an  Ts'ui,  228,  360,  512,  52  "  568. 

T'an  yun,  297,  302. 

T'ao  Hun-kin,  200,  21 1,  227  279,  281, 
288,  289,  292,  302,  325,  335,  400,  442, 
458,  543,  557,  558,  588.  : 

T'ao  hun  kin  cu,  442. 

T'ao  Ku,  401. 

T'ien  lu  §i  yu,  411. 

Ts'ai  Fan-pin,  251. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


615 


Ts'ai  Lun,  563. 

Ts'ai  Yin,  281  note  7. 

Ts'ai  Yun,  565.' 

Ts'ao  Cao,  497. 

Ts'ao  mu  tse,  237,  442. 

Ts'e  fu  yuan  kwei,  304,  379,  393,  400, 

402,  494,  506. 
Ts'i  min  yao  s"u,  191,  211,  230,  247,  258, 

263,  268,  278-281,  288,  297,  300,  311, 
324,  442,  588. 

Ts'ien  Han  su,  187   216,  222,  326,  339, 

521,  523,525,  56  v 
Ts'ien  kin  fan,  198,  306. 
Ts'ien  lian  lu,  232. 
Ts'in  i  lu,  401,  40:*. 
Ts'in  wen  pu  hui, .  16. 
Ts'uan  pu  t'un  &,  562. 
Ts'ui  Fan,  512. 

Ts'ui  Pao,  242,  28  ,  302,  325,  485. 
T'u  kin  pen  ts'a<  ,  195,  196,  198,  257, 

264,  288,  341,  t  ;.6,  483,  504,  524. 
T'un  6i,  196,  199,  ^89,  323,  327,  348,  392. 
T'un  su  wen,  381.  ' 

T'un  tien,  339.     • 
T'un  ya,  260. 

Uigur,  borax  and  sal  ammoniac  sent  by, 
506;  coriander  cultivated  by,  298;  pea 
attributed  to,  306;  taught  the  Chinese 
the  process  of  making  grape-wine, 
232-233;  yitf  ulture  of,  223;  water- 
melon cultivaced  by,  438,  439. 

Uzbeg,  346. 

Valle,  Pietro  della,  567. 

Vambe-ry,  H.,  214,  233,  345,  444,  527. 

Varro,  586. 

Vegetables,  five,  of  strong  odor,  298,  303. 

Veliaminof-Zernof,  565. 

Veltman,  502. 

Venice,  rhubarb  traded  to,  550. 

Verbiest,  P.,  S.  J.,  434. 

Veselovski,  502. 

Vespasian,  432. 

Vetch,  307. 

Vial,  P.,  226,  404,  492. 

Vigne,  G.  T.  216. 

Vigouroux,  3  16. 

Vinegar,  ma  e  from  grapes,  233. 

Violet,  ment  oned  in  Pahlavi  literature, 

192. 

Vissering,  VT.,  562. 
Viticulture,  of  uniform  origin,  220. 
Vullers,  T.  A.,  249,  301,  304,  566. 

Waddell,  L    A.,  Lieut.-Col.,  262,  299, 

558 

Wai  kwo  6wan,  489. 
Ws/nut,  history  of,  254-275;  in  Pahlavi 

literature,  193;  mentioned  by  Can  Ki, 

205. 
Walrus,  referred  to  in  Chinese  Gazetteer 

of  Macao,  567. 


Walrus  ivory,  565-568. 

WamyO-ruiju§0,  244. 

Wan,  a  monk  from  Fu-lin,  359,  424. 

Wan  Cen,  317. 

Wan  Sou  gen  tien,  238. 

Wan  Cen,  307. 

Wan  C'un,  523. 

Wan  Fu,  517. 

Wan  Hao-ku,  198. 

Wan  Ki,  557- 

Wan  Si-mou,  256,  265,  308,  394. 

Wan  Su-ho,  205. 

Wan  Ta-yuan,  344,  510,  519. 

Wan  Tso,  497. 

Wan  Ts'un,  471. 

Wan  Yen-te,  344,  508  note. 

Wan  2en-yu,  527. 

Water-lily,  193. 

Water-melon,  438-445. 

Watt,  G.,  200,  209,  214,  222,  246,  249, 
253,  261,  291,  294,  301,  309,  311,  315, 
321,  338,  342,  347,  349,  350,  357,  365- 

367,  371,  375,  38o,  383,  391,  405,  425, 
426,  445,  451,  452,  455,  462,  475,  478, 
483,  484,  541,  544,  547,  55i,  583-585, 
588. 

Watters,  T.,  213,  285,  304,  311,  326,  329, 

368,  374,  383,  395,  406-408,  410,  434, 

491,  497,  505,  513,  519,  540,  592,  593- 
Weber,  A.,  447. 
Wei  hun  fu  su,  588. 

Wei  lio,  332,  456,  492,  499,  517,  521,  524. 
Wei  si  wen  kien  ki,  520  note  4. 
Wei  2u,  201,  239,  320,  322,  343,  372, 

374,  385,  456,  462,  487,  498,  500,  516, 

52i.  530,  531-533- 
Wen  Cen-hen,  496  note  8. 
Wen  hien  t'un  k'ao,  191. 
Wen  yu  kien  p'in,  394. 
West,  E.  W.,  192,  255,  307,  489,  521,  530. 
Westgate,  J.  M.,  208. 
Wheat,  staple  food  of  ancient  Persians, 

372. 
Wiedemann,  E.,  309,  431,  524,  528,  545, 

555,  556. 

Wieger,  L.,  231,  236,  260,  280,  306. 
Wiesner,  J.,  559,  562. 
Williams,  S.  W.,  361,  425,  426,  499. 
Wilson,  266. 
Wine,  from  flowers,  378;  from  palms, 

290;  from  pomegranate  juice,  286;  see 

grape- wine. 

Woenig,  F.,  299,  337,  400,  453. 
Wood,  521. 
Woodville,  W.,  317. 
Wu,  emperor  of  Han  dynasty,  210. 
Wu,  mint  of,  198. 
Wu-hai,  envoy  from  the  Malayan  Po-se, 

477- 

Wu  Kun,  217,  262,  263. 
Wu  K'i-tsun,  197,  218,  306,  307,  388, 

413,  463,  484. 
Wu  k  siao  §1,  519, 


6i6 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Wu  lu  ti  li  Si,  268. 
Wu  P'u,  548. 

Wu  §i  pen  ts'ao,  200,  292,  526. 
Wu  Si  wai  kwo  Si,  264. 
Wu-sun,  horses  of  the,  210. 
Wu  Tai  hui  yao,  506. 
Wu  Tai  §i,  298,  439,  445,  488. 
Wu  tsa  tsu,  229,  230,  252. 
Wu  Tse-mu,  229,  282. 
Wu  Zen-kie,  195. 
Wu  Zui,  441. 

Wylie,  A.,  205,  234,  251,  254,  262,  265, 
281,  306,  325,  339,  341,  434,  468,  562. 

Xenophon,  223,  224. 

Xerxes,  412,  488. 

Xwarism>  dancing-girls  of,  494. 

Yamanasi,  principal  vine-district  of 
Japan,  244. 

Yamato  honzO,  204,  316,  399,  414,  445. 

Yan  Huan-Si,  217. 

Yan-sa-lo,  389. 

Yan  Sen,  413,  441,  471. 

Yan  Yu,  515. 

Yao  Min-hwi,  295. 

Yao  Se-lien,  316. 

Yao  sin  lun,  280. 

Yaqut,  320,  373,  377,  389,  425,  497,  507, 
509,  547- 

Yarkand,  231. 

Yarkhoto,  343. 

Yates,  488. 

Yavana,  Indian  designation  of  Greeks 
and  other  foreigners,  Chinese  tran- 
scription of,  211  (cf.  also  Pelliot,  Bull, 
de  I'Ecole  frangaise,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  341); 
wine  of,  241. 

Yaxartes,  516;  transcription  of  name  in 
Chinese,  530. 

Ye,  in  Ho-nan,  pomegrante  of,  280,  281. 

Ye  Sun  ki,  280,  306. 

Ye-lu  C'u-ts'ai,  278,  286. 

Ye  T'in-kwei,  363,  459. 

Ye  Tse-k'i,  237,  265,  442. 

Yemen,  nux-vomica  of,  449. 

Yen-Si  Mountain,  326. 

YenSi-ku,  211,  227,  339. 

Yezd,  pistachio  of,  249;  wine  of,  241. 

Yi  ts'ie  kin  yin  i,  240,  258,  297,  315,  457, 
489,  492. 

Yi  Tsin,  317,  359,  379,  380,  382. 

Yi  wu  Si,  524. 

Yin-p'in,  walnuts  of,  264,  268. 

Yin  san  Sen  yao,  236,  252,  303,  305,  361, 

Yin  Sao,  322. 

Yin  yai  §en  Ian,  405,  443,  497. 


Yo  Si,  265. 
Yu  k'ie  §i  ti  lun,  457. 
Yu-lin  district,  322. 
Yu  sie  §i  Sun  su,  326. 
Yu  ti  yun  §u,  278. 
Yu-wen  Tin,  229. 

Yu  yan  tsa  tsu,  204,  228,  242,  247,  248, 
264,  265,  270,  278,  283,  330-332,  334, 

345,  349,  358,  363,  365,  367-369,  374, 
385,  386,  399,  400,  407,  4io,  412,  413, 
415,  417,  418,  420,  421,  423,  427-429, 
432,  433,  435,  46i,  462,  466,  473,  476, 
478,  479. 

Yu  yen  wan  su,  326. 

Yu-yue,  not  a  transcription  of  Yavana, 

211. 

Yuan,  Emperor,  222,  417. 

Yuan  S'ao  pi  §i,  495. 

Yuan  kien  lei  han,  280-282. 

Yuan  §i,  217,  496,  518,  519,  533,  562. 

Yuan  tien  San,  236. 

Yuan  Wen,  394. 

Yuan  Yin,  258. 

Yue-Si,  21 1 ;  wine  of,  222. 

Yule,  H.,  236,  252,  310,  311,  319,  324, 

346,  352,  377,  419,  442,  455,  474,  496, 
497,  503,  509,  521,  528,  539,  544-546, 
549,  552-555,  56o,  564,  565,  583,  590, 
593- 

Yun  Ho,  298  note  I. 

Yun-nan,  Ai-lao  of,  489;  amber  of,  523; 
ancient  trade-route  to  India,  535; 
asafcetida  in,  359,  360  note  2;  cassia 
of,  425;  costus  root  of,  463;  cotton  of, 
491;  ebony  of,  485;  fig  of,  413-414;  in 
communication  with  Ta  Ts'in  by  way 
of  India,  489;  pepper  of,  375;  pome- 
granate of,  286;  precious  stones  of, 
568;  silver  of,  510;  spikenard  of,  456; 
square  bamboo  of,  535;  Styrax  ben- 
join  of,  466;  t'ou-s"i  of,  512;  turquois- 
mines  of,  519,  520;  walnut  in,  266; 
wild  walnut  in,  267,  270. 

Yun-nan  ki,  231. 

Zanzibar,  ginger  of,  545,  583. 
Zedoary,  544. 
Zimmer,  H.,  455. 
Zinc,  511-515,  555. 
Zoroaster,  525. 
Zotenberg,  H.,  571. 

Zamtsarano,  564. 

Zen  Fan,  217. 

Zi  hwa  Su  kia  pen  ts'ao,  483. 

Zi  yun  pen  ts'ao,  441. 

,  200,  201,  305,  306,  313,  367- 


BOTANICAL  INDEX 


Abrus  precatorius  215 

Acacia  catechu  481 

Aconitum  ferox  582 

Aconitum  fischeri  379 

Acorus  calamus  583 

Actea  spicata  400 

Agallochum  463 

Aleurites  triloba  263,  408 

Alhagi  camelorum  346,  347 

Alhagi  maurorum  347 

Allium  ascalonicum  304 

Allium  fistulosum  303 

Allium  odorum  483,  484 

Allium  porrum  304 

Allium  sativum  302,  427 

Allium  scorodoprasum  205,  259,  302 

Aloe  abyssinica  480 

Aloe  perryi  480 

Aloe  vulgaris  480 

Aloexylon  agallochum  580 

Alpinia  galanga  545,  546 

Alpinia  globosum  242 

Alpinia  officinarum  546 

Althaea  rosea  551 

Altingia  excelsa  459 

Amarantus  195 

Amomum  482 

Amomum  granum  paradisi  584 

Amomum  melegueta  584 

Amomum  villosum  481 

Amomum  xanthioides  481 

Amomum  zingiber  545 

Amygdalus  cochinchinensis  407 

Amygdalus  communis  405,  406 

Amygdalus  coparia  405 

Amygdalus  persica  539 

Amyris  543 

Amyris  gileadensis  429,  430 

Andropogon  nardoides  455 

Angelica  anomala  358 

Angelica  decursiva  196 

Antiaris  450 

Apium  graveolens  401 ,  402 

Apium  petroselinum  102 

Aplotaxis  auriculata  464 

Apocynum  syriacum  349 

Areca  catechu  584 

Aristolochia  kaempferi  464 

Artocarpus  integrifolia  479 

Astragalus  adscendens  348 

Astragalus  florulentus  348 

Atraphaxis  spinosa  347 

Atriplex  L.  397 

Atropa  belladonna  585 

Atropa  mandragora  585 

Aucklandia  costus  462 


Averrhoa  carambola  415 

Baliospermum  montanum  583 

Balsamodendron  giliadense  429 

Balsamodendron  mukul  462,  467 

Balsamodendron  pubescens  462,  467 

Bambusa  arundinacea  350 

Bambusa  quadrangularis  535 

Barkhausia  200 

Barkhausia  repens  199 

Basella  rubra  324-328,  336 

Benincasa  cerifera  439,  443,  445 

Beta  bengalensis  397 

Beta  maritima  397 

Beta  vulgaris  399,  400 

Betula  alba  553 

Bombax  malabaricum  491 

Borassus  flabelliformis  536 

Boswellia  470 

Boswellia  serrata  467 

Boswellia  thurifera  585 

Brassica  capitata  381 

Brassica  caulozapa  381 

Brassica  cypria  380 

Brassica  marina  380 

Brassica  napus  381 

Brassica  rapa  199,  381 

Brassica  rapa-depressa  381,  429 

Brassica  silvestris  380 

Broussonetia  papyrifera  558,  560 

Brunella  vulgaris  200 

Bupleurum  falcatum  196 

Butea  frondosa  328 

Caesalpinia  bonducella  583 

Camellia  oleifera  251 

Camellia  theifera  553,  554 

Canarium  album  417 

Canarium  commune  269,  479 

Canarium  pimela  417 

Canavallia  ensiformis  426 

Cannabis  sativa  289,  291,  403,  562,  582 

Capsella  bursa-pastoris  427 

Cardamomum  malabaricum  585 

Cardamomum  minus  585 

Carthamus  tinctorius  309,  310,  312,  318, 

324,  325,  327,  393 
Carum  bulbpcastanum  383 
Carum  carui  383,  384 
Gary  a  cathayensis  271  f 
Caryophyllus  aromaticus  222,  584 
Cassia  fistula  421-426,  472 
Cassia  tora  582 
Castanea  vulgaris  369 
Catalpa  bungei  271 
Cathartocarpus  425 


617 


6i8 


BOTANICAL  INDEX 


Cathartocarpus  fistula  421 
Cedrus  deodara  583 
Ceratonia  siliqua  424 
Chamaerops  excelsa  387 
Chavica  betel  375 
Chavica  roxburghii  375 
Chenopodium  botrys  226 
Cichorium  400-402 
Cichorium  endivia  401 
Cinnamomum  cassia  323,  543 
Cinnamomum  tamala  583 
Cinnamomum  zeylanicum  541 
Citrullus  vulgaris  438 
Citrus  chirocarpus  260 
Citrus  grandis  195,  280,  415 
Citrus  medica  301,  420,  581 
Cnidium  monnieri  329 
Cocos  nucifera  585 
Commiphora  opobalsamum  429 
Commiphora  roxburghii  467 
Conioselinum  univittatum  200 
Convolvulus  reptans  395 
Convolvulus  scammonia  584 
Convolvulus  turpethum  584 
Coptis  teeta  199,  546,  547 
Corallium  rubrum  523 
Coriandrum  sativum  297 
Corydalis  ambigua  197 
Corylus  heterophylla  247 
Costus  amarus  584 
Costus  speciosus  584 
Cotoneaster  nummularia  347 
Crocus  sativus  309-312,  314,  316 
Crocus   tibetanus    (alleged   name, 

species  does  not  exist)  312 
Croton  jamalgota  583 
Croton  polyandrus  583 
Croton  tiglium  448,  583 
Cucumis  melo  440,  443 
Cucumis  sativus  300 
Cucurbita  citrullus  438 
Cucurbitacea  301,  440,  463 
Cuminum  cyminum  383 
Curcuma  aromatica  583 
Curcuma  leucorrhiza  312,  313 
Curcuma  longa  312-314,  318 
Curcuma  pallida  313 
Curcuma  petiolata  313 
Curcuma  zedoaria  313,  544,  583 
Cycas  reyoluta  386,  388 
Cydonia  indica  (doubtful  name)  584 
Cydonia  vulgaris  584 

Datura  585 
Datura  metel  582 
Daucus  carota  451-453 
Daucus  maximus  453 
Diospyros  ebenaster  486 
Diospyros  ebenum  485 
Diospyros  embryopteris  215 
Diospyros  kaki  215,  234 
Diospyros  lotus  435 
Diospyros  melanoxylon  485 


this 


Diospyros  tomentosa  588 
Dorema  anchezi  365 
Dryobalanops  aromatica  478 

Elaeagnus  longipes  197 
Elaeagnus  pungens  197 
Elettaria  cardamomum  585 
Embelia  ribes  582 
Emblica  officinalis  581 
Eriobotrya  japonica  311 
Eryngium  campestre  454 
Erythrina  478 
Euryangium  315 

Faba  sativa  307 
Faba  vulgaris  307 
Ferula  alliacea  353,  357 
Ferula  erubescens  365 
Ferula  foetida  353 
Ferula  galbaniflua  365 
Ferula  narthex  353,  362 
Ferula  persica  353,  366 
Ferula  rubricaulis  365 
Ferula  schair  366 
Ferula  scorodosma  353 
Ferula  sumbul  315 
Ficus  carica  410,  412,  413 
Ficus  glomerata  412 
Ficus  johannis  412 
Ficus  retusa  435 
Flacourtia  cataphracta  584 
Flemingia  congesta  316 
Foeniculum  vulgare  383 
Fraxinus  ornus  343 

Gardenia  florida  311 
Gariophyllatum  589 
Gelsemium  elegans  196 
Gleditschia  sinensis  403,  420,  426 
Glycine  hispida  305 
Glycine  labialis  585 
Gossypium  herbaceum  491 
Guilandina  bonduc  583 
Gymnocladus  sinensis  420,  426 

Hedysarum  586 
Hedysarum  alhagi  343 
Hedysarum  semenowi  344 
Hibiscus  mutabilis  311,  316,  317 
Hibiscus  Rosa  sinensis  561 
Hyoscyamus  582 

Impatiens  balsamina  335,  336 
Indigofera  linifolia  370 
Indigofera  tinctoria  370,  371,  585 
Inula  britannica  335 
Inula  chinensis  334,  335 
Ipomoea  aquatica  196 
Ipomoea  turpethum  584 
Iris  pseudacorus  583 
I  sis  nobilis  523 

Jasminum  grandiflorum  332,  334 


BOTANICAL  INDEX 


619 


Jasminum  officinale  329,  332 
Jasminum  sambac  329,  332 
Juglans  camirium  266 
"uglans  catappa  266 

uglans  cathayensis  266,  269,  479 

uglans  cordiformis  274 

uglans  mandshurica  Dode  266,  267 

uglans  plerococca  Roxb.  261 

uglans  pterocarpa  255 

uglans  regia  254,  255,  260,  261,  263, 

265,  266,  272,  273 
Juglans  sieboldiana  273 

Kaempferia  galanga  427 
Kaempferia  pundurata  313 
Killingea  monocephala  544 


Lactuca  sativa  401,  402 

Lagenaria  vulgaris  197,  440 

Lampsana  apogonoides  297 

Lathyrus  586 

Laurus  camphora  368,  585 

Laurus  cassica  584 

Laurus  cinn*nomum  583 

Lawsonia  alba  329,  332,  334,  338 

Lawsonia  inennis  334 

Lindera  glauca  375 

Linum  nutans  296 

Linum  perenne  296 

Linum  possarioides  296 

Linum  sativum  296 

Linum  stelleroides  296 

Linum  usitatissimum  289,  294,  295 

Liquidambar  altingiana  459 

Liquidambar  orientalis  365,  456 

Luff  a  cylindrica  463 

Magnolia  589 

Mallotus  philippinensis  316 

Mangifera  indica  552 

Medicago  agrestis  218 

Medicago  arborea  431 

Medicago  denticulata  217,  218 

Medicago  falcata  218,  219 

Medicago  lupulina  218,  219 

Medicago  minima  218 

Medicago  platycarpa  219 

Medicago  sativa  208-210,  213,  215,  216, 
218,  219 

Melia  azadiracta  581 

Memecylon  capitellatum  315 

Memecylon  edule  315 

Memecylon  tinctorium  309,  314-316 

Mentha  arvensis  (aquatica)  198 

Michelia  champaca  290 

Mirabilis  jalapa  328.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  this  species  is  not  mentioned  in 
the  Pen  ts'ao,  for  it  is  a  plant  of 
American  origin,  and  was  not  known 
in  China  during  the  sixteenth  century. 
Its  history  will  be  dealt  with  in  my 
Cultivated  Plants  of  America. 

Momordica  cochinchinensis  448 


Morus  alba  339,  560,  563,  582 
Morus  indica  582 
Morus  nigra  563,  582 
Mucuna  capitata  305 
Mulgedium  sibiriacum  292 
Myristica  fragrans  582 
Myristica  moschata  582,  584 
Myristica  officinalis  582 
Myrtus  communis  460 

Narcissus  tazetta  427,  428 
Nardostachys  jatamansi  215,  455 
Nardus  indica  455 
Nasturcium  aquaticum  433 
Nelumbium  speciosum  317,  581 
Nelumbp  nucifera  581 
Nigella  indica  215 
Nyctanthes  arbor  tristis  331 
Nymphaea  alba  585 
Nymphaea  lotus  585 

Ocimum  album  587 

Ocimum  basilicum  300,  586-588,  590 

Ocimum  gratissimum  589,  590 

Ocimum  sanctum  590 

Ocimum  vulgare  589 

Olea  europaea  415,  416 

Olibanum  581 

Ophiopogon  spicatus  317 

Origanum  dictamnus  585 

Origanum  marjorana  585 

Orithia  edulis  439 

Ornus  europaea  345 

Oryza  sativa  581 

Osmanthus  fragrans  336 

Pachyrhizus  angulatus  351 
Pachyrhizus  thunbergianus  242,  311 
Panictim  miliaceum  540,  565,  595 
Patrinia  villosa  328 
Paulownia  imperialis  339 
Peucedanum  decursivum  199 
Phaseolus  mungo  308,  585 
Phaseolus  radiatus  585 
Phoenix  dactylifera  385,  391 
Phoenix  sylvestris  391 
Phragmites  communis  536 
Phyllanthus  emblica  378,  551,  581 
Phyllpstachys  quadrangularis  535 
Pimpinella  anisum  196,  200 
Pinus  bungeana  365 
Pinus  deodara  583 
Pinus  gerardiana  260 
Pinus  koraiensis  269 
Pinus  larix  346 
Piper  betle  582 
Piper  longum  375,  479,  583 
Piper  nigrum  374,  429,  584 
Pistacia  acuminata  246,  249 
Pistacia  chinensis  250 
Pistacia  lentiscus  252 
Pistacia  mutica  250 
Pistacia  sylvestris  249 


620 


BOTANICAL  INDEX 


Pistacia  terebinthus  246,  250 

Pistacia  vera  246,  250,  251 

Pisum  sativum  305 

Polygonum  tinctorium  325,  371 

Polypodium  fortune!  195 

Poncirus  trifoliata  227.  It  is  the  trifoliate 
orange  common  in  northern  China 
and  Japan,  and  usually  called  Citrus 
trifoliata.  The  name  Poncirus  has 
been  re-introduced  by  W.  T.  Swingle 
(in  Sargent,  Plantae  Wilsonianae, 
Vol.  II,  pp.  135-137). 

Pongamia  glabra  581 

Populus  balsamifera  339,  342 

Populus  euphratica  341 

Prunus  amygdalus  405,  406 

Prunus  armeniaca  539 

Prunus  davidiana  408 

Prunus  domestica  216 

Prunus  persica  408 

Prunus  triflora  552 

Psoralea  corylifolia  483,  484 

Pterocarpus  santalinus  459,  584 

Punica  granatum  276 

Punica  protopunica  277 

Quercus  cuspidata  471 

Quercus  lusitanica  var.  infectoria  367 

Quercus  persica  349 

Quercus  vallonea  Kotschy  349 

Ranunculus  ficaria  546 
Raphanus  381 
Raphanus  sativus  446 
Rehmannia  glutinosa  195 
Rheum  emodi  551 
Rheum  officinale  548 
Rheum  palmatum  548 
Rheum  ribes  547,  549,  550 
Rheum  spiciforme  547 
Rhus  toxicodendron  196 
Rhus  vernificera  274 
Ricinus  communis  403,  482 
Rosa  banksia  464 
Rosa  rugosa  217 

Saccharum  officinarum  376,  584 
Sago  rumphii  385 
SaHsburia  adiantifolia  251,  388 
Santalum  album  552,  584 
Sapindus  mukorossi  551,  583 
Sapindus  trifoliatus  583 
Saussurea  lappa  462,  463,  584 
Schizandra  chinensis  229 
Scorodosma  foetidum  353-355 
Sedum  erythrostictum  400 
Semecarpus  anacardium  482,  582 


Sesamum  indicum  289-292,  295 
Sesamum  orientale  288 
Setaria  italica  glutinosa  565 
Setaria  viridis  339 
Sinapis  alba  380 
Sinapis  juncea  380 
Smilax  pseudochina  556 
Sonchus  400,  401 
Sophora  426 
Spanachea  396 
Spinacia  oleracea  392 
Spinacia  tetandra  397 
Spondias  amara  551 
Sterculia  platanifolia  242,  339 
Strychnos  nux-vomica  448,  449 
Sty  rax  japonica  417 
Sty  rax  officinalis  456,  459 

Tamarindus  indica  426,  581,  582 
Tamarix  chinensis  339 
Tamarix  gallica  348 
Taraxacum  officinalis  325 
Terminalia  belerica  378,  581 
Terminalia  chebula  378,  581 
Thalictrum  foliosum  547 
Thapsia  garganica  355 
Torreya  nucifera  251 
Tribulus  terrestris  393 
Trifolium  giganteum  215 
Trigonella  foenum  graecum  216,  446 
Tulipa  gesneriana  314 

Ulmus  campestris  334,  439 
Ulmus  macrocarpa  439 
Ulmus  montana  439 
Ulmus  suberosa  439 

Valeriana  jatamansi  455,  584 

Valeriana  sisymbrifolia  455 

Vicia  faba  307 

Viola  pinnata  196 

Vitis  bryoniaefolia  227 

Vitis  coignetiae  244,  245 

Vitis  filifolia  243 

Vitis  flexuosa  245 

Vitis  labrusca  227 

Vitis  saccharifera  245 

Vitis  thunbergii  243,  245 

Vitis  vinifera  220,  221,  227,  243,  244 

Winterania  canella  580 

Zanthoxylum  252,  374 
Zanthoxylum  setosum  375 
Zingiber  officinale  545,  583 
Zizyphus  lotus  478 
Zizyphus  vulgaris  385,  552 


INDEX  OF  WORDS 


Iranian,  Indian,  Mongol  and  other  words  reconstructed  on  the  basis  of  Chinese  transcriptions  are 

provided  with  an  asterisk. 


Afghan  629 
Arabic  625 
Aramaic  626 
Armenian  629 
Baluci  629 
Chinese  621 
Ferganian  627 
Fu-lin  626 
Greek  630 
Hebrew  626 
Hindustani  62 7 
Japanese  623 
Javanese  624 
Kurd  629 
Malayan  624 

Chinese 

a-lo-p'o  420,  421 
a-sa-na  hian  455,  456 
a-t'i-mu-to-k'ie  290 
a-wei  358,  361 
a-yii-tsie  359,  361 
a-yue  247,  248 
a-yiie-hun  247,  248 
a-zi  410 
an-lo  552 

2a-ta  527 
£en-t'ou-kia  215 
Ci  ma  293 
Co-pi  493 
£u-c6  376 
£u-mu-la  518 

c^a-ku-mo  318 
6'a  mu  250 
£'ui-hu-ken  196 

fan  mu-pie  448 
fan-pu-§wai  531 
fei-zan  260 
fou-lan-lo-lo  588 
fu  lo-po  451  note  3 
fu-t'u  ts'ai  402 

hai  liu  284  note  2 
hai-na  336 
han-hue  210 
hei-nan  473 
hian  ts'ai  298 
hin-kii  361 
hiun-k'iun  200 
ho-li-lo  378 
ho  t'ao,  hu  t'ao  256 
hu  fen  201 


Alphabetical  Index  of  Languages 

Manchu  623 
Middle  Persian  627 
Mongol  623 
New  Persian  628 
Old  Iranian  627 
Pamir  629 
Portuguese  630 
Russian  630 
Sanskrit  626 
Sogdian  628 
Spanish  630 
Syriac  626 
Tibetan  624 
Turkish  624 
Uigur  624 

hu  hien  195 

hu  hwan  lien  199 

hu  kan  kian  201 

hu  kiai  380 

hu  k'ian  si  £e  199 

hu  k'in  196,  400 

hu  kiu-tse  483 

hu  kwa  300 

hu-lo  503 

hu  lo-po  451 

hu-lu-pa  202,  446 

hu  ma  288,  290-292 

hu-man  196 

hu-man  385 

hu  mien  man  195 

hu-na  496 

hu  pa-ho  198 

hu-sa  305 

hu  Sen  195 

hu-swi  202,  297,  298 

hu  tou  197,  305,  307 

hu  ts'ai  199,  202,  381 

hu  ts'un  303 

hu  t'ui-tse  197 

hu  t'un  lei -202,  339 

hu  wan  si  £e  199 

hu-ye-yen-mo  420,  423 

hu  yen  201 

hu  yen-&  327,  328 

hui-hu  tou  305 

hui-hui  tou  197,  307 

hui-hui  ts'un  303 

hun  248 

hun-t'i  303,  304 

hun-t'o  ts'ai  304 

hun  hwa  310 

hun-ku  358 

hwan  kwa  300 

hwan-lien  547 

621 


hwan-p'o-nai  197 
hwo  mao  siu  499 
hwo-§i-k'o  pa-tu  448 
hwo-si-la  448 

i-lan  404 
i-muk-i  486 
i-ts'at  530 

kan  hian  455 
kan-lan  417,  460 
kan-sun  hian  215,  428 
ken  ta  ts'ai  399 
kian-hwan  313 
kiao  ma  300  note  4 
kin-hwa  539 
kin  tsin  520 
ko47i 
ku-£un  491 
ku-pei  491 

ku-pu-p'o-lu  479  note  I 
ku-sui-pu  195 
ku-tu  565 
ku-lin-kia  216 
ku-§en  290-292 
kun-t'a  399 
kwo  tou  306 

k'ian  hwo  199 
k'ian  t'ao  259 
k'ian  ts'in  199 
k'ie-p'o-lo  343 
k'u-lu-ma  385 
k'u-man  385 
k'u-mi-6'e  215 
K'u-sa-ho  529 
k'u  §i  pa  tou  448 

lan-6'i  520 


V 


622 


INDEX  OF  WORDS 


len-fan-t'wan  556 

po-tie  489-492 

t'a-ten  492 

li  tou  305 

po  ts'ai  394 

fan  496 

liu  tou  306 

pu-hwei-mu  500 

t'ien-£u  hwan  350 

lo-k'ia  476 

pu-ku-£i  483 

t'ien  ma  210 

lo-wan-tse  426 

t'o-te  378 

lu-tu-tse,  plant-name  de- 

p'i-li-lo 378 

fou-§i  511,  513 

rived  from  a  language 

p'i-Si-Sa  330,  334,  335 

t'u  hun  hwa  311  note  I 

of  the  Man,  197 

p'i-ts'i  363 

t'u-lin  282 

lu-wei  480,  481 

p'ien  ho  t'ao  268 

ma  kia  £u  516 

p'o-lo-pa-tsao  393  note  4 
p'o-lo-te  482 

tsa-fu-lan  311 
tse-kun  327,  476-478 

ma-k'in  196 

p'o-so  525 

tse-mo  kin  509 

ma  lei  305 

p'o-tan  406 

tse  p'u-t'ao  228 

ma-se-ta-ki  252 

p'u-lo  497 

tse-t'an  459 

ma-Su  313 

p'u-t'ao  225 

tsiu-pei-t'en  242 

ma  ts'ien-tse  448 

p'u-t'ui-tse  197 

tso-pi(p'i)  493 

ma  zu  p'u-t'ao  228,  232 

tsu-mu-lu  518 

man  hu  t'ao  270 
man  hwa  332 
mi  hian  462 
mi-li-ye  241 
mi-to-sen,  mu-to-sen  508 

sa-fa-lan  311 
sa-ha-la,  so-ha-la  496 
sa-pao  529 
sai-pi-li-k'ie  214 
san-lo  tsian  378 

ts'an  tou  307 
ts'ao  lun  5u  228 
ts'e-hu  196 
ts'e-mou-lo  384 

mo-hu-t'an  531 
mo-li  329,  330 
mo-lo-k'ie-t'o  518 
mo-so  526 
mo-t'o  241 
mo-tsei  368 
mu  hian  462 
mu-nu  471 

se  kio   (botanical  term), 
pointed,     oblong     (of 
leaves),  466  note  6. 
se-se  516 
si  kwa  438,  439,  445 
sie-po-p'o  533 
so-lo  491 
so-Sa-mi  481 

ts'i-t'un  4^5 
ts'ien-hu  196 
ts'ien  nien  tsao  385 
ts'in  mu  hian  462 
ts'ifi  tai  370,  371 
ts'in  zan  292 
ts'iu  p'i  271 
ts'o  ts'ai  400 

mu-su  212 

so-so  229 

wo-ku  401,  402 

su-ho  456 

1        i 
wu  hwa  kwo  411 

na-ho  tou  197  note  3,  307 

su-lo  240 

wu-kia  308 

nai-k'i  427 

su-tu-lu-kia  457 

wu-lou  386 

nan  tou  308 

wu-men  485 

nao-Sa  503 

Sa  kwo  234  note  2 

wu  min  mu  247 

ni-hu-han  532 

Sa-mu-lu  368 

wu  pa-  ho  198 

niu  k'in  196 

Sa  p'en  234 

wu-t'un  kien  339 

nu  hwi  481 

Sa-ye  530 

nan-si  hian  464-467 
nan  Si  liu  278,  284 
no-lo-ho-ti  532 
nu-se-ta  533 

pa-Ian  408 
pa-lu  368,  369 
pai-nan  473 
pan-han-5'un  197 
pan-mi  376 
Pei-t'in  §a  504 
pi-lu  519 
pi-po  375 
pi-se-tan  251 
pi-si  568 

pin  515 
po-ho  198 
po-lin  392,  397 
po-lo-§i  254 
Po-se  fan  475 
Po-se  kan-lan  418 
Po-se  tsao  203,  385 
Po-se  ts'ai  394 


§an-hu  525 

San  hu  t'ao  267 

§an-hu  ts'ai  394 

ge-mo-k'ie  200  note  6 

Si  hu  t'ao  270 

Si  liu  279,  284 

Si-lo  383 

Si-lu  510 

Si-mi  376 

Sou-ti  200 

Su-hu-lan  196 

Swi  tsiri  p'u-t'ao  228 

ta  ken  ts'ai  399 
ta-lan-ku-pin  345 
ta  pien  fen  409 
ta-p'en  Sa  506 
tan-zo  283 
ti-pei-p'o  532 
ti  yen  504 
tou-lou-p'o  457 
tu  hwo  199 
tu-lu-se-kien  458 
tun-mou  523 


ya  ma  295 

ya-pu-lu  447 

yan-kwei  361 

yaft-mai  509.  This  word 
is  derived  from  the 
language  of  the  Cham, 
and  is  identified  with 
the  term  tse-mo  kin  in 
theNanTs'iSu,Ch.58, 
p.  3b. 

yan  ts'e  343 

ye-si-mi  330,  331 

ye-si-min  329-331 

yen-Si  324-328 

yen  hu  su  197 

yen-lu  510 

yi  tien  ts'ao  399 

yin-wu  ts'ai  394 

yin-vu  227 

yin-zi  410 

yu  ma  289 

yu-kin  312,  314,  316,  317, 
explanation  of  term, 
321-323 


INDEX  OF  WORDS 


623 


yu-kin  hian  314,  317 

sankaku-dzuru  245 

b6riya  575 

yii  liu  282 

sankakuto  273 

bus  574 

yu-t'an-po  411 

soramame  307 

yue  no  493~496 

sugO  456 

ditun  jimin  416 

gitan  459  note  I 

darkan,  darxan  593 

Japanese 

gokai  274 

debter  564 

gukugamitsu  481 

dsaran  575 

agetsu-kongi  250 

aka-goma  296 

teuCi-gurumi  274 

Esroa  572 

ama  295 

to-kurimi  273 

ama-dzuru  245 

tsuta-urugi  196  note  8 

gad-pu-ra,  gabur  591 

gangsa  577 

banzai-gi  273 

yama-budO  245 

budo  225,  243 

yama-gurumi  273 

irbis  579 

yebikadzura  243 

6insO-gurumi  274 
£osen-kurimi  273 

zakuro  285 

jildunur  509 
jirukba  198  note  I 

&5sen-matsu  269  note  I 
&5sen-modama-rabOgi  426 

kuben  574 
kugur,  kukur  575 

cflseki  513 

Manchu 

marba  235 

ebi-dzuru  243,  245 

arc"an  235 

maga  585 

ebi-kadzura  243,  244 
ego-no-ki  417 

boso  574 
buleri,  buren  575 
&bahanc"i  573 

mirba  235 
nal575 

fusudasu,  fusudasiu  250, 

CirCan  509 

naligam  591 

2SI 

debtelin  564 

nom  574 

dungga(n)  441 

nomin  521 

goma  295 

farsa  198  note  I 

gonroku-gurumi  274 

hime-gurumi  273,  274 
ho-no-ki  588 

kubun  574 
kulun,  related  to  Hiun-nu 
k'i-lien,  326  note  8 
kuru  235 

sagari,  sarisu  575 
suburgan  573 

gibagantsa  573 

mase  267 

gikar  576 

i&jiku  411,  414 

monggo  Sibin  199 

gimnus  573 

i&nen-ama  295 

morxo  218 

gingun  362 

ingu  361 

nomin  521 

giradsa  235 

inu-ebi  243 

nomun  574 

girgek  538 

sarin  575 

kami  559 

sirge  538 

takpa  235 

karasu-gurumi  274 
kariroku  378 
koroha  446 

gempi  575 
toxai  578 
ulusun  416,  417 

tarbus  444 
tikpa  235 
titim  573 

ko§0  374 

xalxori  591 

torga(n)  502 

koto  273,  339 

xengke  441 

tos  575 

xdba  523 

toti  575 

matsuba-nadegiko  296 
matsuba-ninjin  296 

xosixa  266 
xowalama  usixa  267 

tsagasun  559 
turma  574 

me-gurumi  274 

mirura  462 

Mongol 

ubasantsa  573 

namban-saikaft  422 

anar  574 

*yin£an  362 

ninjin  451 

aradsa  235 

nume-goma  296 

araki  235-237 

*xasini  361,  575 

xatun  xariyatsai  199 

ogurumi  274 

bag  575 

xoradsa  235 

okkoromi  274 
oni-gurumi  272,  273 

bagdar  575 
bodso  575 

Xormusda  572 
xuba  523 

oreifu  417 

bogda  576 

xurut  235 

bolot  575 

xusiga  266 

safuran  311 

bor  235 

sakuboku  250 

boradsa  235 

zira  575 

624 


INDEX  OF  WORDS 


Uigur 

min-lan-za  578 

deb-t'er  564 

badam  407 
borgu  575 
boz  574 
dargan  594 
darka&  594 
kagas,  kagat  559 
karpuz  444 
kavyn,  kogun,  kaun  443 
kubik  523 
mur£  374  note  8 
nara  285,  574 
nom,  num  574 
6zum  233 
qadan  553 
sakparan  312  note  I 
supurgan  573 
srnnu  573 

nahal  579 

palas  579 
pan  578 
pilta  595 

qalmaq  qarlogac*  199 
qarpuz  444 
qawa  578 
qawa(q)  443 

sai-pun  578 
sozuq  saivl  230 
§um-pO  578 

tarbuz  444 

dri-bzan  312 
pir-fi  595 
span  spos  455 
spo  ts'od  398 
p'a-tin  407  note  3 
p'o-lo-lin  198  note  I 
p'rug  497 
ba-dan  596 
ba-dam  407 
ba-ts'wa  503 
ban-de  592 
bal-poi  seu  §in  286 
beg-tse  575 
bug-sug  212 
byi-rug-pa  198  note  I 
sburlen  521  note  II 
ma-§a  585 

torgu  502 

•fntT  C7C 

tarxan  592-594 
tl-za  578 

mu-men  521 
mon  sran  rdeu  308 

ion  575 
tuk565 
upasan£  573 
zmuran,  zmurna  461  note 

ton  578 
ton-kai  578 
torgu,  torka  502,  539 
tung  578 

ts'a-la  503 
zi-ra  575 
ze-ts'wa  503 
u-su  299 

tuiift  bak  578 

ol  218 

Turkish 

tupak  595 

yun-ba  314 
yuns-kar  380 

bids,  beda  214 

xoz  256 

ru-rta  463 

boru  575 

ga-ka-ma  312,  318 

yada  527 

Sin-kun  362,  591 

San  578 

yantaq  345 

§eg  595 

Can  578 

yan-xO  578 

so-ra  503 

Sin-say  579 

yan-yO  578 

§og-bu  559 

&za  579 

yangza  578 

sag-ri  575 

yilpisv579 

sag-lad  498 

da-dir  578 

yondze  209 

sip,  sup  362 

dan  578 
dan-za  578 

yulgun  348  note  7 
*yunmasu  299 

se-mo-do  595 
sendha-pa  592 

d6wa  579 

gser-zil  509 

fistiq  252 

zummurat  579 

hin  362 

gO-sl  578 

'a-ru-ra  378 

7anza  576 

Tibetan 

harbuz  444 
ipak  539 
Jin  579 
joza  578 
ju-xai  gul  577 
jiisai  578 

kaden  553 
kagat,  kagaz  559 
kandir  294 
karpuz  444 
ki§mi§  231,  241,  299 
koz  256 

kun-ta  595 
kur-kum  321 
skyer-pa  314 
k'a-ra  596 
k'ra-rtse  595 
ga-bur  591 
gan-zag  577 
gur-kum  312,  321 
go-byi-la  449 
gyi-gyi  k'ug-rta  199 
rgya  ts'wa  508 
Cu-li  540  note  I 

Javanese 

item  473 
jarak  404 
kenari  269 
kurma  386 
laka  476  note  9 
lena  290  note  9 
madu  461  note  5 
mefian  465 
sulasih  590 
tulasih  590 

5'i-tun  siu  416 

la-tai  578 

tarbuz  444 

Malayan 

la-za  578 

star-ka  260 

lobo  579 

t'ai  rje  595 

angu  361 

t'e-k'ei-gan  578 

dellma  283 

manto  579 

dan-da,  dan-rog  583 

gullga  527 

mas'  585 

dar-k'a-6'e,  dar-rgan  594 

hltam  473 

maupan  578 

dar-sga  260 

inei  337 

INDEX  OF  WORDS 


625 


jarak  404 
kalgan  546 
kaminan  465 

ihlilaj  581 
isbiadari  555 
isfenah  395 

kanari  269 

isfist  209 

kapas  491 
kapor-barus  479  note  I 

jauz  ul-qei  449 

kertas  559 

jiza'  555 

korma  386 

30z  256 

lena  290  note  9 
sulasi  590 
tingkal  503 

julbar  306 
juz-i  buwwa  582 
jaz-i  matil  582 

kafar  585,  591 

Arabic 

kahruba  521 

kamman  383 

abruh  447 

karnab  380 

afs  367 

keblr  590 

akitmakit  583 

kibrlt  575 

amlaj  581 

kirbas  574 

anba  552 

kundur  585 

aqln  590 

kurkum  321 

araq  237,  596 

aruz  581 

lak  478  note  5 

atmat  581 

lak  585 

azadiraxt  581 

lauz,  lewze  405 

lazvard  520 

badrQj  590 

llnej  520 

baladur  582 

luban  jawl  465  note  I 

balllaj  581 

bang  582 

mamirun  546 

banj  582 

mann  343 

beladur  482 

mardakuS  585 

birinj-i  kabill  582 

mastaki  252 

bl§  582 

mas  585 

bitlx  ul-hindl  582 

ml'a  459 

bussad  525 

murdasanj  509 

murr  461 

dar-&nl  583 

muSktiramuslr  585 

dar-filfil  583 

dar  smi  541,  583 

na-ho  tou  307 

dauku  453 

nakhl  386 

dibadz  489,  492 

narjll  585 

duhn  az-zanbaq  332 

nehsel  453 

duhn  ul-amlaj  583 

nil,  Ilia  585 

duhn  ul-sunbul  583 

nllej  370 

nllafar  585 

falanjmusk  589 

nisrln  551 

filfil,  fulful  374  note  3 

fisfisa  209 

pazahr  525 

fistaq,  fustaq  252 

fufal  584 
fulful,  filfil  584 

qanblt  381 
qaqula  584 

qaranful  584 

habb  ul-qilqil  582 

quinna  364 

hal  585 

qitta  301 

halahil  582 

qalani  585 

halilaj  378 

qurtum  327 

hinduba  402 

qust  584 

hinna  336 

qutun  491 

hulba  446 

husyat  iblls  554 

ranej  240  note  7 

ratba  209 

ibarlsam  538 

ratta  551,  583 

rixan  590 
rumman  285 
rutta  582 

sabahla  453 
sadaj  583 
safarjal  584 
saidalani  425 
sakblnaj  366 
sallxa  584 
sandal  552,  584 
saqmuniya  584 
sarak  539 
satil  584 
sax  553 
sef  anariya  453 
suk  551 
sukkar  584 
sunbul  584 

Sabuni  425 
§ah-slnl  552 
§al  584 
saljam  381 
slsian  581 

slnl  547  note  4 

tabaSir  351 
talisfar  584 
tamr  386 
tamr  ul-hindl  582 
tanbfll  582 
terenjobln  345 
tin,  tima  411 
turbund  584 
tat  582 
tatiya  513 

u§nan  582 
jtruj  581 

vaj  583 
wars  315,  316 

xalen  552 

xamaxim  590 

xar-slnl  ("stone  of 
China"),  Arabic  term 
for  Chinese  tootnague, 
555.  The  designation 
"stone"  corresponds  to 
the  t  'ou-§i  ("  tou  stone ' ' 
of  the  Chinese,  which 
denotes  the  zinc  ;and 
brass  of  the  Persians. 

xarnub,  xarrub  424 

xarnub  hindi  422 

xarva  404 

xauk  590 


626 


INDEX  OF  WORDS 


xiyar  Sanbar  422 

Fu-lin 

*gunda  304 

xOlandzan  545 

goi^l  496 

xurs-i  slnl  582 

a-li,  a-li-fa  423 

a-li-ho-t'o  435 

candana  552,  584 

yabruh  447,  585 

a-li-k'u-fa  420,  423 

camara  565 

yasmin  331 

a-p'o-ts'an  429 

clnaka  595 

han-p'o-li-t'a  363 

clnanl  540 

zadvar  544,  584 

hien  436 

clnarajaputra  540 

za'faran  311,  320 

k'un-han  435 

cobaclnl  556 

zait  415 

pa-Ian  408 

zanbaq  332 
zangabll,  zanjabll  545,  583 

ti-Sen,  ti-ni  411 
ts'i-t'i  415 

jatamamsl  584 
jati  582 

zartra  583 

jatuka  361  note  4 

zarwar  583 
zeronbad  544 

Sanskrit 

jayapala  583 
*jaguma  318 

zinjar  510 
zummurud  519 
zurunbad  583 

ak§0ta  248,  254 
afijlra  411 
adhimuktaka  290 

jlra  383 
jlraka  384 

amala  581 

jhabuka  582 

amllka  582 

Hebrew 

aragbadha,    aragvadha 

tanka  503 

alkafta  533 
asls  286 

421 

aru?ka  482 

tarambuja  444 
tavak(tvak)-k§Ira  350 

axa§darfnim  529 

akhota  248,  254 

tambQla  582 

bareket  519 

adraka  583 

tallgapattra  584 

basam  430 

amalaka  378,  551 

tintio!a  582 

bu§  574 

arevata  423 

tinduka  215 

egoz  248,  254,  256 

tila  290 

gafrit  575 

ugragandha  583 

tuttha  513 

karkOm  321 

udambara  411 

tubarlgimba  582 

kopher  337 

turu?ka  458 

man  343 

erantfa  404 

tulasl  590 

mor  461 

els  585 

tuda,  tQla  582 

nataf  459  note  5 

tala  491 

ngrd  428,  455 

kapi  581 

tripuia,  trivrt  584 

rimmOn  285 

karalaka  588 

tvaca  583,  584 

tamar  386 

karcQra  544 

ti'nu  41  1 

karpasa  491,  574 

dantl  583 

xelbenah  363 

karpara  585,  591 

datfima,  dalima  283,  286 

zayi0  415 

kavera  309 

devadaru  583 

kaverl  309 

drak?a  239,  240 

kalinga  445 

Aramaic  (Syriac) 

kunkuma  321 

dhanika,  dhanyaka  284 

kunduru  585 

afursama  429 

kunkuma  309 

nalada  428,  455 

*arigbada  423 

kunci,  kuncika  215 

navasara  505,  506 

asa  460 

kupllu  449 

nagavallika  582 

aspesta  209 

kuberaksl  583 

natamra  445 

astorac  457 

kulafija  545 

narikela  193,  585 

borko  519 

ku?#ia  463,  464,  584 

nimba  582 

filfol  435 

kusumbha  327 

nirvi§a  584 

gauza  256 

kustumburu  298,  299 

nirvi?a  544 

kusbar(ta)  299 

ksatrapa  529 

nlla  370 

mura  461 

nllotpala  585 

narkim  427 

khadira  481 

naigadala  505 

pespesta  209 

kharjura  391 

rflmOnO  285 

*parasl  254.         Compare 

stiraca  457 

gandhamamsl  216 

paraslka,      a      Persian 

tena,  tgnta,  ts'lnta  411 

gandharva  404 

horse;      paraslka-taila, 

xarQba  424 

garjara  452 

naphta;  paraslya-yava- 

xelbanita  363 

gandhan  346  note  3 

nl,  a  remedy  imported 

zaita  415 

guggula  467 

from  Persia. 

palanka  397 
pippala  435 
pippall  374  note  3,  375, 

583 

pltakanda  452 
pdgaphala  584 
prapunatfa  582 

phanijjhaka  585 
badama  407 

bhanga  294 
bhanga  582 
bhadanta  592 
bhallataka  482 

madhu  241 

marakata  518 

marica  374 

mallika  331,  332 

magadha  374  note  6 

majuphala  367 

matula  582 

matulunga  301  note  6,  581 

ma§a  585 

mudga  308 

mendhi  338 

maireya  241 

mleccha-kanda  304 

yavana  452 

rasamala  458 
raj ataru  421 
rubflgaka  404 
ruvuka  404 

latakarafija  583 
lavanga  584 
lak§a  476  note  9 

vak?ana  404 
vaca  583 
vanaharidra  584 
vakucl  484 
vatama  407 
vahlika  320 
vi&mga  582 
vibhltaka  378,  581 
vigalada  346  note  3 
*vige§a  335 
vi?a  582 

vyaghrapuccha  404 
vrlhi  373 

carkara  584 
gaka-vfika  215 
Sfngavera  583 

saraka  583 
sumana  332 
surasl  590 


INDEX  OF  WORDS 

sura  240,  581 
soraka  503 
saindhava  592 
*stunika  457 

haridra  309,  314 
harltakl  378,  581 
halahala  582 
hingu  358,  359,  361 
*hunda  304 


Hindustani 

akrOt,  axrOt  248,  254 
bavacl  484 
belatak,  bhela  482 
darim  283  note  2 
haka5  484 
Hindi-revand  551 
kamxab  539 
kapar  591 
kuSla  448 
khajHr  391 
palak,  palan  397 
tarbud  584 
tarbuza  444 
tol,  tflt  582 
xarbQza  444 
xlra  301 


Old  Iranian,  Ferganian 

*agoz-van  250 
agOza,  angOza  248,  254 
aspo-asti  209 
a§i  301 
bangha  294 
budawa  225 
*buksuk,  buxsux  213 
dipi532 
*goswi  298 
haSanaepata  277 
*koswi  298 
ma5a  241 
maSav  225 
magupati  531 
*pistaka  251 
spaina  515 
tanva  496 
x§a0ra-pavan  529 
xsaflrya  530 
xSaeta  530 
x§aya0iya  530 


Middle  Persian 

*aju  410 
anargll  193 

*anguzad,  *angu,  *angwa 
361 


627 

arkpat  533 
Arttm  437 
aspast,  aspist  209 

batak  225 

*ballu,  "barru,  368 

*balu,  bulu  369 

banbiSn,  banbu§n  531 

blrzai  363 

bod  193 

daplr,  diplr  532 
depak  489 
devan  532 
diplvar  532 

funduk  193 

gandena  304 
go§niz  298 

harbojlna  444 

kahrupai  521 
kaplk  581 
kundur 193 
kundurak  585 
*kurman  (*gurman)  385 
kulkem  321 

*mad2ak,  *maxzak,  *mu- 

zak  368 
magu  531 

*magutan,  magudan  532 
mai  241 

martak,  murtak  509 
maupat  531 
murd  461 

*nargi  427 
naz-bO  590 

pag  307 

palangamuSk  589 
pambak  490 
parnlkan  537 
*pistak  251 

rewas  547 

siparam  192 
*spahba5,  spahpat  533 
spahbeS  533 

*2a0pav  529 

§ah  balut  193,  369 

Sangavlr  545,  583 

*tabix,  *tabi5  493 
tanand  496 
*tapetan  493 
tin  411 
tatiya  513 


628 


INDEX  OF  WORDS 


vadam  406 

bagela  308 

gergeru  306 

ven  249 

bagtar  575 

gOz  248,  254,  256 

badran  301 

gugurd  575 

yasmin  193 

baladur  482 

o     p               \J  i  \J 

gul-Slnl  551 

*yssmlr  331 

balas  495 

gurinj  373 

balila  378,  581 

*xar-burra,    *yar-burra 

balut  368 
ban  249 

hallla  378,  587 
hll-i  buzurg  584 

xarbuzak  444 
*xaryadzambax  423 
*xurman  385 

banak  249 
baqila  307 
barge-tanbol  582 

hil-i  xurde  585 
hindewane  443,  582 
hulbat,  hulya  446 

barna  495 

zlra,  zlra  383 

barzad  364 
battix  indi  443 

isfldruj  555 

bazrud,  berzed  363  note  4 

jabroh  447 

beda  214 

jadvar  544 

Sogdian 

bedanjir  404 
bih,  beh  584 

jazar  453 
jlran  575 

*asarna,  *asna,  *ax§arna 

A    ••£. 

bih-i  hindl  584 
birinj  373,  513,  581 

jaz-i  baya  582 

45o 
bakdib  490  note  6 
*bulan(ralak)  589 

blrzai  363 
bo,  boi  462 
boza  575 

kabl  581 
kafar  585,  591 
kagaS  557 

/305a  462 
Cynstn  568 
Si5im  573 
fra/SOSan  462 
yara  187  note 
kurkumba     321     (see    J. 
Bloch,  La  Formation  de 
la      langue      marathe, 

budenk  198  note  I 
baghunj  299  note  I 
bunduq-i  hindl  583 
barak  503 
ban  575 

£ai,  Sadan  557 
Sandan,  Sandal  552,  584 

kahruba  521 
kahu  402 
kalam  gomri  381 
kalam  pi6  381 
kamxab  539 
karafs  402 
karkam,  kurkum  321 
kasnl,  kisnl36i,365,  575 

P-  97-) 
narak(a)  285 
*nav§a  506 

Sau,  £av  557,  560 
Sank  565 
&ni  547  note  4 

kawanda  301 
kazar  544 
kimxaw  539 

smnu  573 

Sugundur  399 

kirpas  574 

tlm  578 

kisniz  299 

vayvar  556 
waSu,  wy5y§th  531 

dablr,  diblr  532 
dahlm  573 

kQz  248,  254,  256 
kuSla,  ku6ula  448 

x§evan  529 

dana  284 

kunjut  291 

'zrw'  573 

danak  283 

kundurak  252 

dand  583 

kuSnlz  299 

New  Persian 

danga  284 
dar-Sin  541 

kust  584,  464 

abnus  485,  486 
abres"um  537 
alwa  480,  481 
amala,  amlla  551,  581 
amba  552 

darai  502 
darzard  314 
datara  582 
diba  489 
dlba-i-cm  537 
divdar  583 

lazvard  520 
lelekl  425 
Ilia  370 

marjan  525 
masdax  253 

amola  378 

maza  367 

anar  285,  574 

erzen  565 

mei  241 

angur  227 

mexak  584 

anguyan  354 
anguza,  anguzad  361 
anlba,  anlta  461  note  2 

fadaj  528 
fagfarl  &nl  556 
firOza  519 

mor  461 
mabid  531 
mu7,  moy  531 

anjlr  411 

mard  461 

aspanah,  aspanaj  395 

gandana  304 

aspust,  aspist  209 

gatel  el-kelbe  449 

nard,  nard  428,  455 

azaragi  449 

gawdzlla  327 

nargil  193 

gaz,  gazm  348  note  7 

nargis  427 

bada,  badye  225 

gaz-alefi  348 

nauSadir  503,  506 

badam  405,  406 

gaz-khonsar  348 

nax  495 

bay  575 

gazar  453 

neft  506 

INDEX  OF  WORDS 


629 


nil  370 

tatura  582 

Afghan 

nilupar  585 

tinkar  503 

nujud  306 
nusadir  503,  505,  506 

totl  575 
turbid     584.      The     cor- 

badran 301 
hindwana  443 

responding         Tibetan 

intsir  411 

padzahr  525 
palanmisk  589 
pan  582 

form  is   dur-byid;   the 
initial  sonant  is  strik- 
ing:   cf.  the  analogous 

kokurt  575 
Ospana,  osplna  515 
palak  397 

pandu  404 

case  of  ga-bur,  591 

rawa§  547 

panpa  490 

turma,  turub  574 

riska  215 

parniyan  537 

turunj  301  note  6,  581 

spastu  209 

pipal,  pilpil  583 

tatiya  512,  513 

turanj  301 

pilpil  374  note  3 

vrlze  373 

pistan  252 

tawus  575 

wre§am  538 

pudina  198  note  I 

xarbuja,  tarbuja  444 

pulad  575 

ustad  533 

pupal  584 

vaj  583 

Baluci 

qaqulah  193 

vala  495 

ban  249 

ranglak  478  note  5 

wan  249 

bod,  boz  462 

revande-hindi  551 
rewas,     rewand,     rlwand 

we§a  363  note  4 

rava§  547 
trunj  301 

547 
ro§anak  584 

xadan,  xadanj  553 
xak-i  c"ml  556 

tapak  595 
wana  249 

xar-cml  555 

sagrl  575 
sakblna  366 
sakirlat  497 
saman,  suman  332 

xar-i-buzi  343 
xar-i-sutur  343,  345 
xarnub,    xurnQb,    xarrab 

Kurd 

alat  435 

saqalat  497 
sarah  539 
sebr  sugutri  481 
sebr  zerd  481 
sepldrui  555 
sipahba5  533 
sunbul  455 
sunbul-i  hindi  584 
sur  581 

424 
xawalinjan  545 
xawus  301 
xayahe-i  iblls  583 
xiyar  301 
xiyar-5ambar  422 
xo§kenjubin  347 
xullar  306 
xurma  385 
xutu  565 

badem  406 
barru,  berru  369 
Saku  595 
dariben  249 
egvlz  256 
ezir  410 
fystiq  252 
hezlr  410 
kasu-van,  kazu-van  250 
kezvan,  kizvan  250 

gablbl  582 

mstekki  253 

sah  siparam  586 

yasamln,  yasmln  331 

pirinjok  513 

sah-zire  384 

punk  198  note  3 

ganballd  447 

zar-baf  488 

rtwas,  rlbas  547 

Sakar  576,  584 

zarambad  583 

Urum  437 

gamliz  447 

zardak  452,  454 

gankalil  545 

zarumbad  544 

gatranj  576 

zeitun  415 

Armenian 

gawandar  454 

zingar  510 

gelgem  381 

zird-cube  314 

ankuzad,  anguzat  361 

slr-xest  347  note  I 

zumurrud  519 

aprasam,  aprsam  429 

somln,  sumln  397 

aprisum  538 

gora  503 

armav  385  note  4 

gdniz  299 

Pamir  (and  other  Iranian 

asbanax  396 

gugu  565   • 

dialects) 

bambak  490 

bambiSn  531 

tabasir  350  note  5 

btlSO  212 

brinj  373 

tar-angubm  345 

ghaun  496 

bust  525 

tan-basa  496 

kubas  574 

Randan  552 

tanlSan  496 

spin  515 

dabaSir  350  note  5 

tankal,  tangar  503 

vurj,  wux  213 

dipak  489 

tarsa  593 

war§am  538 

dpir  532 

tarxan  593 

wujerk  213 

dzet  415 

630 


INDEX  OF  WORDS 


engoiz  248,  256 
erevant  547 
fesdux,  fstoul  252 
halile  378 
hraman  437 
Hrom,  HrOm  436 
hulba  446  note  5 

Jet  415 
kahnba  522 
kask  369 
kerpas  574 
kndruk  585 
mogpet  531 
movpetan  531 
narges  427 
navt'  506 
Plinj  513 
porag  503 
snrvel  545 
spanax  396 
gahapand  529 
§irixi§d  347  note  I 
2omin  397 
f  arxan  593 
xarpzag  444  note  2 
xiar-§amb  423 
zavhran  312  note  I 
zeit  415 
zemruxt  519 
zomin  397 

Greek 

aloe  481 

balsamon  429,  430 
bistakion  251 
bukeras  447 
byssos574 
daukon,  daukos  453 
diadema  573 
ebenos  486 
harpaks  523 

hyaina,    Chinese    tran- 
scription of,  436 


kasia  542  note  3 

kastanon  369 

kinnamomon  542  note  3 

kusbaras  299 

maragdos  519 

naphtha  506 

nardps  455 

narkissos  427 

narkission  428 

pistakion,  psistakion  251 

rha  548 

rheon  548 

rhoa  285 

rhydia  285  note  2 

satrapes  529 

ser  538 

smapi  380 

smyra  461 

staphylinos  453 

storaks,  styraks  457 

tabasis  350 

tapes  493 

terebinthos,  termmthos 


249 


Russian 


altabds,     derivation    of 

word  492 
arbuz  444 
bumaga  559 
bura  503 

burkun,  burun&k  219 
dorogi  501 
fistaSka  252 
indzaru  411 
izumrud  519 
kiSnets  299 
1'utserna  219 
marzan  525 
medunka  219 
morkov'  451  note  I 
nuSatyr  506 
reven'  548 
Rim  437 


§olk  539 
gpiauter  555 

Spanish 

alazor  312  note  I 
albahaca,  alfabega  587 
alcanfor  591 
algarrpbo  425 
almaciga  252  note  7 
anil  370 
atutia  513 
azafran  312  note  I 
azafranillo  312  note  I 
benjui,  menjui  465  note  I 
borraj  503 
carabe  522 
dauco  453 
droguete  501 
espinaca  396 
mdsticis  252  note  7 
ruibarbo  548 
tafetan  493 
tereniabin  345 

Portuguese 

acafroa  312 
alfabaca  587  note  3 
anil  370 

azafrao  312  note  I 
balsamo,    Chinese    tran- 
scription of,  434 
bango  582 
bazar,  bazoar  528 
benzawi,  benjoim  465  no.  I 
carabe  522 

espinafre,  espinacio  396 
lacre  476 
lampatam  556 
roma,  romeira  285  note  3 
tufao  557 
tutanaga  555 
tutao  557 
tutia  513 


RETURN     EARTH  SCIENCES  LIBRARY 


p-thTri.nces  Bldq.    642-2997 


ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 
Books  needed  for  class  reserve  are  subject  to  immediate  recall 


DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 
FORM  NO.  DD8,  7m,  12/80          BERKELEY,  CA  94720  ^ 


U.C.  BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


